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JOURNAL
Cnnilmim lrr|ttnlngiMl laanririinn.
TOL. XIV. FOURTH SEBIBS.
LONDON:
PARKER AND Co., 6. SOUTHAMPTON STREET,
STRAHD.
1883. ■ I
WKiTxre AW CO., Limns, basdxvia gnxn,
LiirooLir'i urv rai.DS.
CONTENTS.
The Celtic Element in the Lancashire
Dialect (continued)
Extracts from Old Wills .
Cartolarinm Prioratns S. Johannis Evang^
de Brecon (continued) . : - ',
Dolwjddelan Castle ...
Sir William Stanley
Historical MSS. Commission
Biographical Notice of Matthew Holbe^he
Bloxam, F.S.A.
The Celtic Element in the Lancashire Dia-
lect (continued)
The Survey and Presentment of the Manor
of Boath-Kejnsham in Glamorgan
Sepulchral Recumbent Effigy in Bettws y
Coed Church, North Wales
Historical MSS. Commission
Cartularium Prioratus S. Johannis Evang.
de Brecon {contintied) .
The Early History of Hay and its Lordship
Pen Caer Helen ....
Pembroke Castle ....
Cartularium Prioratus S. Johannis Evang.
de Brecon (continued)
Extracts from Old Wills .
PASB
J. Davies
1
• • •
14
B. W. Banks
18
E. L. Barnwell .
49
H. J. F. Vaughan
57
. * •
77
E. L. Barnwell .
84
J. Davies .
89
M. H. Bloxam
. 127
. • •
130
R. W. Banks
. 137
R. W. B.
. 173
E« L. B.
. 192
J. R. Cobb
. 196
R. W . Banks
. 221
« •
. 237
109
IV CONTENTS.
Miscellanea .... 289
Historical MSS. Gominission (continued) . . 242
Statement of Accounts for 1882 . ... 252
On the Sepnlchral Effigj of a Pilgrim in
St. Mary's Chnrch, Haverfordwest M. H. Bloxam 253
Crosses at St. Edren's Ghorch, Pembroke-
shire .J. Romillj AUen 262
Pembroke Castle {continued) . J. B. Cobb 264
Cartulariam Prioratns S. Johannis Evang.
de Brecon (continued) . . B. W. Banks . 274
The French Landing at Fishguard E. Laws 311
Sepulchral Stone in the Churchyard of
Fishguard . I. O. Westwood . 825
Historical MSS. Commission (continued) .... 828
Beport of Annual Meeting at Fishguard . . 333
Statement of AcoountSy and Subscribers to Local Fund 847
Index ........ 349
Illustrations . .... 352
Obituaby Notice: Bev. Prebendary James Davies, M.A.,
Moor Court ....... 169
cobbespondencb ..... 176, 248, 381
Miscellaneous Notices . . . . . . 172
..^^&6>iecu /^«^fe^£ /5%rxa^,^
§irrhae0l0gia Cambri^ujiis.
FOURTH SERIES.— VOL. XIV, NO. LIII.
JANUARY 1883.
THE CELTIC ELEMENT IN THE LANCA-
SHIRE DIALECT.
{Continued fTom p. 264, voL xiii, 4th Series.)
LANC. CELTIC. WELSH OR IRISH.
6rrt^, a cricket ; "Du.krieky a cricket; W.ctyg^tL rough, sharp noise; cri-
h-ekel, id. ciW, a cricket; Sans, krus' (kruk),
to utter a cry
Grike, a rut, a crevice W. a'ig^ a crack
Griskin, part of the loin of a pig Ir. grisgin; Gael, griftgeany roasted
when broiled ; the back bones of or broiled meat; grisy fire; Manx,
a pig broiled on the coals (Ash); greesagh, hot embers ; greesgin^ a
Sw. gris, a little pig; Dan. griis griskin
Groaeh, grutchy a murmur, a grunt ; W. grxDg, a broken, rumbling noise ;
v., to grumble, to give reluctantly gricgdchy murmuring; to murmur;
and sullenly ;Fr..gru(/^, to grudge, Arm. ^raA;a, to make a noise by
to repine; grugeoiVf a grater rasping or grating, to croak; grou-
gousa, " to croo as pigeons" (Cot.,
s. V. Roucouler)
Grounds^ lees, sediment Gael, grunndas ; Ir. gruntaSy dregs ;
grunndas, lees,ref use, from grunndy
ground (Skeat) ; Manx, grunty
ground, bottom ; gruntysy dregs
GrtUMm, grudginsy coarse- ground W. rAucAion, husks, gnrgions; rhuchy
meaL The order is, I think, flour, a film, a husk
seconds, grutchinsy bran
Gryy to be in an ague-fit W. cryny shaking, shivering ; crynuy
to shiver; crydy shaking, an ague;
Arm. kridxeny trembling ; Ir. Gael.
crith, shaking, ague
Gully y a butcher^B knife, a large W, cyllell (j=Eng, u); Com. collell-y
knife used in farmhouses Arm. cyllaUy a Ibiif e ; W. cyllyVy a
. chopper; q/llu, to separate; Lat.
cultellus
Gully gulhy hasty-pudding made of W. gwlyhy liquid, liquid food ; gwly
flour and miUc ; gully gruel for wet; Arm. <70u/ar, insipid, used of
calves (Cumb.) liquid food
4th seb., vol. xiv. I
2 THE CELTIC ELEMENT
LANC. CELTIC. WELSH OR IRISH.
GyiT^ gyre, to purge, to have dia- W. gym, to drive, race, rush vio-
rrhoea; used of animals lently ; Com. girr, diarrhoea; Ir.
GaeL gearrach ; Manx, giarey, the
flux or diarrhoea
Gurd, a fit, an onset, as " a gurd o' W. gyrr (for gyrd ?), an impulse, an
leawghin" (laughter) ; gird, a fit onset, an attack; Hindust. gir, in
or spasm {Craven Gl.) comp., taking, seizing, holding
Hack, to cough faintly and fre- W. hochi, to throw up phlegm, to
quently; hawk^vdi, hawk; Arm. hok, a convulsive
movement of the diaphragm with
noise
Haddle, barren, unfruitful ; A. S. W. hadl, decayed, rotten ; hadlu, to
adl, diseased, corrupt decay; Ir. O. Gael, adkall, corrup-
tion, sin ; adhallach, corrupt, sin-
ful, perverse
HaipB=haipe8, a slattern W. hafr, a slattern
^(0Bt?«r,^i7<T, the quarter from which Arm. ehr, evr (ever), the sky, the
the wind comes ; quarter or part heaven; Ir. Gael. a«r, air, sky; W.
of the heavens. " Th* wind ^s in a aif?yr, air and sky, the firmament ;
good Acpver" Sans, abhra, a cloud, air, ether, sky
Hala, heloe, modest, bashful ; aylo, W. gwyl, gwel, modest, bashful ; ve-
ayla, id. recundus, modest us. (D.)
JTo^ixz^, a youth between man aud Ir.^a«;W.(7M?a«,aman;jpi/M?,small(?)
boy
^a/tpin, an idle fellow, a hunks (N.) W. hysp, kesp, barren, unfruitful,
dry; hyspydd, the state of being
exhausted (hy8pin,one barren, dry,
exhausted); Arm. hesp, hesk, bar-
ren, exhausted, as a cask which
has ceased to give liquor
Hattock, a shock of com consisting Ir. Gael, adag (cUac) ; Com. attack,
of ten sheaves a bundle of sheaves, a shock of
corn ; root, at, to swell ; Hindust.
atal, a rick of com; a heap
Haups, haup (B.), a tall, clumsy per- Ir. ailp, a gross lump; Ir. Gael, alp,
8on a height or eminence; Manx, alp,
high land ; ad j . high, mountainous
Hawter, the Devil. ** The haicter tak W. cether in cethtm, devils, furies of
it",=Deuce take it. (Com.) Hell; cythraul, the Devil or Satan,
a demon
Ileasin, a husk, pilled bark W. hws, hwsan, a covering
Height, hight {OX heit (J.), the call W. chwith, left, the left hand
of a driver to his horse to go to
him; Le., to the left
Hen-money, money given at a mar- Ir. Gael, cen, a feast, a supper; Com.
riage to provide entertainment for coyn ; W. cwynos=ceno8, a supper;
poor persons Lat. coena
Henty, tho opening between two W. hynt, 0. W. hent. Arm. hent, a
riggs of ploughed land. (N.) way, course, path; Lat. sentis
Hexcit, a name for a dog W. huad, a dog
Hig, a passion ; "to be in a girt hig^\ W. ig, an emotion, a sob ; igio, to
to be very an^ry, or in a very pet- sigh, to sob
tish mood
U'ilch, to walk lame (J.), to walk by W. hicio, to snap, to catch suddenly
j'^rks
IN THE LANCASHIRE DIALECT. 3
LANC. CELTIC. WELSH OR IRISH.
HUter, to fester; Da. hitte, heat W. chwydredd^ purulent matter, vo-
mited matter; Arm. choueda^ to
vomit
Hives^ water-blebs (blisters or swell- W. hwff (pi. hyffion), a lump; hwfan,
ings) on the skin. (F.) a rising over
^offj & year-old sheep; Norm. Fr. Ir. Gael. o^, young ;oi^«, youth ;o^an,
hogetz, id. a young person ; W. hogyn^ a strip-
ling, a youth
Hog^ a place for putting potatoes, W. hwg, a comer, a nook
etc , to keep during winter. (P.)
Hocvtssed; liquor is said to be hocus- W. hoced^ deceit, a juggle ; hocedus,
sed when mixed with something cheating, deceitful
injurious
^oi/, a clumsy person. (F.) It means W.hutafiy an oaf; hutyn^ a stupid
one who is naturally stupid and fellow; hult^ a dolt
heavy. Hoit^ a silly fellow. (Whit-
by.)
Hollinj a holly The term, is Celtic; cf. W. celyn; Ir.
Gael, cuilleany cullin; Manx, fiol-
lin, the holly
Honed; a cow is said to be honed W. cwni^ to rise; cvmad, a rising; 0.
whose udder is swollen after calv- W. ctvnety risen ; Arm. koen^vi, to
ing swell out, to be puffed, to become
gross
ffoolj to shiver with cold. It is for W. oer^ cold ; oerlyd, chilly ; oerol^
horly cf. urled^ starved with cold of a cold nature; oerolt, to become
(H.), and horl, to shiver with cold cold
(N., Wr.)
fforrocks, a large, fat woman ; hoi'- W. kicrwg (hiirtig)^ a lump; gibbus,
rocks is for horrockes tuberculum (D.) ; hor^ a rotundity ;
a mutation of co?*, round ; horen^
a fat woman; horyn, an unwieldy
lump; hawru, to spread out; Arm.
horel^ a ball
Horse-gogSf wild plums ; a hybrid W. cocw, a round lump ; coavy^ an
word egg ; cocos, cockles, cogs ; cog, a
mass, a lump ; Arm. kok, the fruit
of the holly; Sans. A;oA-a,the wild
date-tree
Hoopy a measure, one fourth of a W. hob, a measure ; in Glamorgan-
peck (a peck, Salop) shire, a peck
Hownce, to spring, leap, bound: ^^An W. hawnt, eagerness, alacrity, brisk-
I hownc^d eawt o' bed" (P. B., 43) ness; havm, eager, brisk, full of ac-
tivity; havonti^io be eager or active
Huff, pique, displeasure ; v. to take W. wfft, a push off, a slight, scorn ;
offence, to be piqued wfftio, to cry shame, to cry fie I
Hum, to throw anything, as a stone W. hum, a bat, a racket ; human, id.
(P.) ; prim, to beat, as now in
Holdemess
Hufinxsh, to starve with cold and Ir. una, hunger, famine
hanger
Hurkle, to shudder. (Com.) W. hercian, to keep jerking; here, a
jerk forward
J7tM^, to loosen earthy particles from Ir. Gael, uisg, uisge (usge), water, a
minerals by ranning water river; Ir. ut«^t(/A; Gael, uisgich (us-
gic), to water, to inigate
1«
4 THE CELTIC ELEMENT
LANC. CELTIC. WELSH Olt IRISH.
Buzz^ to hum, to make a noise like W. hu»t^ a buzzing noise ; hustings a
bees (C); A.-S. hysian, to hiss whisper, a mutter
Huzzin, a husk W. hwmn^ a covering
Ingle J a fire Ir. Gael, aingfal, fire, flame; W. en-
ggl, fire (P.); ennyn (iorengyn ?),
to kindle, to bum ; s., ignition ;
■ San. agni^ fire
Inklin, a wish, a desire W.aiwr,desire,craving; aviditas.(D.)
Jannockf oaten bread Ir. caineog, O. Gael. (Armstrong),
catneag^ barley and oats
Jar^ a loud noise, a load contention; Ir. garoid^ a loud noise; W. geran^ to
v., to squabble squeal, to cry ; vagire,ejulare (D. ) ;
ger==gar'%^ a cry ; Sans, ghur^ to
utter a loud f^vy
•Terry, to cheat; adj., bad, defective; W. dgrras, bad, evil, mischievous;
jerry-built, badly, slightly built improbus, sceleratus (D.) : d before
a vowel or semi-vowel has often
the sound ofj; cf . Eng.jVrf=dead,
and Gael, d'lnlach (a hero), pron.
jullach. (M' Alpine)
Jiddy, to agree. " They nevQTJiddy W. cydio^ to join together, to be
together.** (N. and M.) joined together, to close; cydiad,
a joining together
Jige^ to' creak as unoiled wheels ; See Gyge
jike, to creak. (N. H.)
Jimp^ spruce, neat, fine W. gmjmp, smart, trim, beautiful
Job, to strike, to peck as a bird, to Ir. Gael, gob, Manx, gob, the bill of
stab a bird; W. gwp, id.; W. cobio, to
strike, to peck
Jonnach, fair-dealing, just, upright ; W. iawn (ion), just, equitable; iawn-
also jannack ; O. N. jafn, even, oc, id. ; Arm. eeun, just
level; Prov. Sw.jamn, level, flat
Jope,jaup, to splash ; jop, id. ( Yorks.) See Job
Jar, to push, to jostle; aleojur W. gyi^, to drive on or at, to rush
forward, to make an onset
Jos, joe, a master, a foreman ; cf . Ir. Gael, dos, a hero, one of superior
Jec£=dead, etc. rank ; prim., a plume, a cockade,
a tuft
Jorum, a large quantity W. gor, high, excessive; gorm, ful-
ness; gormod, excess; Arm. gorrS,
what is higher
Jowl, to peck at, to strike, to push W. gy^, gylfin, the beak of a bird;
with violence Ir. Gael, goill, war, fight
Kabe, to separate the filaments of W. caib, a hoe ; ceihio, to hoe; caff,
flax into lines; the last process of a rake with curved prongs
heckling
"I heckle the flax, I kahe and I reel." {B. and S. of
Lane, p. 5.) It is now called combing ; but a comb is
never called a kahe in Lancashire. The ballad is of the
fifteenth century: the instrument seems to have been
a handle with curved prongs.
IN THE LANCASHIB£ DIALECT. 5
LANC. CELTIC. WELSH OR IRISH.
Kaffle, to entangle, to become en- W. cafcLel^ to enclose, to grasp, to
tangled, to perplex by language hold; Arm. ka/ala, to address in-
sultingly, to abuse
Kait, kecui, a sheep^s louse Ir. caideog, an earthworm
iKamed, cross, ill-natured, awrr
Kam-kam, to walk with the legs See Cam
awry (Hist, Mane.)
KaythuTy keather, a cradle W. coder, Ir. Chiel. cathair, a chair, a
seat
Keawl, to be cowardly (C), to re- W. cilio, to retreat ; Arm. kila, to
treat; keel, to cease, to give over draw back, to retreat
(Cumb.)
Kebble, a sweet-heart, a darling. (^. W. cihU. a favourite, a toast
and S. of Lane. p. 40)
Keejit to bum; a cancerous sore when W. cynneu, to bum, to set on fire ;
burnt with caustic was said to be cynne, ignition
keeried
Kegge, to affront; to frown at T?) W. cueh, a frown; cuehio, to frown
Kdky a blow ; v, to beat aeverely Ir. sgaileog, a blow ; Gael, sgaile,
pron. skelk (kelk), a smart blow ;
O. W. caich, a fight*
Keout, a little barking cur (J.)' W. ci, cu, a dog; htiad, for cufxd, a
dog
Kesh, white weed ; a kind of hem- W. cecys, plants with hollow stalks,
lock ; kex, kecks, the herb hemlock, the hemlock ; cegid, hemlock ; Com.
its hollow stems cegas ; Arm. keg it, hemlock ; Fr.
cigue
Kttlock, kecklock, charlock or wild W. ce</ir, mustard; cedto gtoyl It, Y/Hd
mustard ihustard or charlock ; Sans, katu
(1), pungent (2), mustard; W.
llys, for liych', Gael. /t<t^A,an herb
Kevll, kephyl, a common working- W. eefyl ; Com. kevU^ a horse ; Ir.
horse; used as a term of contempt Gael, eapall, capull, a horse or
mare
JTtft, a small bone in the sheep's foot, W. cih, a cup, shell, husk ; Ir. c%h,
used in the game, ^* Bobber and the shank-bone of a beast ; Ii*.
kibs". The kth is roimd at each Gael, dbai, cibein, a rump
end like a shell
Eibble-haunds, beagles Ir. Gael, cttib, a whelp, a cub; W.
ci, a dog
Kilho-kift^ a trial of strength, which W. cibyn, a half -bushel measure ;
consists in standing in a half- eip, a quick pull or effort; cipio,
bushel and lifting a S'lck of wheat to make a sudden effort
from the ground to the shoulders;
Du. kippen, to pick out, to seize
Kick, to ask for kick is to ask for a Primarily it meant to ask for flesh,
a gift or allowance; v., to ask for which when the chief food was of
a gift, " Theer's Mester A. aw*ll a cereal kind or of herbs, must
kick him for a pint" (J.) (S.)' have been a rarity; W. cica, to
* An obsolete word. Dr. Davies thinks it means armour, but Gwilwyn
Tew (1460) says that its meaning is ymladd, a fight.
* This word is used with the same meaning in Devonshire, ** I'll kick en
ver a pint." (Pulman's Gloss.)
6 THE CELTIC ELEMENT
LANC. CELTIC. WELSH OR IBISH.
hunt for flesh ; cicaif one who
hunts for flesh; cig. Com. Arm.
Jeig; Arm. kik^ flesh ; Arm. kiga^
to seek for flesh ; W. cigcaiy car-
nem mendicans, qusBritans (Dav.) ;
Sans, a^ukta, for kukta, fLeatt
Kickj to take offence N.; see Kegge W.cuch, pron. ktch^A frown, a knit-
ting of the brows; cuchio, to frown
Kid, a fagot of small brushwood; v., W. cedi/s, bundlejs of wood, fagots ;
to bind up in fagots coed, wood; L:. Gael, caid, brush-
wood
Kiddy, a small block of wood used Manx, kit ; a piece of wood made
in the game of bandy-cat (P.). small at both ends to play with;
It is called cat in the South ^. cat, a piece, a fragment; chware
cat, to play cat, denotes the same
game as our Lane, bandy-cat
Kill, a kiln W. cyl, a kiln, a furnace ; dl, a re-
cess
Kim-kam, to walk with a throw of See Cam
the legs athwart one another
Kindle, to bring forth young, used W. cenedlu, to breed, to produce ;
of beasts cenedl, Arm. kenedl, a stock, a
family
Kipple, to lift a weight from the See Kibbo-kifi
ground to the shoulders
Kitle, a smock-frock, a tunic (J.); W. ceitlen, a smock-frock ; from
A. S. cyrtel, palla, a cloak caefh, ceith (Jones); Com. caid, a
servant, a bond-man ; and llen^ a
garment
Klick'hooks, large hooks to catch Ir. Gael, clioc^^^ica, a hook ; to
salmon by daylight catch by a hook ; Manx, cluic^ a
hook, a trick
Knap, a blow; v., to strike Ir. Gael, cnap, a knob, a blow ; y.
to strike, to beat
Krindle, a kernel W. cncn, cron, round ; cronell^ a
small globe or round body
Kyloes, small highland cattle W. cul; Ir. Gael, coo^, small, narrow
Lace, to beat W. llachio, to beat ; llach, a stroke ;
Hindust. lakad, a blow, a cut
Lag, slow, last ; v., to move slowly W. Hag, loose, sluggish ; Com. leu;,
and lazily or feebly id. ; Ir. Gael, l^g, weak, feeble ;
Manx, Ihag, slack, loose, feeble
Lammas,^ to run {Lam,, id. Leeds W. llamu ; Conn, lamme ; Arm.
Gloss.) lamniet, to leap, to bound ; Ir.
Gael, leum, id.; Hindust, lamp, a
bound, a leap
^ An interesting word. It shows that the suffix, — as, was used as a
verbal formative. Cf . Com. goly-as, to watch, W. gtvili-ed; Com. pobas; W.
pobi, to bake ; and Arm. divcall-out, to defend, from diwall, defence. The
Sans. priHh=rparHh, to fall in drops, to bedew, seems to be formed in the
same manner ; Cf. Sans. /tH, to shed, to diffuse; W. ber-u, to drop, to
ooze ; and Arm. ber-a^ to flow, to distil.
IN THE LANCASHIRE DIALECT. 7
I.ANC. CELTIC. WELSH OR IRISH.
Lapy to flog, to beat W. Uaby a stroke, a blow ; llabioy to
slap, to rap or beat ; Manx, lab, 2l
blow, a thump
Lauhy to beat See Lace
L^ajte, leec€y the dividing of the W. lliasy a state of separation, a
thread in a warp ; leece-rody the parting ; lliasUy to be separated
rod that separates the threads ;
A. S. leosan, to go away, to depart
Zjeeniy to furnish the rock of a spin- W. llaujUy full, complete ; Com.
ning wheel with line lanwesy fulness ; Jr. laimie^ fulness,
filling ; Gael, lainey fulness ; Ir.
Gael, lion, to fill, to replenish
2L€fm^«,ripe hazel-nuts, which sepa- See Lammas; Manx, Ihiemmeyj to
rate easily from the husks leap, to spring
I^epy to steep (Fylde) ; Cf. Hindust. W. //t/o, to wet, to overflow ; ZZt/, a
lep, plastering, smearing flood ; Ir. Gael, lo, la, water ; Zta,
id. ; Arm. /tva, to submerge, to
steep
Leenpy alert, active Ir. Grael. ling, to leap, to skip ; Ir.
lingeadh^ leaping, bounding
Lerch,^ to sharp, to trick out of W. ller, sharp, keen-witted; llerfy
(Com.); Prov. Germ., lurre, fraud sharp, subtle
Letter^ a spark in the wick of a can- W. llethrid, a gleam ; llathry glitter-
die, denoting that a letter is com- ing ; llathru, to gleam
ing to the house (Lether. Hold.)
Liew, LeiOy thin, poor, diluted W. lli, a stream ; prim., water; lliant
llif\ Com. lif; Arm. liv, a flood ;
Ir. Gael, lia, a stream ; moisten-
ing, wettinflr
LiU, to jerk, to spring, to step Ir. Gael. luaUteachy restless, vola-
lightly with a dancing movement tive ; full of gestures ; Gael, lua-
i/^6, speed; It. HI teach; Gael. HI-
leachy flexible, pliant ; Ir. luilleachy
a mimic, a buffoon ; Manx, Iheiltys,
activity, briskness
Limby a wild, frolicsome or over- W. llym, sharp, keen, subtle; gen.,
clever person (N. and M.) ; in in a bad sense; llymiriy of a sharp
Cumb. it means a mischievous or keen qudity; llyrnddyriy a
person sharper
Lifiy a pool W. llyn. Com. Hn, a pool, a pond ;
O. Ir. lindy liquamen (ReL Celt.
Nigra, p. 40); Ir. lirm] Gael, linney
a pool
* I think this is a Celtic word. C or chy with a vowel or diphthong, is
a common verbal formative; as Gael, cath, war, a fight ; cathaichy to fight ;
gealy white, gealaichy to whiten, to bleach ; Cf . loinnicky to fret, to com-
plain (East), bommocky to beat. Com. bom, a blow; and Sans, krunchy
to curve, with Ir. Gael, crumy crom ; W. crwmy curved. The Lancashire
form of the verb to whine is whinge. This formation ma^ perhaps be
explained by the Hindustani language. Kama is an infinitive form of
kar. to make (Sans. kri=kar)y and is often used to make a compound
verb; as dam, a breath ; dam-kamay to blow; written commonly in Forbes*
Dict.y dam-k. The Sans, krunch may mean to make curves, and Lane.
whingey to make a whining sound.
8
THE CELTIC ELEMENT
LANC. CELTIC.
Lishj leesh, smart, active, alert; O.
Fr., leste^ active
Lithe^ to thicken broth with oat-
meal
LoavCf to offer, N.; Du. looven^ to
ask money for wares, to rate
Loby a heavy dull fellow; lob-coch,
a large idle voang fellow
Lorry, a brawl
Lotch, to jump like a frog
Louk, a blow, a thump
Lounder^ to lounge about in idleness
(F.)
Lum, that which points or shoots
upwards r J.); ^ a chimney
Lun^e, to plunge, to rush forward
with violence
LungeouSj awkward, rough, apt to
push against heavily or with a
shock
Lurky-dishj the herb penny-royal
Lushy^ rather intoxicated (intoxi-
cating drink, Wr.)
Lutchy loich, to pulsate strongly as
an angry tumour
Lyring, a shallow in the sands in
which the sea remains (P.)
Maakj a maggot ; O. N. madkr ; O.
Sw. madk. id.
Maapy, silly (Com.) ; Du. moppen,
to look surly, to pout
Maikin, the common yellow iris ;
iris pseudacorus ; meaktHy id.
Alanij mother ; Fr. maman
WELSH OR IRISH.
Ir. Gael, luas, swiftness ; lus, pith,
strength, power ; litj activity,
briskness ; W. llaws, active, brisk
W. llithy meal soaked in water; Ir.
lith; Gael, Hi, porridge; O. Ir.
lite, pulmentum (/r. (rl. 94)
W. llofi (f=Eng. tj), to handle, to
reach or offer with the hand, to
bestow; llaw for llaf, the hand
W. lloL a lump; a dull fellow, a
blocknead (Pryse)
Ir. Gael, luir {luri), noise, clamour,
prating ; Manx, loayrt, to talk
See Lutch
W. llach, a blow, a slap ; Hindust.
lag, a stroke
Ir. Gael, lundmre, lundair, a lazy
person, a sluggard ; lundach, lasy,
sauntering, loitering ; Manx, lit-
cher^ an idler
W. Hum, what shoots up or ends in
apoint(Pugh); Z^i/mon, a chimney
Ir. Gael, longadh, throwing, flinging,
moving to and fro ; long, to worry
(from the kind of action) ; Manx,
luiyean, a swing
W. lluch (for Hunch f), a sudden
dart or throw ; Sans. luf\j, to strike
W. llyrcadys, id. (DaviesW. Botan.)
O. Ir. Iu8, ibhe, drink, liquor (O, Ir.
Gl., 101); Ir. Grael. luis, orink;
lusach^ a drinker
W. lluchio, to dart, to throw ; lluch,
a dart or sudden throw, darting,
flinging, a flash of light; O. Ir.
im-luadad, jactabat {Gold. 63)
W. llyr, a water-course, a channel ;
[llyryn, a little water-course]
W. macai, a maggot ; magu, to breed
W. mab; 0. W. map, a son ; mab-
axdd, boyish, childish
Ir. Gael, meacan, a tuberous plant ;
me<ican buidhe, the yellow macan
or carrot ; Gael, meacan, a root, a
bulb, a parsnip ; also a name for
the Iris or common flag (P.)
W.Com. »iaw/ Arm. mamm, mother;
Ir. Gael, mam, id.; Manx, mam,
id. ; Ir. Gael, mam, mama, a breast,
a pap ; Hindust. mam, mother
' It is curious that the same ideal meaning should be given to this
word by Dr. Pugh, and by one who knew nothing of Welsh.
IN THE LANCASHIRE DIALECT.
LANC. CELTIC.
Man, a pile of stones on the top of
a mountain (Com.)
Mank, a prank, a sportire trick
Mant^ to stutter, to stammer
Mapmenty nonsense
Martin, a spayed heifer
Mcufkery, rusty, used of a pan ex-
posed to damp and seldom used
(J.); masker^ to decay (N. H.);
mother, to corrupt, to rot (Ash)
Maundy a hand-basket, still in use;
A. 8. mand'y Fr. mande, marme,
from the Celtic
Maunder, to mutter (C), to wander
in talking, to wander about
Meakin. See Maikin
Meal, a sand-heap, a sand-hill ; 0. N.
tndl, a sandy or stony place ; melr,
id.
Merge, mud, sludge'
Midgerum, the milt or spleen (P.) ;
a mistake, it is the fat on the
intestines of a pig; midgerxm, the
mesentery gland (read /a/), H.*
Miff, displeasure, ill-humour
Miluryn, the green fish, also called
green-bone ; belone vulgarif^
WELSH OR IRISH.
W. maen, a stone, a block of stone ;
Com. Toan, mean ; Arm. maen,
mean, id. ; Sans, mani, a precious
stone
Ir. Gael, mang (mane), deceit, a
trick ; meang, craft, deceit ; Ir.
mon, a trick, a wile; Ir. Gael,
monach, wily
Ir. Gael, mantach, stammering, a
stammerer; Jr.mantaire, id.; Gael.
marmtachd, stuttering ; mantach,
means also toothless, i.e., having
only a gum (mant), and therefore
mumblmg
O. W. map; M. W. mab, a son;
maban, a babe ; mabin, boyish,
youthtul
Gael, mart.ti cow; Ir. mart, a cow *
a beef ; Manx, mart, an ox, a beef
Ir. mosgan; Gael, mosgain, rotten,
decayed, musty ; Ir. Gael, mosach,
dirty; mosrach, mosradh, brutality,
coarse embraces
W. maned, a hand-basket ; man, the
hand (Lat. manus); Ann,mann, a
pannier made of withes
Ir. Gael, mantach, mandach, stam-
mering, stuttering, mandaire, a
lisping person ; prim, mumbling
as one who has lost his teeth; see
Mant
Ir. Gael, meall, a ball, a knob, a
round hillock {Ir. Gl 62); W.
moel, a heap, a conical hill ; Manx
meayl, top of a hill, a heap
Ir. mure, filth, dung; Ir. Gael, muxr,
earth tempered for walls, mortar;
muirin, soft clay, mud ; Ir. muirg-
hxn {murgin) dung, muck
W. Com. mehin, (for mechin from
moch, pigs), fat, lard; W. mehi-
nen^ the leaf of fat; rhim, a border,
an edge
Ir. Gael, miahhan (mifan, mif), ill-
humour, a megrim
W. fnil; Ir. Gael, miol (mila), an
animal ; gwyn ; in comp. vyi/n,
white
' Cf . mergin, the rubbish of old walls used as a compound for mortar
or manure (E. Nail).
' Cf . mudgins, the fat about the intestines of a pig (Leic).
> The bones of this fish are of a green hue, but ^* the sides and belly
are silvery white, the pectoral, ventral and anal fins, white"; Eng, Enc.
s. V. Belono.
10 THE CELTIC ELEMENT
LANC. CELTIC. WELSH OR IRISH.
Mirpy "bright and in a thriving W. mir, fair, comely, bright; Twtrain,
state'* N. (Com.) fair, comely; Ir. Gael, mearf blithe,
joyous
Mitred, rusted (Com.) Probably from Ir. Gael, meirg, rust;
V. to rust ; Manx, tnergey, mei^gid,
rust. For the change to t from a
primitive Ar, see Ascoli Glott, p.
139
Afolart, a mop to clean ovens with W.wioW, a muffler, an apron (Pryse),
(C.) rica, focale, peplum (D.)
Moolf to rumple, to disorder W. mtvl (niool), a heap, a mass, a
concretion
Moonge, the lowing of oxen ; to low, W. mvmgial, to mutter, to murmur ;
to whine. It denotes the feeble mutire, mussitare (D.)
lowing of oxen when hungry (to
grumble in a low tone, Cumb.^;
O. N. moglUf murmurare (Hald.)
Mop, moppet, a term of endearment 0. W. map ; W. mab, a son; mahan,
for an infant ; mopstfj addressed a baby [niapes, a female child]
to a female child^
Morge, morgen (F.), mud, slush ; See Merge
often the mud of roads
Mort, a lot, a great quantity, also a W. mater , mor, great; maxoredh (mo-
salmon when two years old ret) greatness ; Ir. Gael, mcr^
great, large ; Manx, mooary great,
moorad, size, quantity; Ir. moradh,
an increase
^or/, to pulverise N.( Com.); wor/y, W. mwrl, friable, crumbling; ttr
" like powder" (Com.) mvyrl, a loose crumbling soil
ilfo22r/y, damp, warm and heavy; ap- W. mwygl, tepid, warm, sultry;
plied to the weather (N. and M.) mvyyd, Arm. mottei, mouez, moist,
humid
Muffin, a light spongy cake, a kind W. 971^/, soft, smooth, puffed [mefyrif
of tea-cake something soft] ; mwyth, Boft, puf-
fed ; mwythan, any soft tender
substance
Mug, a low word for the mouth, Ir.mut^=m!/^f, a surly countenance;
sometimes the face, " He showed Gael. {8)mmg, a snout, a ludic-
his ugly mug when it warn't rous name for the face; Sans,
wanted" mukha, mouth or face
Muggle, miggle, to skulk away unob- W. mucA,pron. mich, darkness, gloom,
served or by stealth (P.) obscurity; Ir. muich-, Gael, muig,
mist, gloom, darkness ; muigeil,
dark, obscure; (Cf. mvmgial, to
mutter, and Manx, hrebal, to
kick, breh, a kick, for the verbal
form); Hindust. m^gk, a cloud;
fog, mist; Sans, megha, id.
Muggy, close and damp, applied to W. mwyg, mwygl, tepid, warm, snl-
the weather try
3/u//ocAr, refuse, dirt; Sw. mui/,dust W. mwlwch, mwlog, refuse, sweep-
ings, filth; Ir. Gael, moll, dust,
* Mopse, a little mopse, puellula {Promp. Parv.)
IN THE LANCASHIRE DIALECT. 11
LANC. CELTIC. WELSH OR IRISH.
refufle; mollach^ rouf^h; Lr. mua-
lach {mulach) cow-dung
3iun/,to hint by8igii8(Com.); O.N. Lr. Gael, mun, to teach, instruct,
munr, diacrimen, yolaptas, bene- point out, show ; munadh^ teach-
placitnm (Hald.) ins, pointing out
Murgeon, mobish, earth cut up and See Merge
thrown aside in order to get peat
Afurij to crumble, to fall in pieces See Mori
Murthf abundance See Mart
3/tM%, tidy and trim (Com.); Germ. L:. Gael. muSf pleasant, handsome,
schmuckj trim, neat, fine fair ; W. maws, pleasant, agree-
able; murSy nice, prim
Muzzle, to drink excessivelj Arm. meto, drunk ; W. meddw,
drunk ; Jr. miosg, misge; Gael.
misge, drunkenness ; Ir. Gael, mis-
geachy drunken; Manx, mtuhiey,
drunkenness ; mesIUal, drunk ;
Sans, mad, to be drunk
Mychtn, michin, pining, out of hn- W. mic, pique, spite ; micio, to be
mour piqued or offended; much (pron.
mich), darkness, gloom
Nagcu, a greedy, stingy person ; W. nigus, narrow, strait, confined
O. N. hndgr; Sw. ly'ugg, scant, nig-
gardly
Nanile, Nauntle, to toss up the head W. naumu, to uphold
in scorn or affected dignity
Nap, a stroke, a blow See Knap
Nattle, to be busy about trifles ; to W. nadd, wrought ; naddial, to cut,
be curiously wrought but unim- chip, hew; naddion, chippings,
portant ; ** little nattling things", shreds ; naddol, hewing, sculptur-
curious trifles ing
Neckle, to knock (P. B., p. 39) W. cntcell, one that gives a slight
rap, a pecker ; cnic^ a slight rap ;
cnec, a sharp noise, a snap ; cnoc,
a sudden tap; cnocell, a sudden
flip ; cnocellu, to peck
Neet, fiye sheaves of grain set up- W.cnud, {pron, cnid) tor cnit, a gronp
right (F.)
Nix, look out I beware! a school- W.nycka,lo\ lookoutl en, ecce(D.)
boy's cry when the master is in
sight
Nob, g,, the head, v., to strike; nope, Ir, Gael. W. cnap, a boss« knob, but-
a blow ; to give a knock ton, hillock, a round lump ; Ir.
cnap, to strike
Nog, a peg to fix on the handle of Ir. Gael, cnag, a knob, a peg
a scythe
Noggin, a small mug holding about Ir. Gael, noigean, noigin (nogin), a
one-fourth of a pint small mug; connected with cnoc,
a boss
Nooh, Nookin, a comer; O. N. hnocici, Ir. Grael niuc=nuci (c=k), a comer,
a hook a nook
Nor, than 0. W nor, than; Arm. na for nar^
* "tegach iwr vorwyn deckaf' (fairer than the fairest maid) Mob.
i, 4. "mwy nor lall" (greater than another) Mab. 1, 28.
12
THE CELTIC ELEMENT
LANC. CELTIC.
Noichelhf fragments, broken meat
Nub, to give a private signal by a
touch of the hand, elbow or foot
(Com.); O. N. hnappr ; Du. hnop,
a knop, button, bud (but not a
blow)
Nudge, to push against gently, gen.,
as a reminder of something. Mr.
Peacock has Nub in the same
sense. See Nob
Nyfle, a trifle, a small quantity, a
delicacy'
Oandurth, the afternoon ; A. S.
under n. nine a. H. or from nine
to twelve
Ooavl, a finger-poke (P.)
Orled, not thriving (P.) ; (urled,
starved with cold, N. H.)
Orrill, Orrulj wild, frenzied
Oss, to attempt, to dare ; Fr. oser,
to dare
Ouhjes, small green or purplish tubes
formed in the axils of the lower
leaves on the stems ^of potatoes
(Britten O. country word E. D. S.,
p. 49)
Pace eggsy* Easter eggs. They/ are
boiled hard and stained with
various colours, given as presents
WELSH OK IRISH.
W. cnwc, a lump, a bunch, a round
mass; Ir. awe, a round hill, a
parsnip
L:. Gael, cnap, cnab, a boss, a slight
stroke or blow ; to beat
W. nugio, to shake
W. nijfel, a subtle element (Pryse);
fine, delicate, small?
W. anterth, the forenoon. Arm.
anderv (for anderthf), enderv,
between 3 p.m. and sunset ; Ir.
Gael, eadar-thrath* (between time)
noon or dinner-time (O'Reilly).
Noon was primarily 8 P.M., and
dinner time was the same
W. hwf, a hood, a cowl ; with the
suffix of diminution
W. oer, cold, severity ; oerllyd, adj.
cold
W. rhully pron. rhill, hasty, rash ; with
or, changed into or, an intensitive
prefix; Ex. arben, a sovereign,
i>en (ben)=head
W. osi, to offer to do, to attempt ;
agio, to attempt, to dare; Arm.
ouza^ aoza, former, disposer, pre-
parer
Ir. Gael, oa (oc), young ; ogan, a
bough, a branch, a youth ; W. oc-
tid, time of youth, youth; oc, meant
f>rim. a twig, a branch; ocel, a
ittle branch and with the sound
often given in Ireland to o==ou as
in Eng. ounce, we have oucel
W. jxisc, Easter; Lat. pascha ; Gr.
vdlirxii ; Arm. pask, Easter
' In Yorkshire nifle or nyfle means a little round lump ; glandule. It is
the same word as the Lane, nyfle, and both may probaoly be referred to
W. cnwff, a round mass or lump (cnyffel, a little lump).
* The Ir. Gael, eadar is for endar; Lat. inter, Eadar-thrath (pron.
adar-rath for andarratK\ means the middle hour between 12 and 6 p.m.
3 This word, pace, shows that Christianity had been established in
Lancashire when the British race possessed the land. The Easter egg is
probably a relic of paganism. It was an emblem of the Universe. In
the Hindu mythology Brahm& (the Supreme as Creator) sprang from the
mundane egg deposited by Brahm& or Brahman, the supreme, eternal
Spirit. Coloured eggs are used at Easter in the Greek church (Brand's
Pop. Ani.,\, 94-98 ; Hazlitt's ed.)
IN THE LANCASHIRE DIALECT. 13
LANC. CELTIC. WELSH OR IRISH.
Painter J panter^ pantel^ a gin, a snare Lr. Gael, painte (pante), a lace, a
(a rope for fastening a boat, W.);> cord ; paitUeir (panter), paitU^U, a
Fr. pantiire, a large swoop-net, a giUfa snare; Hindnst. jxiti/, a line,
dragging net (Cotgrave) a row
Pctl^y to beat, ^* aw paVt him weeF^ ; W. pawl\ Arm. paul^ a pole, a stake ;
Liat. palus ; G-erm. pfahl W. polio^ to cudgel
Pan, to fit or taUy with, to unite, W. panas^ plaited straw ; panels a
to agree with; Cf. Hindust, pan; thick plaiiing of straw ; panelu^
(Sana.pafia), an agreement, pro- to inrolve, to pliait ; Arm. ^n«r,
xnise, vow, a bet, a stake at play ; a basket made of osiers ; Ir. Gael,
prim., involvement or attachment pannal^ a crew, a band of men
Pctnty a hollow, a receptacle for the W. pant^ a hollow, a valley
drainage of a muck-heap, called
the m%ddm-pan£^
Parkerij a cake made of oatmeal, Ir. hatrghean^ a cake ; 0. Ir. bairgen^
treacle, and caraway seeds panis, placenta (Z* 462 ; Goid, 76);
Grael. hairghean (bargen), a cake
Parr, a small fish, supposed to be W. maran ^m=older p or 5\ a sal-
the young'of salmon' mon (an is only a suffix); Ir. Gael.
hradan=^hardan, id.
Pat, a lump ; a pcU of butter is a Ir. Gael. paU=pati, a lump ; paiteog,
common expression paiteag, a small lump of butter
PeUtUhy to cahn, to appease (Com.) W. paid, quiet, rest ; paidio, 2)eidio,
to cea.se, to be quiet, to grow
calm (Walters) ; Arm, paoueza, to
cease, to repose. For the verbal
suffix, see Lammas
Pauling, a cover for a cart or wagon Ir. Gael, peall, a skin, a covering, a
coarse olanket ; {peallan, a little
skin)
^ The Lancashire panter or pantel is not a net, but a snare or gin made
of hair. Snare meant prim, a cord ; O. N. snara, laqueus; Sw. STiara, a
lace, a cord, a knot; Fr. lacet, a lace, a springe (Cotg.)
* 111 the Lancashire Glossary lately published by the Eng. Dialect
Society, this word is said to mean mud. This is a mistake. The midden-
pant was the hollow into which the drainage of the manure-heap flowed.
"Pan<, a hollow declivity. West" (Hall).
' The parr is really a young salmon (Eng. Enc. s. v. Salmo). This
fact must have been known to the British race, as the word shows. For
the change of /) or 6 to m in Welsh, cf . mab {map)=^bab; mer-u to drop=»
heru (Lane, per, to fall in drops), etc.
(To he continued,)
14
EXTRACTS FROM OLD WILLS.
Carnarvonshire, — "Eobt's Ap mered' Ap Hulkyn lIoyd^...cor-
pusq^ [decayed] collegiat' de Clynnok vawr yn Arvan in
meo^ iVm loc* major* It'm do et lego rep*... colleg' xl solid'.
It'm do et lego rep^ni ecclle cath' Bangor' sex solid' It'm
do et lego rep'ni prol' de llan Dorck xx5. .... frib' p'dicat' de
Bangor^ sex solid'.... It'm do et lego ... junior* de llan vays
iijs. iiijrf. It'm volo q'd Edmu'do lloyd ap Eob't filio meo na'li
et ri'p et suis hered' Ti'e ex corp'e suo p'creand' placea nup*
mea sive mansio vulgarit' vocat' glyn llevon cu' suis jurib'
ei p'tinenc' a loc' vocat' Ross Nennan usq' ad loc' vocat* y bryn-
glas imp'petuum rema.... Et si oontingat mori sine Piti-
mis hered* .... tu'c volo q'd ap Eob't filio meo na'li et Titi'o
et hered' remaneat. Et si contingat' p'fat' Joh'em filiu' meu'
mori sine Titis hered' tu'c ... Willi'mo ap Eob't minori filio
meo na'li et I'i'o et hered' Et si contingat mori sine Tis
hered'.... rectis hered' It'm volo q'd de ceteris aliis terris et
tenementa q'd nup' mea fuerunt in viU* de Dinlle et Elurnion ac
in o'ib' aliis vill' p' tot' comot* de Uchcor in comitat' Caern' ubiq'
jacen' dividu'tur p' eq'les porco'es int' diet' Joh'em ap Eob't
Edmu'du' lloyd ap Eob't et Will'um ap Eob't juniorem Et
si contingat aliq'm discordia' fore . . . tu'c volo q'd dil'c'i filii mei
M'gri Will'mi Glyn arbitrio et laudo de et super premissis dis-
cordiis et controversiis obtemperaverint et suo .... acquiescant."
^ Robert ap Meredith ap Hwlkyn Lloyd was of Glyn Llivon, in
the commot of Uwchgwrfai (Uchcor) and parish of Llandwrog. His
children took the surname of Glyn from their place of residence,
which passed by the marriage of an heiress to Thomas Wynn of
Bodvean or Boduan, created a Baronet in 1742 ; and it is now the
chief seat of his descendant, Spencer Bulkeley Wynn, third Lord
Newborough. John ap Robert, mentioned in the will, became Dean
of Bangor (John Glynn). Edmund Lloyd ap Robert was Sheriff of
Carnarvonshire in 1541, and from him was descended Chief Justice
Glynne, the ancestor of the late Sir. S. R. Glynne, Bart., of Hawar-
den Castle. John Glyn, the Dean, mentions " my brother William",
probably a half-brother by the second wife, a Doctor of Canon
Law, and Archdeacon of Anglesey, who died in 1537. For an ac-
count of the collegiate church of Clynog Vawr, see Arch, Camb,,
1849, and 1877, p. 333. The Priory of Llanfaes was built by
Prince Llewelyn ap lorwerth in memory of his wife, the Princess
Joan, who died in 1237. " Rhos Nennan** should, perhaps, be Rhos
Menai, '^ Eleirniou" is in the parish of Llanaelhaiarn.
EXTKACrS FROM OLD WILLS. 15
Denhighskire. — ^Will dated 13 Sept. 1558, proved 24 April
1559 (7 Chaynay). "Alyce Uoyd alias Alyce lloyd vercb GrufiT
lloyd^ ... to be buryed in the churche of Saincte George or any
xpean buryall ... to the injmster of Saincte Assareha two shil-
linges . . to ye churche of Saincte George vj torchess Item I
will that myne Executor shall cause the bell of the sayd church
to be castyd and made a newe or to bye a chales* to the sayd
church twenty shillinges . . to my ghostly father there twenty
shillinges . . to Sir GrufiT^ vycare of llanbryn mair syx shillinges
eighte pence .... to sir Eye' Flegher syx shillinges eighte pence
and thoys to praye for my soule and all xpean sowles ... to John
Wyn ap John ap Howell twenty markes and a fetherbed wythe
hyt appurtenaunces Item to Margett verch D'd ap Thomas one
kyveriyte two calves and a bostrell and one heyfifare of thre
yeare ould Item to Katheryn verch D'd ap Thomas one kyver-
1yd two calves a bostrell one heyffare of thre yeare ould ... to
Katheryn verch D'd ap Jevn ap Tudyr one kyverlett etc. ... to
Margaret verch Kes ap Ellis too heyfars .... Benett ap D*d ...
William ap Rynall ... Edward ap John ... John ap D'd lloyd ...
Hughe ap Sir Edward . . . Harrye Conwey . . . Margaret Conwey
. . . Lewes verch lev'n . . . my sister Margaret verch Elis . . . Elsa-
beth verch John ap Howell ... Grace Conwaye ... Pirs Hollant
and my daughter Katheryne ... Willyam ap Owen my late hus-
band John Myddleton ... In wytenes hereof Sir John Ellis
clarke parson of saincte George, D'd ap Robarte ap Tudyr, Gruff
ap lev'n ap D'd, Thomas ap John Holant, John ap Meredye,
Benett ap D'd ap Meredych, Willyam ap Rinall, Edward ap
John."
1558-9. • 36 Welles.— John Stockley* of Stefordecleys, Essex.
" To Jone my wif all my landes . . . lienge in the Towne of Lyons
otherwise called the Holte and in Wrixham ... Denbighe during
^ Alice Lloyd, heiress of Kinmel, married Richard ap leuan ap
David, and had an only daughter and heiress, Catherine, who mar-
ried Piers Holland, who represented a younger branch of the Hol-
lands of Berw in Anglesey.
2 The present chalice bears the date of 1677, and was the gift of
a descendant, Thomas Carter, Armiger.
' GriflSth ap David was vicar of Llanbrynmair, 1556-73. The
" mynster" of St. Asaph is the Cathedral.
* In Nordcn's Survey, " Original Documents", cxxxv, we find
under Wrexham, " Joh'es Stokeley, gen.," as owner of two tenements
in the High Street, two gardens, and len parcels of land ; and from
a later entry (p. cccxlv) we learn that one of the houses in High
Street was called "Ty Mawr", and was then in the occupation of
Valentine Tilston. Bandalph Dodde was of Edge.
1 6 EXTRACTS FROM OLD WILLS.
her naturall lif in name and for her Joyncture on condition that
she dischardge my Cosynne Eandulphe Dodde and after her de-
cease ,.. unto John Stockley my sonne" and heirs. Remainder
to testator^s other son, John Stockley, otherwise called John
Hudnett and heirs. Remainder to teistator's sister, Eliz. Edys
and heirs.
Flintshire. — 1558,70, Noodes. " Henrye ap Thomas ap Will'm^
of the par' of Theserth, Flynte ... to be bur' in churchyard ...
to Jankyn Conwey all my goodes, except, etc. To Margett my
Suster my best and dwellinge House which is called Uywerllid
with xvij acres of landes next and comodious ... Jenett my sus-
ter ... Elys my sonne ... my brother Pyrs ... Jankyn Conwey
my brother ... my suster Jone ... per me d'n'm D'd ap lev'n ap
Tuder Curat* de Dissert."
1558, 51, Noodes. — "Nicolas Gruffithe of the city of London
. . . my brother Richard G. 1 will and bequeathe that my baase
daughter Jane shal have yerelie xxs. during suche yeres as I
have in a lease concerninge Attye crosse^ mylnes and other
landes lying in Northopp parrishe ... to my suster Jane tenne
poundes ... to my brother GruflBith Gruffith the some of v markes
... to be paid to my said brother when my brother pennant will
appoincte . , . my trustie and welbeloved brother in la we Henry
Pennant."
1559, 22 Chaynay. — Rees ap Edward AppelP to be buried "in
eccl'la p'och'li de Northoppe . . . lego Jenete filie mee xl/i. ad me-
ritand* cam ....llykv uxori meo ... lego Petro ap Pers filio meo
o'i'a et singula ilia messuagia terra et Tenementa cum p'tinen*
jacentia et situata in vella Whitford game infra com' Flynt que
nup' p*quisivi de Roberto ap John apethell unacu' tenement' ja-
cent' et situata in eadem villa et Comitate que michi prefat'
Rees descenderunt de Jure hereditatorio post decessum Engharad
verch Howell avie mee . . . Thome ap John ap Rees ap Edward
filio et hered' Johannis ap Rees ap Edward . . . Jenkyn ap Rees
fiUo meo ... Hijs testibus petro ap D'd curate meo."*
Montgomeryshire, — 1559, 26 Chaynay. " Cadwallader ap Jevan
^ " Henrico Conway, cognato mei de Des'th", and Jankyn Con-
way, occar as legatees in the will of Peter Conwey, Archdeacon of
St. Asaph, dated 16 Dec. 1631. {Arch. Camh.)
^ Atiscros lies between Flint and Connah's Quay ; was in Roman
times a place of importance, and gave its name to the Hundred.
' Probably of Llwynegryn.
* " Peres ap David my curate" occurs as witness to the will of
Peres Fowler, parson of Northop. Proved 7 May 1548. '* S'r Peers,
my curate." Will of Lowys ap leu'n, 1552-3.
EXTRACTS PROM OLD WILLS. 17
app Maddock^ of the par' of Churche stooke ... to be bur' in the
churche aforesaide ... to Richarde app C. my sonne thre tene-
mentes ... in Mellynton in the countie of Mountgomeiy ... to
Moryce ap K. my sonne one tenement commenly called Tyer
ydicus ... in Castell vrye & Mellynton ... but one parcell of
woode within Gweme ydacus the which I do give to the said
Richarde my sonne ... to John ap C. my sonne ... landes ..•
called Erwe Wahalth ... in the Towne shippe of Gwestyne va-
docke in the countie of Mountgomerye ... And also the landes
... in ... Restyne ... Salopp ... to the said Richarde my sonne
my part of a lease hadde of the Abbotte of Comehere whiche my
father dyd bequeath to me ... Katheryne verch K. my doughter
... Ellen verch K. my doughter .. Jane verch K. my doughter."
Jonett verch David ap Ho'ell Executrix, described as relict in
Probate Act.
MbntgomeryMre and Shropshire. — 1558, 4 Welles. " Richard
Aphowell* of Ednop, Salop, Esquier ... unto Howell my sonne
•
^ " Gad' ap lea'n ap Mad' " occars among the magistrates of
Montgomeryshire for the year 1553-4, and his son, " Ric'as ap Cad-
waladr generosns" as " constabular' pacis Hand* de Montgomery,"
2 and 3 Eliz., 1560-61; and again as " Ric'us ap Cadw'r gen'os", on
the grand JQry list, 5fch and 6th Eh'z. Mellington and Weston Madoc
are townships of Charchstoke in Montgomeryshire; Risfcon another
township, but in Shropshire; "Castell vrye" appears to be Castle
Wright, a township of Mainstone. The Abbot of Cwmhir owned
the grange of Gwemygo in the neighbouring parish of Kerry.
2 Richard Powell of Ednop was Sergeant-at-Arms to Henry VIII,
and in the nineteenth year of that reign obtained a grant of the
chief forestership of Kerry, Llanllwchaiarn, and Tregynon, for life.
In the thirty-fourth of Henry VIII he obtained a grant for twenty-
one years, of the chapel and tithes of Churchstoke, which had be-
longed to the dissolved Priory of Chirbury ; the residue of which
(Gnrstocke) he leaves to his wife Anne, the daughter of David
Yonge of the Moors, near Lydham. Other monastic property he
got hold of included the churches of Hissington and Mainstone, in
the latter of which parishes Ednop is sitoate. In the first of Queen
Mary he obtained a lease, for twenty-one years, of demesne-lands of
the Crown in Dolforwyn, Manavon, and Tregynon, and was for two
snccessive years Sheriff of the county of Montgomery. His son
Hugh acted as his depnty. Richaid Lloyd, his son-in-law, was of
Marington, Sheriff of Montgomeryshire in 1616. John Powell, his
son, also a serjeant-at-arms to Henry VIII, married Elizabeth,
daughter and coheiress of Richard ap Edward ap Howel of Vaenor.
A later Richard Powell of this family was the author of the Pentar-
c/jia, a metrical history of the Five Royal Tribes, which was printed
in this Journal, in the volume for 1879, p. 267. Cf. Montgomeryshire
CoUeetionSy vol. iii, 1870.
4th bbr., vol. XIV. 2
18 CARTULARIUM PRIORATUS
and heire the manour of Lynley Beache and Norton after my
deceace for ever ... to John my sonne ... the hole towneshipp of
Trevenaunt in as large and ample manner as I had the same of
the graunte of Bichard Price. And also ... the tenement ... in
Kerrey ... And also I doo geve my said sonne John and to his
heires the churche or chapell of Hussenton in as large and ample
manner as I had the same of the graunte of Thomas liissill and
John Bell. He finding a curate there ... to Anne my wife my
mansion house or to wneship of Ednopp . . . and the churche or
chapell of Maynstone with thappurtenaunces and the lease
whiche I have in the churche or chapell of Gurstocke ... my vj
children that is to say Bobert Bichard and Thomas my three
sonnes and Mawde Fraunces and Margarete my daughters ... to
Bichard Uoyd my sonne in lawes three sonnes twoo marcs a
pece and to his iiij daughters iiij yonge kyen ... Bichard John
my sonnes sonne . . . Hewe Powell and John Powell my sonnes
... Sir John Thomas, Gierke, my goostlie father.'*
CARTULARIUM PRIORATUS S. JOHANNIS
EVANG. DE BRECON.
(Continued from p, 308, Vol. xiii,)
The parochial right of Mdinog to hdong to the Prior and Con-
vent of St. John of Brecon, on payment of 3s. yearly to the Church
of Gloucester, November 1164.
" Compositio facta inter monachos Glocestrie et monachos Bre-
conie. — Sciant presentes et futuri controversiam et querelam
que erat inter ecclesiam Sancti Petri Gloecestrie et ecclesiam
Sancti Johannis de Brechonia super jure pan*ochiali de Melian-
ach*^ assensu tam Hamelini Abbatis et monachorum Gloecestrie
quam assensu Walteri abbatis et monachorum Sancti Martini de
Bello in hunc modum finitam esse quod eadem parrochia rema-
neat inperpetuum priori et monachis Sancti Johannis de Breco-
nia dum modo pro eadem parrochia reddant Ecclesie Sancti
Petri Gloecestrie tres solidos per annum ad festum Sancti Dio-
^ Melinog, a small and mesne manor on the confines of the parishes
of Hay and Llanififon, running in a narrow slang, nearly north and
south, across (he Wye, where are some fields called Caeau Melinog.
(Jones' Breckuockshire, vol. ii, p. 74.)
S. JOHANNIS EVANG. DE BRECON. 19
nysij apud Gloecestriam et ut hec compositio firms et inconcussa
inperpetuum maneat sub divisione presentis cirographi et sigillo
ecclesie Sancti Petri Gloecestrie confirmata est. Anno Dominice
Incamationis mclxiiij^ festo Sancti Martini tertio Idas Novem-
bria"
Decisioji of Bobert Bishop of Hertford, thai a third part of tithes
of Lordship of Talgarth, viz., of wool, cheese, lambs, and calves, be-
longed to Abbot of Gloucester ; and that tithes of calves and cheese,
of cows in the forest of Brecon, belonged to Convent of Brecon, the
Abbot reserving tithes of venison before Christmas :
" Carta Domini Roberti Herefordensis Episcopi. — Universis
Sancte matris ecclesie filijs Eobertus^ dei gratia Herefordensis
ecclesie minister humilis salutem in eo qui est salus eterna cre-
dentiuHL Notum sit vobis quod cum super decimis de dominio
de Brechenia auctoritate domini pape coram nobis lis mota fuis-
set priori de Brechenia et conventui ab Abbate et monachis Glo-
ecestrie^ tandem de nostra licentia transactione interveniente pax
inter eos formata est et tota controversia que eadem auctoritate
suscitata erat penitus extincta Ita quidem quod fratres de Bre-
chenie de voluntate Abbatis de Bello abbatie Abbatis appellacione
quam fecerant coram nobis renunciata tertiam partem decimarum
de dominio de Talgar que ad eos non spectabant scilicet de lana
caseis agnis vitulis que ex vaccis et ovibus perveniunt Abbati de
Gloecestria penitus resignaverunt. Predictus vero Abbas Gloe-
cestrie similiter decimas vitulorum et caseorum qui ex vaccis de
foresta de Brechenie perveniunt perpetuo possidendas retentis
sibi decimis totius venationis et totius occisionis ante Natale
apud Brecheniam integre predictis fratribus de Brechenie con-
cessit Decime de Lameis^ in transactionem istam non veniunt.
£t nos auctorit-ate domini Pape qua fungimur in hac causa trans-
actionem istam confirmamus. Hujus rei testes sunt Gaufridus
Decanus, Radulphus Archidiaconus, Ivo Thesaurarius Magister
Nichol Wiir de Stoc Canonicus Herefordensis Magister Gile-
bertus de Cricalade, Presbyter de Bodeham, Henricus de Kil-
^ Probably Robert de Melun, consecrated 1163, ob. 1174, judging
from the names of the Dean and Archdeacon, who are witnesses.
' In Milo Earl of Hereford's confirmation of B. New marsh's dona-
tion to the chnrch of Gloncester, he added, as a grant on his part,
" et decimam totias dominici de Breckeynauc et de Talgard et de
Lanmeys (sc't) annone, pecomm, &c., yenationis mellis et angaillam
de Mara et totias occisionis mee." {Cart, Man. 8. Petri QL^ vol. i,
p. 814, Bolls Series.)
' Llanvaes.
2«
20 CARTULARIUM PRIORATUS
p(eck) et Walterus frater ejus, Milo de Michelr, Osbertus clericus
Archidiaconus, et plures alij."
Gilbert, Bishop of Hereford, regulates the attendance at the
services of the chapel of Maund Brian and at the Parish Church
of Bodenham, and at the request of the Prior of Brecon grants-
4 cemeteries in the parish — Maund, Rowhury, Fern, ami Broad-
field:
" De Euberh^ et (v)illa de Fema duabus. Illi autem qui re-
fugium in cimiterio de Bradefeld' habent ad servitium veniaut
vel ad matrem ecclesiam vel ad capellam de Machna* quae satis
propinqua est. Die Sancto Pasche et diebus rogationum et die
Asceusionis, pentecosten. Natalis domini et in ea parte jejunij,
dominica palmarum et tribus proximis diebus ante pascliam et
in omnibus festivitatibus Sancte Marie et in Solemnitate omnium
Sanctorum ad matrem ecclesiam Sancte Marie de Bodeham*
parochiam communiter ad servitium veniant consuetudines vero
similiter quas ipsa mater ecclesia habere solet antiquitus com-
muniter faciant et teneant. Donationes hujusmodi sunt Nicho-
laus de Machna dedit ecclesie Sancte Marie de Bodeham unum
ferdellum^ terre, dimidium apud Machna et dimidium apud
Ruebergh et medietatem omnium rerum quas presidet® apud
Machnam et totam post obitum fratiis sui lioberti clerici vel si
idem Robertus se ad Religionem dederit dedit etiam tertiam
partem portionis sue cum obierit totius substantie quae sibi con-
tigerit praeterea communionem pasture sue et de Machna et de
Euebergh hec ipse Nicholaus affidavit in manu mea coram
Radulpho priore de Brecchonia et parochianis de BodehamJ
Ceteri vero de cimiterio de Machna dederunt de unoquoque
ferdello duas acras. Robertus quidem de Sancto Albino qui
Rueberch tenet in parochia de Bodeham dedit totam decimam
suam de Rueberch et dimidium ibi ferdellum terre cum bosculo
quodam et prato et communionem pasture et unam mansuram.
Henricus vero de Fema® dedit dimidium ferdellum cum mansura
^ Rowbury. ^ Broadfield.
^ Mannd Brian. * Bodenham, dioa Hereford.
' The fourth part of a virgate or yardland, or the fourth part of
an acre. The quantity of a virgate varied, according to the locality,
from twenty to forty acres. See Spel man's Oloss, Arch,
« Possidet ?
^ A reference to this grant, which occurs towards the end of the
series, establishes the fact that these regulations were issued by Gil-
bert Foliot, Bishop of Hereford, 114S-62. The document is appa-
rently incomplete.
* Fern.
8. JOHANNIS EVANG. DE BRECON. 21
et communionem pasture tarn in bosco quam in piano. Illi de
Bradefeld unum ferdellum dederunt cuin quatuor mansuris et
communionem pasture. Quia igitur necessitate cogente hec
quatuor cimiteria feci in parochia ecclesie Sancta Marie de
Bodeham rogatu prioris et fratrum de Brechonia quorum ipsa
ecclesia est concedo et hdc similiter presenti scripto confirm© ut
capelle eorum libere sint et quiete ab omni temporali consue-
tudina"!
Confirmation hy Gilbert Bishop of Hereford of the gift of the
church of Hurriber hy Walter del Mans to the Priory :
" Carta Domini Gilberti Hereford' Episcopi. Gilebertus dei
gratia Herefordensis Episcopus omnibus Sancte matris ecclesie
filijs salutem in domino noverit universitas vestra nos con-
cessisse et confirmasse ecclesiam de Humbre priori et monacliis
Sancti Johannis de Brechonia quam Walterus del Mans et uxor
ejus Agnes coram nobis in perpetuam elemosinam cum omnibus
pertinentijs suis supradictis monachis ecclesie Sancti Johannis
de Brechonia dederunt et ne id quod pie et caritatis intuitu
gestum est tempore precedente alicujus malignitate in irritum
revocetur dictam donationem Sigilli nostri appositione muni-
vimus."
Notification hy GUhert, Bishop of Hereford^ that Soger, Earl of
Hereford had granted to the church of St, John of Brecon the mill
of Burghill vMh the land, etc, belonging to it. Date between
1148 and 1162:
"Carta Domini G(ileberti) Hereford^ Episcopi. Universis
Sancte matris ecclesie filijs G(ilebertus) Herefordensis Episcopus
salutem et benedictionem. Notum sit omnibus presentibus et
futuris Rogerum comitem Herefordie concessisse ecclesie Sancti
Johannis de Brechonia molendinum de Burchull et molendinum
quod superius est cum terris et consuetudinibus omnibus que ad
ilia pertinent ita libere et quiete in perpetuum possidenda quem-
admodum ille in dominio tenuit et antecessores sui et hoc
propter calumpniam deponendam que erat inter monachos de
Brecchonia et Canonicos antea de ecclesia de Burchull et quia
hoc audiyimus et vidimus hoc presenti scripto nostro confir-
mamus et episcopali auctoritate testificamur."
^ In BishopTanner*R note of the Brewster MS., f. 53, the follow-
ing occnra : '* Sciant presentes et posteri quod ego Oilebertns Epis-
copus Hereford' cogente guerra AP^ cimiteria feci in Parochia S. Marie
de Bodeham propter refngiam rogatu Nicholai Prioris et Conventas
Brecon."
22 CARTULARIUM PRIORATUS
Hughy Bishop of Hereford, confirms to the Prior and Convent of
Brecon the right of patronage to the church of Byford, in ac-
cordance with the Charters of Walter de Traveler/ with the Papal
Authority:
" Carta Domini H(ugonis) Hereford' Episcopi. Universis sancte
matris ecclesie filijs presens scriptum inspecturis H(ugo)^
divina miseratione Herefordensis ecclesiae minister eternam in
domino salutem Quoniam justis postulantium desiderijs et pre-
cipue virorum religiosorum qui totam vitam suam in dei laudi-
bus expendunt paterna provisione duximus annuendum dilectis
filijs priori et conventui de Breconie jus patronatus ecclesie de
Buford et ultimam praesentacionem ad dictam ecclesiam nomine
eonmi factam secundum tenorem cartarum dilecti filij Walteri
de Traveler(ia) ejusdem ecclesie patroni quas diligenter inspexi-
mus auctoritate pontificali confirmare curavimus ut igitur hec
nostra confirmatio rata et stabilis in posterum permaneat e£un
presenti scripto et sigilli nostri appositione duximus roborandam.
Hijs testibus Thoma* decano, W.* precentore, Elya* Thesaurario,
A(lbino)* cancellario, Magistris Ricardo et Stephano, Canonicis
Herefordensis ecclesiae, magistro W. de Gersintim, magistro' El'
de Burchull' G. et R Capellanis, Nicholao clerico, et multis
aUjs."
Giles, Bishop of Hereford, on a vacancy continuing beyond the
appointed time, institutes his chaplain to the vicarage of Humher,
subject to the payment of \Qs, yearly to the monks of Brecon,
1200—1216:
"Carta Domini Egidij Hereford' EpiscopL Omnibus sancte
matris ecclesie filijs ad quos presens scriptum pervenerit Egidius
divina permissione Herefordensis ecclesie minister eternam in
domino salutem. Noverit universitas vestra quod cum conti-
gisset vicariam capelle de Humbre ultra tempus in Laterano
diffinitum concilio vacare. Nos ejusdem auctoritate concilij nee
non et privilegijs nobis a domino papa super hoc indultis eandem
vicariam A. capellano contulimus et ipsum in eadem capella
perpetuum vicarium cum omnibus ad cam de jure spectantibus
canonice instituimus salva pensione decem solidorum monachis
^ Hugh de Mapenore, consecrated 1216, ob. 13 April 1219 ; or
Hugh Foliott, consecrated 3 Nov. 1219, ob. Jnly 1234.
3 Thomas de Bosbarj, 1218-31.
» William Foliott.
« Elias de Radnor, 1217; Bishop of Llandaff, 1230.
» Albinus de Cave, 121 5-26.
8. JOHANNIS £VANG. DE BRECON. 23
de Brekenie annuatim de eadem capella persolvenda ut igitur
hec nostra institutio rata permaneat et inconcussa earn present!
scripto et sigilli nostri testimonio confirmavimus. Hijs testibus
magistris Theobaldo Gralf de LudeF Philippo Map Kicardo et
Sad' Capellanis, Simone et Willelmo clericis et multis alijs."
Gtoffny, Bishop of Coventry, confirms to the monks of Brecon the
payment of 305. yearly from the church of Patingham by the Prior
arid Convent of Zanda, to whom the right of presentation had been
transferred by the delegates of Pope Lucius:
"Carta Domini Gaufridi Conventrie EpiscopL^ Gaufridus dei
gratia Conventrie ecclesiae humilis minister omnibus ad quo-
presens scriptum pervenerit salutem in domino noverit universis
tas vestra nos divine pietatis intuitu confirmasse dilectis nostris
monachis de Brechonia pensionem triginta solidorum annuatim
de ecclesia de Patingham per manum prioris et conventus de
Landa ejusdem ecclesie advocatorum percipiendam quam ex
transactione inter eos et canonicos de Landa auctoritate judicum
delegatorum bone memorie Lucij pape facta sicut ex ipsa trans-
actione inspecta fide oculata perpendimus consecuti sunt.
Hijs testibus B. Archidiaconus Salopeb', Magistro Ada decano
Salopeb' magistro Simone de Derbi, magistro Johanne de Newert,
magistro Waltero Malet, Thoma de Beuerlaco, et multis alijs."
JRaiph, Bishop of Hereford, on inspection of Charter of Walter
de Traveley, confirms to convent of Brecon the right of patronage
to the church of Byford, March 1236:
"Carta domini Sadulphi Hereford' Episcopi. Universis sancte
matris ecclesie filijs ad quos presentes littere pervenerint Ra-
dulphus* dei gratia Herefordensis Episcopus salutem in domino.
Noverit universitas uestra nos inspecta carta Walteri de Travele'
facta dilectis in Christo Priori et Conventui Breconie super
jure patronatus ecclesie de Biford eisdem ab eo collato iuspectis
etiam litteris bone memorie domini H(ugoni8) nostri predeces-
soris jus illud dicto priori et conventui confirmantibus tam dictam
collacionem quam confirmacionem ratam et gratam habentes eas
supradictis priori et conventui auctoritate episcopal! sicut ipsas
juste ac canonice adepti sunt confirmamus in cujus rei testi-
monium presens scriptum sigilli nostri munimine duximus ro-
^ Geffrey de Muscliamp, consecrated 21 Jone 1198, ob. 6 Oct
1208.
^ Halph de Majdenstane.
24 CARTULARIUM PRIORATUS
borandum. Actum Anno Domini mcc tricesimo sexto mense
Martis."
Balph, Bishop of ffere/ordy confirms agreem^Tit hetwcen the Abbot
of Lire and tJie Prior of Brecon relative to tithes of Berrington and
Hopton Wafre, March 1236:
" Carta Domini Eadulphi Herefordensis Episcopi. Universis
Sancte matris ecclesie filijs Badulphus dei gratia Herefordensis
episcopus salutem in domino. Noverit universitas vestra nos
composicionem factam inter Abbatem et conventum de Lyra^ et
dilectos nobis in Christo priorem et conventum Breconie super
omnibus decimis dominici de Berinton et decimis molendinorum
ejusdem ville gratam et ratam habere. Dictas quoque decimas
de Beriton^ et decimas dominici de Hopton Wafre* sicut juste
ac canonice adepti sunt et dii ac pacific^ percipere consueverunt
supradictis Priori et Conventui auctoritate episcopali confirm-
amus. In cujus rei testimonium presens scriptum sigilli nostri
munimine diximus roborandum. Actum anno Domini mcc tri-
cesimo sexto mense Martis."
Balph, Bishop of Hereford, confirms to the Pmoi^ of Brecon the
church of BodenJiam, Janxmry 1237;
"Carta Eadulphi Herefordensis Episcopi. Universis Christi
fidelibus ad quos presens scriptum pervenerit Radulphus dei
gratia Herefordensis Episcopus eternam in domino Salutem. Ad
universitatem vestram vohimus pervenire.quod cum dilecti nobis
in Christo Prior et conventus Sancti Johannis de Brechonia
ecclesiam de Bodeham cum peitinentijs suis ab antiquis tempori-
bus possederunt salva debita et competenti vicaria nos eorum
possesionem a prcdecessoribus nostris Episcopis eis concessam
ratam et gratam habentes dictam ecclesiam supradictis Priori et
conventui sicut quiete et pacifice possederunt auctorilate ponti-
ficali confirmamus in cujus rei testimonium presenti scripto
sigillum nostrum duximus apponendum. Actum Anno Domini
mcc tricessimo septimo mense Januarii.'**
^ Lire, a Benedictine Abbey in diocese of Evreux, Normandy.
* Berrington, near Tenbury.
' " Porcio Prions Brecon' in ecclesia Hopton Wafre, decima, 6^. 8c?.,
taxatio, 8(i." Deanery of Burford, archdeaconry of Salop. (2\i.c. Ecc.
P. Nick, 165.)
* In Bishop Tanner's notes, B. MS., f. 55, "Carta ejusdem Ra-
dnlG confirmans dicto prioratai duas partes decimarnro de dominico
ville de Brnneshope, 1237, Sept.," occurs hero.
S. JOHANNIS EVANG. DE BRECON. 25
William Bishop of Hereford settles a controversy between the
monies of Hereford and the monks of Brecon relative to the tithes
of the Lordship of Herbert de Euros in Bodenham, Daie 1195
to 1199:
" Carta Willelmi Herefordensis Episcopi. Universis Sancte
matiis ecclesie filijs ad quos presens scriptum pervenerit,
Willelmus,^ dei gratia Herefordensis ecclesie minister humilis
etemam in domino Salutem. Quoniam lites que transactionis
beneficio finem sortiuntur ad futurorum notitiam in scripturam
rediguntur nniversitati uestre presenti pagina signandum duxi-
mus controversiam que vertebatur inter monachos Herefordie et
monachos de Brechenia super decimis de dominio Herberti de
Euras in Bodebam* assensu de Gloucestrie et Saucti Martini de
Bello Abbatum hoc fine conquie\dsse ita videlicet quod monachi
Herefordie percipient duas partes decimarum bladi totius dominij
prenominati sive predictum dominium a domino vel villano vel
quoUbet cujuscumque sit conditionis possideatur et ideo de cetero
percepturi sunt duas partes decimarum de tredecim acris quas
WiUelmus loch' et Willelmus filius molendinarij tenent et de
tribus buttis et sex acris quas Eadulphus de cimiterio tenet et
de novem acris quas tenet Adam et de tribus acris quas tenet
Hugo filius Agnetis et de novem acris quas Jordanus tenet et de
duabus acris quas Simon filius Eicardi tenet que omnia fuerunt
de dominio et si forte dominus illius dominij villenagium in
dominium converterit^ Monachi Herefordie nil de decimis illis sub
tali pretextu sibi poterunt vindicare Set monachi de Brech-
enia illas decimas totas percipient. Preterea de partibus
nemoris illius dominij que converse sunt vel de cetero conver-
tentur in agi'iculturam a quocumque possideantur monachi
Herefordie medietatem percipient monachi vero de Brechonia
alteram medietatem. Preterea monachi Herefordie percipient
medietatem decimarum feni et de pisis et de fabis de supradicto
dominio et monachi de Brechonia tdteram medietatem et insuper
idem monachi de Brechenia percipient omnes minutas decimas
ad altare pervenientes. Et ut hec conventio rata de cetero
maneat et inconcussa eam fideliter observandam utraque pars in
verbo veritatis in presentia nostra promisit et nos eam sigilli
nostri munimine et sigillorum ecclesiarum utriusque partis ne in
^ William de Vera, consecrated September 1186, ob. December
1199.
^ Now Bodenham Devereux. See Robinson's Mansions and Manors
of Herefordshire,
^ Should convert the tennre by villenage into freehold tenure.
26 CARTULARIUM PRIORATUS
posterum super hoc emergat ambiguitas confirmare curavimus.
Hijs testibus, Willelmo precentore Herefordensi^ magistro
Simone, magistro Nicholao de Hamlun', Canonicis, Magistro
Eoberto Grossi capitis, Magistro Osberto et Willelmo, capellanis,
Milone et Hugone de Bodeham, Willelmo de Kilpe(c)et Nicholao,
capellanis, Helia medico, Willelmo coco, Waltero de Esbeche,
Roberto filio Eicardi, Ricardo decano de Brechenie Bernardo
Nicholao et Willelmo, capellanis, Willelmo de Euras, Aluredo
Bnm, et multis alijs."
Decision of Papal delegates as to the rights of the convent of
St. Outhlac, Hereford^ and the Prior and convent of Brecon^ to
certain tithes in the parish of Humber, Date about 1215:
"Compositio inter Monachos. — Omnibus Sancte matris ecclesie
filijs ad quos presens scriptum pervenerit prior de Acleya Here-
fordensis^ diocesis et subdecanus Herefordensis et R de CliflFord,
canonicus Herefordensis salutem in domino. Noverit univer-
sitas vestra quod cum coram nobis a domino Papa judicibus
delegatis questio diutius verteretur inter dominum Abbatem
Gloecestrie et priorem et conventum Sancti Gutlati* Herefordie
ex una parte et priorem et conventum de Brechenia et decanum
de Himibra ex altera parte super duabus partibus decimacionis
quarundum terrarum in Humbra scilicet unius virgate terre et
dimidium quam Adam tunc decanus tenuit, et unius virgate
terre et dimidium quam tenuit Wrenou Seys, et sex acrarum
quas Eandulphus Pretor tenuit et sex acrarum quas Wil-
lelmus frater pretoris tenuit et sex acrarum quas tenuit
Gimrdus faber, et trium acrarum quas Agnes vidua tenuit quas
1 William Folliott, 1195.
^ Aclej, or Lyre Ode, in the parish of Ocle Pichard. This manor
was given to the Abbey of Lire, in Normandy, by one of the ances-
tors of Robert Chandos, before 1160. It became an alien priory of
Benedictine monks. (Tanner, Not, Man,)
' The possessions of the cbnrch of St. Guthlac are described in
the Domesday Survey. The chapel of St. Cnthbert had prebendaries,
which were transferred to the church of St. Peter, Hereford, temp,
Wilh'am the Conqueror ; and the church of St. Peter, with its re-
venues, was given in 1101 by Hngh de Lacy to the Abbey of St.
Peter, Gloucester. The provost and secular canons were changed
into a prior and Benedictine monks, who were removed into the east
suburb without Bishopsgate, where Robert Betnn, Bishop of Here-
ford, gave them the ground whereon was built the Monastery of
St Peter and St. Paul and St. Guthlao. (Tanner, Notiiia JMonas-
iica.)
S. JOHANNIS EVANG. DE BRECON. 27
omnes dicebant monachi Herefordie esse de dominico de
Humbra et super de duabus partibus minutamm decimarum de
dominico illo et feni et molendini taudem post litis contesta-
cionem et testium admissionem ante quam attestationes publica-
rentur anno septimo generalis interdicti^ Anglie die mercurij
proxima post dominicam qua cantatur quasi modo geniti in
majori ecclesia Herefordensi lis in hunc modum conquievit
videlicet quod prior et monachi Sancti Gutlati Herefordie vel
eonmi firmarij duas partes decimarum de blado totius dominici
de Humbra quod eo tempore sine questione et lite fuit domini-
cum quicumque de dominico illo tenuerint pacifice percipient et
possidebunt Vicarius autem de Humbra qui pro tempore fuerit
omnes alias decimas de omnibus terris prememoratis et de omni-
bus alijs terris illius ville tam prediales quam minutas decimas.
Et ut hec mea concessio et confirmatio rata sit et stabilis in per-
petuum presenti carta sigilli mei impressione roboravi. Hijs
testibus. Domino Johanne de Waldebeof, Eoberto le Wafre,
Domino Bicardo le Brec,* magistro Willelmo de Lanhamelach,
Domino Rogero de BurchuU', Willelmo rectore ecclesie Sancti
Michael, Willelmo de Burchull', Domino de Benni, Eoberto de
Brech', clerico, et multis alijs."
GrarU of Bichard Bryto to the church of St. John, Brecon, of
Gilbert's messuage and land. Date, latter part of twelfth century :
"Carta Bicardi Bruto. — Sciant preseutes et futuri quod ego
Bicardus Bruto dedi et concessi et hac presenti carta confirmavi
deo et ecclesie Sancti Johannis de Brechonia et Monachis ibidem
deo servientibus et servituris messuagium quod fuit Gilberti
cum pertiuentijs suis scilicet, cum una acra que ad illud pertinet
consensu et voluntate Boberti heredis mei in perpetuam et
puram elemosinam pro anima patris mei et matris mee et pro
anima mea et uxoris mee et filiorum et filiarum fratrum et
sororum mearum et antecessorum et successorum meorum
tenendum et habendum libere et quiete ab omni servicio et
exactioue sicut res ecclesie debent vel possunt liberius et quie-
tius teneri et possideri et ut hec mea donatio rata et inconcussa
permaneat eam sigilli mei attestatione roboravi hijs testibus
Waltero de Clifford, Johanne Pichard, Bicardo Decano de
Brechon, Boberto de bask(aville). Willelmo Brutone, Willelmo
Havard, et pluribus alijs."
* The general interdict was in 10 John (1208).
3 Probably Bret.
28 CARTULARIUM PRIORATUS
Agreement hetween Richard of Kinardedey lord of Melinog and
the Prior of Brecon, relative to lands in Melinog claimed by the
Prior as the gift of Soger son of Emma of Melinog, Date
1200-32:
"Compositio facta inter Ricardum Kinardel(ey) et monachos
BrechoDie. — Omnibus Christi fidelibus ad quos presens scriptum
pervenerit Eicardus de Kinardesleya^ dominus de Melenioc
salutem in domino eternam ad vestram volo notitiam pervenire
quod cum lis esset mota inter me ex una parte et I. priorem et
conventum Breconie ex altera super duabus acris de prato et
duabus acris de terra culta et uno homine cum terra sua in
Melenioc que omnia dictus prior petijt ex legato llogeri filii
Emme de Melenioc hoc modo conquievit in capitulo Brecon
videlicet quod ego Eicardus dedi et concessi pro animabus patris
et matris mee et omnium antecessonim meorum in puram et
perpetuam elemosinam dictis monachis duas acras de prato
scilicet acram illam de prato que jacet inter acram Johannis
coci et locum qui vocatur Cocsute et acram illam de prato que
vocatur Keukinocaker quas acras dictus Eogerus tenuit tenendas
et habendas dictis monachis in perpetuum de me et heredibus
meis libelee et quiete ab omni servicio et exactione laicali promisi
et juramento corporaliter prestito coram dicto capitulo quod ego
et heredes mei dictas duas acras dictis monachis warrantizabi-
mus contra omnes homines et feminas sicut dominicum meum
et elemosinam meam dicti autem Prior et monachi remiserunt
mihi et heredibus meis coram dicto capitulo pro bono pacis
totum jus quod dicebant se habere ex legato dicti Eogeri in
duabus acris de terra culta et uno homine cum terra sua in
Melenioc que omnia dictus Eogerus tenuit et quia ratimi et
stabile esse volui" presens id scripto et sigilli mei impressione
confirmavi, hijs testibus G.^ Archidiacono Breconie, Magistro
Hugone de Cluna,^ Eicardo decano Breconie, Johanne Pichard,
Mahello le brec. Ph. persona de KinardeU(eya) Th. persona de
Haya, et multis alijs."
Grant by M, le Bret to the church of St, Mary of Brecon of
12d,, payable from the land of Hvgh de Turberville in Brecon, to
keep up the light of the church for the souls of himself and his
family:
"Carta M. le Brec. — Sciant tam presentes quim fiituri quod
ego M. le Brec* dedi et concessi et hac mea carta confirmavi in
^ Kinnersley, Herefordshire. * Oiraldus the nephew.
3 Archdeacon of St. David's, 1200-30.
^ Probably Mael Bret, who is a witness to the last docnment in
S. JOHANNIS EVANG. DE BRECON. 29
puram et perpetuam elemosinam ecclesie Sancte Marie de Bre-
chonia xud. quos consuevi habere de terra quam Hugo de Tur-
bavilla dedit Samsoni fratri meo in eadem villa de Brechonia ad
sustinendum lumen ecclesie pro anima patris mei et matris mee
et pro anima mea et uxoris mee et pro animabus puerorum et
quia ratum et inconcussum permaneat hac presenti carta et
sigilli mei impressione confirmavi hijs testibus Waltero Traveleye,
Willelmo le Brec, Eadulpho le Brec, Eollando Haket, Willelmo
de Bodeham, et multis alijs."
Ralph Torel gives to the Prior of Brecon lands in the parish of
Brinsop, Herefordshire, This and the two follovnng grants were
probably Tnade at the end of the twelfth or early part of thirteenth
century:
" Carta Eadulphi Torel. — Sciantpresentes et futuri quod egoRa-
dulpbus Torel, miles, assensu et consensu Eadulphi Torel, heredis
mei, dedi et concessi et hac presenti carta mea confirmavi pro
anima patris mei Willelmi Torel et Johanne uxoris mee et pro
animabus omnium antecessorum meorum et successorum deo et
Sancto Johanni et priori de Brechonia et toti conventui ibidem
deo servientibus in puram et perpetuam elemosinam unum mesu-
agium cum omnibus suis pertinentijs quod jacet juxta regalem
viam et extendit in longitudine de la lidesate usque ad semitam
que tendit versus ecclesiam de Bruneh(op) juxta rivulum qui
descendit de Brenchesowre et etiam ilium rivulum concede illis
ut adjaceat predicto mesuagio et extendit se in latitudine a via
regali usque ad gardinum meum de Holmedewe et duos pedes
infra fossatum gardini mei scilicet in summitate fossati tenen-
das et habendas in perpetuum libere et quiete in pratis in
pascuis in vijs in semitis in bosco et piano et in omnibus alijs
locis et in omnibus alijs rebus itaque ego nee uUus heredum
meorum numquam inde aliquid exigamus, vel capiamus concedo
etiam dicto priori et toti conventui quod omnes homines sui
habeant liberos exitus et reditus in sua terra et in omnibus
terris meis sine omni contradictione vel vexatione mei vel
omnium meorum banc elemosinam manuteneudam et ab omni-
bus adquietandam et contra omnes homines et feminas defend-
endam et warrantizandam afiBdavi et juravi pro me et pro
heredibus meis in perpetuum et quia volo quod hec mea donatio
et elemosina sint stabiles et firme banc cartam sigilli mei im-
pressione confirmavi hijs testibus Eoberto Decano de Strettina,^
Eoberto vicario de Burch(ull) Waltero Map Osberto persona
the aeries. The letters c and t bave a close resemblance in manu-
script charters of this period.
^ Stretton, near Hereford.
30 CARTULARIUM PRIORATUS
de Wurmell/ Mauricio Vicario de brineh(op) Henrico de brine-
hope, Eobertx) filio ejus, Waltero munot, Johanne clerico, et
multis alijs."
Ralph Tord gives to the Prior of Brecon a pared of land in
Brinsop on which to build a grain bam :
"Secunda carta Radulphi Torel. — Notum sit omnibus ad quos
presens scriptum pervenerit quod ego Radulphus Torel miles
assensu et consensu Johanne uxoris mee et Radulphi heredis
mei dedi et concessi deo et Sancte Marie et Sancto Johanni et
priori de Brechonia et toti ejusdem loci capitulo pro anima
patris mei Willelmi Torel et pro anima mea pro animabus
omnium antecessorum et successorum meorum unam partiuncu-
1am terre mee in Brunehopia ad unius horree edificationem in
feodo et hereditate et in puram et perpetuam elemosinam in
perpetuum scilicet illam partiunculam terre que jacet juxta
viam regalem apud la lidesate versus austrum ex opposite
pomerij Galfridi de la lidesate que partiuncula terre undique
fossato circundata continebit in se infra fossatum in longitudine
sexaginta pedes et infra fossatum in latitudine quadraginta
pedes hanc vero partiunculam terre predicto priori de Brec-
honia et toti ejusdem loci capitulo ego Radulphus Torel miles
et heredes mei contra omnes homines et feminas caritatis intuitu
varantizabimus et quia volo quod hec mea donatio rata sit et
stabilis hoc scriptum sigilli mei impressione confirmavi, hjjs
testibus Willelmo et Johanne tunc capellanis, de bruneh',
Henrico de buneh*, Matheo de dene, Ricardo marescallo, Waltero
de Strettina, Waltero de Bodeham, Galfrido de la lidesate,
Willelmo filio Radulphi, Waltero Muneotto, Roberto filio Ricardi
de Brunch', et multis alijs."
4
Balph Tord grants a messuage ttrUh its appurtenances in
Brinsop to the Prior:
"Tertia carta Radulphi Torel. — Sciant presentes et futuri
quod ego Radulphus Torel miles assensu et consensu Radulphi
Torel heredis mei dedi et concessi et hac presenti carta mea con-
firmavi pro anima patris mei Willelmi Torel et Johanne uxoris
mee et pro animabus omnium antecessorum meorum et success-
orum deo et Sancto Johanni et priori de Brechonia et toti con-
ventui ibidem deo servientibus in puram et perpetuam ele-
mosinam unum mesuagium et curtillagium cum pertinentijs in
villa mea de Bruneh(op) scilicet iUud mesuagium cum perti-
nentijs quod jacet contra gardinum Galfridi de la lidesate in
* Wormsley.
S. JOHANNIS EVANG. DE BRECON. 31
latitudine et extendit in longitudine usque ad gardinum meum
de holemedewe tenendum et habendum in perpetuum libere et
quiete in pratis, in pascuis, in vijs, in semitis, in bosco et piano
et in omnibus alijs locis et in omnibus alijs rebus itaque ego nee
ullus heredum meorum nuuquam inde aliquid exigamus nee
capiamus et quia volo quod hec mea donatio et elemosina sint
stabiles et finne pro me et heredibus meis hoc legaliter afiBdavi,
et eaa contra omnes homines et feminas warantizabo et acquie-
tabo de omnibus rebus hijs testibus Domino Gilberto Talebot,
Waltero de Wimell', Willelmo priore de pionia,^ Osberto persona
de wimell, Mauricio vicario de bruneh(op) henrico de buneh,
Roberto filio Henrici de buneh, Matheo de dene, Roberto Gunter,
Waltero de munellot, Waltero de Efwelle, et multis alijs."
Ralph, son of Ralph Torel, confirms the grants made by his
father to the Priori/ of Brecon:
"Quarta carta Radulphi ToreL — Sciant presentes et fiituri
quod ego Radulphus Torel filius Radulphi Torel ratam et stabi-
lem habeo et habebo donacionem quam dominus Radulphus
Torel pater mens dedit deo et Sancto Johanni et Priori de
Brechonia et toti conventui ibidem deo servientibus in puram
et perpetuam elemosinam scilicet unum mesuagium cum omni-
bus pertinentijs quod jacet juxta regalem viam et extendit in
longitudine de la lidesate usque ad semitam que tendit versus
ecclesiam juxta rivulum qui descendit de Brenchesowre et ilium
rivulum concede illis ut adjaceat predicto mesuagio et extendit
se in latitudine a via regali usque ad gardinum longum de hole-
medewe et duos pedes infra summitatem fossati illius gardini
omni eodem modo et eadem libertate sicut continetur in carta
domini patris mei quam habent de eo ad majorem ergo securi-
tatem et confirmationem hujus rei banc cartam sigilli mei
impressione confirmavi. Istam elemosinam ex parte mea manu-
tenendam et ab omnibus adquietandam et contra omnes homines
et feminas defendendam et warantizandam affidavi fideliter
juravi hijs testibus Roberto decano de Stretton, Roberto vicario
de Burch(ull) Mauricio vicario de Brunch, Waltero Map Osberto
persona terre ejus. Henrico de Bruneh(op), Roberto filio ejus,
Waltero Muneott Johanne clerico et multis aUjs."
Ralph Torell the son confirms his father's third grant to the
Priory:
"Quinta Carta Radulphi ToreL — Sciant presentes et futuri
quod ego Radulphus filius Radulphi ratam et stabilem habeo et
* Wormeley or Wormealy, olim Pjonia, a priory of Black Canons
of the order of St. Victor, founded by Gilbert Talbot, temp. K. John
or beginning of Henry III. (Tanner, Not, Mon.)
32 CARTULARIUM PRIORATUS
habebo donationem quam dominus Eadiilphus Torel pater ineus
dedit deo et Sancto Johanni et priori de Brechonia et toti con-
ventui ibidem deo servientibus in puram et perpetuam elemosi-
nam scilicet unum mesuagiiim et unum curtillagium cum
pertinentijs que jacent in latitudine contra gardinum Galfridi
de la lidesate, et tendunt in longitudine usque ad gardinum de
holemedewe omni eodem modo et eadem libertate sicut contine-
tur in carta nomini patris mei quam habebant de eo ad majorem
ergo securitatem et confirmationem hujus rei banc cartam sigilli
mei impressione confirmavi hijs testibus domino Gilberto Tale-
bot,^ Waltero de Wrmell', Willelrao priore de Pionia, Osberto
persona de Wrmell*, Mauricio vicario de Burch(ull) Roberto filio
Henrici de Bnineh(op) et multis alijs."
Richard Hagurnell gives to the church of St. John of Brecon the
yearly sum of 12rf., payable by William Frest, and also a
bushel of com at Michaelmas, to be delivered at BodenJiam :
"Carta Ricardi HagurneL — Omnibus Sancte Matris ecclesie
filijs ad quos presens scriptum Ricardi Haganerl^ noverit univer-
sitas vestra me assensu Emme uxoris mee et heredum meorum
dedisse et concessisse pro animabus patris mei et matris mee et
omnium antecessorum et successorum meorum ecclesie Sancti
Johannis de Brechonia et monachis ibidem deo servientibus in
perpetuam elemosinam duodecim denarios singulis annis persol-
vendos ad festum Sancte Marie in Quadragesima quos denarios
Willelmus Prest et heredes sui predictis monachis persolvere
debent . et unam summam frumenti ad festum Sancti Michaelis
quam ego Ricardus Hagernel et heredes mei apud Bodeham ad-
duci faciemus . hijs testibus Willelmo de Wolbeth tunc de Brec-
chonia constabulario, Roberto de Burchhull, Johanne Bachim-
tune, Simone de Brochleri, Ricardo decano, Bernardo capellano,
Nicholao capellano, Willelmo Prest, et Osberno filio ejus, Thoma
preposito, Roberto Hacher, Willelmo coco, Hugone et Milone
de Bodeham, et multis alijs."
William de Mara gives the Prior liberty to build upon his land
of Little Hereford the Fool of Berrington Mill, on yearly render of
three pounds of wax to him for his life, and of two pounds to his
heirs,
" Carta Willelmi de Mara. — Sciant presentes et futuri quod
ego Willelmus de Mara dedi et concessi et hac presenti cai-ta
^ Gilbert Talbot, temp, Henry II.
' Probably a relation of Gilbert Hagarncll, miles, the person
whom Giraldas mentions in Itiner, Kambrie, lib. i, chapter 2.
S. JOHANNIS EVANG. DE BRECON. 33
mea confirmavi consensu heredis mei Deo et ecclesie Sancti Jo-
hannis de Brechonia et monachis ibidem deo servientibus et ser-
viluris plenam licenciam et liberam potestatem lirmandi gurgi-
tem molendini sui de Beritona^ ad terram meam de parva Here-
fordia et pro hac donatione et concessione mea reddent mihi
predicti monachi annuatim quoad vixero tres librae cere in vigi-
lia purificationis Sancte Marie apud parvam Herefordiam et post
obitum meum reddent heredibus meis annuatim tantummodo
duas libras cere ad prefatum terminum et in predict© loco et ut
hec mea donatio et concessio firma sit et stabilis illam sicrillo
meo roboravi : hijs testibus Johanne de Sancto Albino, Roberto
de Bocbmone, Johanne Ward, Johanne de Sturmie, Magistro
Ada de Bromfeld, Nicholao clerico, Thoma de Huppel*, Thoma
de Hope, et multis alijs."
GrwnJt of Walter de Mans^ and his wife Agnes to the Priory of
the Church of ffumber, temp. Hen, I :
" Carta Waited de Mans, — Notum sit tam presentibus quam
futuris quod ego Walterus de Mans et uxor mea Agnes dedimus
et concessimus pro salute anime nostre et antecessorum et suc-
cessorum et omnium parentum nostrorum in puram et perpe-
tuam elemosinam ecclesiam de Humbra cum omnibus pertinen-
tijs suis In decimis, in terris, in oblationibus et ceteris omnibus
obventionibus ecclesie Sancti Johannis de Brechonia et mona-
chis ibidem Deo servientibus libere et quiete in perpetuum tenen-
dam, et huic donationi ad pei-petuam firmitatem ego Walterus
sigillum meum apposui"
Walter d*Evretix, the younger, grants to the Priory twelve aans
of land at tJie request of his lord, William de Braose the younger.
Date 1222,30:
" Carta Walteri de Ebroicis^. — Scian t omnes tam presentes quam
futuri quod ego Walterus de Ebroicis juvenis dedi et concessi et
hac presenti carta mea confinnavi Deo et Sancto Johanni de
Brechonia et monachis Deo ibidem servientibus duodecim
acras terre in dominio meo que jacent juxta fossatum leye in
perpetuam elemosinam pro anima mea patris mei et matris mee
et omnium antecessonim meorum et pro anima mea et uxoris
mee et puerorum meorum et pro requesta et amore Willelmi de
Breusa juvenis domini mei teuendas libere et quiete in perpetuam
elemosinam ab omni servitio et absque omnibus querelis et
^ Berrington.
* See the confirmation by Gilbert Bishop of HerpforH.
' Ebroicis (d'Evrenx).
4th 8cr.» vol. ziv. 3
34 CARTULARIUM PRT0RATU8
consuetudinibus et ab omni exactione quod quia ratum et incon-
vulsum manere volo present! scripto et sigilli mei attestatione con-
firmavi hijs testibusWillelmo deBreusa Juvene,Rogero deBasker-
ville,Philippo de Breusa,Milone de Muchegross, Johanne Pichard,
Willelmo de Waldeboef, Eicardo de Hagumer, Milone Pichard,
Willebuo de BurchuU, Germo Burnel, Roberto de furchis, Rogero
de Lagetera et multis alijs."
John de Puher^ gives to the Priory twenty gallons of mne yearly
for the souls of himself and his family. Date 1200 to 1230.
"Carti Johannis de Puher. — Sciant presentes et futuri quod
ego Johannes le Puher dedi et concessi Sancto Johanni evange-
liste' de Brechonia et ejusdem loci conventui viginti galones
vini annuatim in puram et perpetuam elemosinam pro me et
pro uxore mea et pro anima patris mei et antecessorum meorum
persolvendos de me et de heredibus meis quoque anno in die
Sancti Johannis evangeliste vel infra duodecim dies Natalis
domini apud (S'aueleh)^ et ne in posterum irritum habeatur
illud sigilli mei impressione confirmavi, hijs testibus Waltero de
Puher et Samsone fratre ejus, Ricardo Walensi, Job persona
de (S'aueleh), Johanne de Curieule, Thoma Capellano, et multis
alijs."
Walter de Travel ey gives to the Priory his mill in the Vill of
St. Michael and twelve acres in his land of Traveley nearer to the
monks' land. Date towards the end of 12th century:
"Carta Walteri de Traveleya. — Sciant presentes et futuri quod
ego Waltenis de Traveleya pro salute anime mee et uxoris mee
et patris mei et matris mee et omnium antecessorum et success-
orum meorum dedi et concessi ecclesie Sancti Johannis de
Brechonia et monachis ibidem Deo servientibus in perpetuam
elemosinam nieum molendinum quod est in villa de Sancto
Michaele^ cum omni moltura et duodecim acras in terra mea de
Traveleya propinquiori terre ipsorum monachorum ut autem hec
mea donatio rata permaneat et inconcussa ])resentis scripti attes-
tatione et sigilli mei impressione eam corroboravimus hijs testibus
1 The Carte MS. hafi "Pichard", the Brewster MS. "Puher",
who elsewhere appears as Lord of Benui.
' The Dame is abbreviated iu an attempted facsimile; bat in sach
a manner as to make it nnintelligible. It seems to be the chapel of
St. Alivedh, near Slwch, referred to by Giraldus in his Itinerary,
p. 32. In the MS. the letters may be St. Aveleh, see note, post, 37.
' St. Michael, Ystradwy, now Llanvibangel Cwmdo.
S. JOHANNIS EVANG. DE BRECON. 35
Domino Willelmo de Breusa, et domina Matilda Tixore ejus,
Willelmo, Phillippo, Waltero, Ef(idio, filijs eorum, Johanne
Pichard, Willelmo de Burchull, Willelmo de Weldeboef, tunc
constabulario, Ricardo decano, Bernardo capellano, Radulpho
Torel, Willelmo de Brinshope, Galfrido coco, Thoma Preposito,
Ricardo diacono, David filio Linordi et raultis alijs."
Walter de Traveley gives to St. John and the monks of Brecon
his mill in the vill of St. Michael ; on his reception into their fra-
ternity, the Prior gives him a silver marc :
" Carta Walter! de Traveley. — Sciant presentes et futuri quod
ego Walterus de Traveley dedissem Deo et beato Johanni et
monachis de Brechonia molendinum meum situm in villa
Sancti Michaelis sicut carta dictorum monachorum eis a me
super hoc facto testatur tandem J. prior de Brechonia mihi
quern in fratrem suum recepit unam marcam argenti tanquam
fratri suo ad vitam meam tantum concessit ne igitur hec
Veritas post obitum meum lateat et ne aliquis meorum pro hac
temporali ac personali dicte marce concessione mihi tantum
facta coram testibus ad hoc vocatis priorem et monachos de
Brechonia vexare presumat presenti scripto sigillum meum
duxi apponendum."
Walter de Traveley, the son, confirms his father's grant of the
church of Byford, the mill in St. Michael, arid twelve acres in the
land of Traveley:
" Carta Walteri de Traveley. — Sciant presentes et futuri quod
ego Walterus de Traveley concessi et hac presenti carta confir-
mavi Deo et ecclesie Sancti Johannis de Brechonia et monachis
ibidem Deo servientibus pro salute anime mee et omnium ante-
cessorum et successorum meorum ecclesiam de Biford cum
omnibus pertinentijs suis et molendinum in villa de Sancto
Michaele cum omni multura et duodecim acras in terra de
Traveley propinquiori terre ipsorum monachorum que omnia
Walterus de Traveley pater mens divine pietatis intuitu eis
dedit sicut carte eorum quas de ipso habent testantur hec autem
prenominata et omnia dona dicti patris mei dictis monachis
concedo tenenda et habenda igitur sibi plene, pacifice, libere et
quiets in puram et perpetuam elemosinam et sicut res ecclesias-
tice melius et liberius teneri et haberi possunt et quia volo quod
hec mea concessio et confirmatio rata sit et in perpetuum stabilis
permaneat presentem cartam sigilli mei impressione roboravi
3«
36 CARTULAKIUM PRIORATUS
hijs testibus Domino meo R de Breosa,^ Pagano de Burchuir
Eicardo de Brecon, David de Burchuir, Kenegano capellano
de Piperton, Hugone capellano de Brechonia, Phillipo de Brecon,
Willelmo de Burchuir, tunc constabulario de Brechonia, Willelrao
de Traveley, fratre meo, Eadulpho janitore, Nichol de Pipton,* et
multis alijs."
William de Burghilly rector of the church of St. Michael, is the
farmer of certain titlies of the lordship of Scetlirog for his life^
paying certain yearly sums therefor to the Prior of Brecon,
1215, 1222:
"Universis Christ i fidelibus ad quos presens scriptum per-
venerit Willelmus de Burchuir, rector ecclesie de Sancto Michaele,
juxta villaui monachorum salutem in Domino Noverit uuiversitaa
vestra me recepisse ad firmam duas partes decime feni dominici
dominorum de Skadix)c* ad vitam meam de priore et conventu
Breconie per octodecim denarios eis solvendos singulis annis ad
proximum Capitulum post festum Sancti Michaelis ita quod nee
ego nee successores raei aliquid juris aliquo tempore in dictis
decimis vindicabimus et si forsitan aliquo tempore in aliquo
termino cessaverim a solutione dictorum octodecim denariorum
liceat priori et conventui auctoritate propria ingredi possessionem
dictarum decimarum sine aliqua contradictione vel appellatione
a me faciendis et quod recepi etiam a dictis priore et conventu
duas partes decime bladi crescentis in pomerio de Skadroc et
duas partes omnium fructuum crescentium in eodem pomerio ad
firmam pro xii denarijs eis solvendis singulis annis in predict©
termino et sub pena predicta in hujus rei testimonium presenti
scripto sigillum meum apposui. Hijs testibus Magistro W. de . . .
capellano, Roberto fratre suo, Magistro Thoma Breconie, et
Johanne vicario de Tallegard, Roberto de Breconia clerico, Hen-
rico de Lando* clerico, et multis alijs."
W. de Burghill recognises the right of tlie Prior to the tithes of
Scethrog last mentioned, hefoi^e officials :
"Universis Christi fidelibus presentes litteras inspecturis L.
de Lameys^ et Ythenardus oflficiales f5rechonie et G. decanus
ejusdem loci eternam in domino salutem Noverit universitas
vestra quod cum controversia mot a esset inter priorem et mona-
chos Brechonie ex una parte et Willelmum de BurchuU rectorem
^ The name of Reginald de Braose as lord gives a date from 12 lo
to 1222 for this graot.
2 Now Pipton.
^ Scethrog. * Llauddew. ^ Llanfaes.
S. JOHANNIS EVANG. DE BUEOOX. 37
ecclesie Sancti Michaelis ex altem super duabus partibus
decime feni dominici dominorum de Skathrok et duabus partibus
decime garbarum bladi crescentis in pomerio de Skathrok
tandem partibus in presentia nostra constitutis publice recogno-
vit dictus Willelmus jus et possessionem dictorum prioris et
monachorum in dictis decimis et etiam in decimis fructus
pomerij ejusdem loci, ita quod nichil juris sibi neque ecclesie
su« vindicabit in posterum in predictis decimis in bujus autem
rei testimonium litteras illas sigillorum nostrorum una cum
sigilli predicti W. impressione corroboravimus/'
Isabella, daughter of G liberty aiid luidow of Laurence, grants to
St. Johji of Brecon thirty acres of land near the highway from
Brecon to Troscoit Date, early part of thirteenth century :
"Carta Ysabelle filie Gileberti. — Sciant presentes et futuri
quod ego Ysabella filia Gileberti que fui uxor Laurencij dedi et
concessi et hac presenti carta conlinnavi Deo et Sancto Johanni
de Erechonia et monachis ibidem Deo servientibus in puram et
liberam et perpetuam elemosinam triginta acras terre quarum
sexdecim jacent in uno tenente subtus raagnam viam que dirigi-
tur a Brechonia versus Troscoit,^ hijs limitibus videlicet ex parte
australi a dicta via decesum juxta terram Episcopi usque ad
Holegewelle,^ et inde juxta rivulum qui vocatur liur usque ad
locum qui vocatur Bromhul, inde secesum juxta locum qui
vocatur Gilebardesmore usque ad dictam magnam viam quatuor-
deeim vero jacent in uno tenente supra dictam viam continue
Ita quod ultima earum jacet ultra acram que vocatur boreseker,'
et pratum unum quod vocatur Burimedowe, ut autem hec mea
donacio stabilis et illesa permaneat, presenti scripto sigillum
meum duxi apponendum, hijs testibus Eicardo de Brecon,
Pagano de Burchuir, Johanne de Weldeboef, David de Burchull',
w2lelmo de Burchull, tunc constabulario de Brechonia, Hugone
de Cluna Menevensi archidiacono, Magistro Willelmo de Capella,
Magistro Matheo de Brechonia, Magistro Thoma Bretun, Eoberto
de Baskeruille, Eicardo Truevill, Johanne trus, Eadulpho pre-
centore, Waltero Havard, Eoberto de Lambill,* Nichola Balis-
tario, et multis alijs."
Margaret, daughter of Seer le ffaganer, ivith tJie consent of David
her husband, gives to the church of St. John, Brecon, thirty-six
acres of land, describing them. Date about 1220 (see Herbert Fitz
Peter* s confirmation, ante) :
"Carta Margarete filiae Seeri le Haganer. — Sciant presentes
^ Trawscoed, probablj by the road leading through Llanddew.
* Holywell. * Boar's acre. * Llanvillo.
38 CARTULARIUM PRIORATUS
et futuri quod ego Margareta filia Seen le Haganer consensu
Davidis mariti mei dedi et concessi et present! carta uiea con-
firmavi Deo et ecclesie Sancti Johannis de Brechonia et monachis
ibidem Deo servientibus et servituris in puram et perpetuam
elemosinam pro salute anime mee et pro animabus antecessorum
et successorum meorum, de libero feodo meo xxx et vi acras
terre culte per has divisas, scilicet viii acras in leviotreffeld et
ij acras ultra le ruediche^ juxta iij acras quas soror mea Ma-
tilda dederat Deo et predicte ecclesie pro anima Willebni filii
sui et heredis et i acram quam Robertus Trumpe assartavit,^ et
iiij acras super OsberneshuU et xi acras ultra viam inter
Maghtildeslede* et Berigrave et iiij acras -ultra Maghtildeslede
juxta assarta Simonis et vi acras in moreslonde, propterea
dimidium longum pratum et totam partem meam de lato prato
et totum pratum quod vocatur horspol* habenda et tenenda libere
et quiete ab omni servitio et ab omni taillagio et auxilio et ab
omni exactione et ego et heredes mei warantizabimus predictis
monacbis totam predictam terram contra omnes homines et
omnes feminas et faciemus servicium capitalis domini quod ad
tantam terram pertinet et ut hec donatio mea et concessio firma
sit et stabilis earn sigilli mei appositione roboravi hijs testibus
Domino Geraldo archidiacono de Brechonia, magistro Hugone
tunc official! decani Menevensis, Magistro W. de Lanham(lach),
Ricardo Decano de Brechonia, Magistro Matheo, Magistro
Thoma medico, Roberto de LambU', constabulario de Brechonia,
Willelmo Havard, Radulpho Janitore, liogero Diacono, Johanne
Pulano, et multis alijs."
Margaret, daiighter of Seer Hagnrnd, give^ to the Chnrck of
St. John, Brecon, for tJie support of the poor, certain lands, describ-
ing thetn :
" Carta Margarete filie Seeri Hagurnel. — Sciant presentes et
futuri quod ego Margareta filia Seen Hagumel pro salute anime
mee et pro animabus antecessorum et successorum meorum dedi
et concessi domino et ecclesie Sancti Johannis de Bi-econia in
puram et perpetuam elemosinam ad sustentationem pauperum
duas acras terre ad Radwieswell et tertiam partem assartatio-
nis Symonis et ut hec donatio et concessio mea rata sit et stabi-
lis earn sigilli mei appositione roboravi. Hijs testibus Ricardo
Decano Breconie, Rogero capellano, Willelmo Havard, Willelmo
^ " Ruediche" is probably the same as " rDge",or"roge", "dicbe",
and meaDB the ridge formed by the excavation of the ditch or the
dyke.
^ Brought into cultivation. ^ Matilda*s land. * Horsepool.
S. JOHANNIS EVANG. DE BRECON. 39
portario Galfrido coco, Kogero Daniel, Philippo Waring, Osberto
Prest, JohaDiie Pulaiu, ac multis alijs."
Grant of Emma of Mdinog :
" Carta Emme Melenioc. — Omnibus Sancte matris ecclesie
filijs ad quos presens scriptum pervenerit Einma de Meleniauc
fcSaliitem. Universitati vestre notuni facio me divini amoris in-
tuitu et pro anima mea et antecessorum meorum dedisse et con-
cessisse et hac presenti carta mea confirmasse in puram et per-
petuam" {htiperfect)^
"LITERE PROCURATORIS GENERALIS."
(Letters of general procuration.)
" NB mat Mae Lbaw dhiwedharth yw hon.
hyd y nod yma,"^
" Pateat universis per presentes quod nos Prior domus sive
prioratus Sancti Johannis Evangeliste de Brechonia Menevensis
diocesis et ejusdem loci Conventus in omnibus causis et negotijs
nos personas nostras sen res nostras ac prioratum nostrum qua-
litercunque convenientibus motis vel moveudis coram quibus-
cunque judicibus ordinarijs delegatis subdelegatis aut eorum
comissarijs quibuscunque qualitercunque jurisdictionem sen mo-
tionem habentibus diebus horis et locis quibus nos abesse vel
adesse contigerit dilectos nobis in Christo Magistros Eicardum
Judde, Hugonem Grene, Eicardum Wife, Hugonem Jones et domi-
num David Moris capellanum, conjunctim et divisim et eorum
quem libet per se et in solido ita quod non sit melior conditio oc-
cupantis set quod eorum unus inceperit quemlibet eorum id libere
prosequi valeat mediare prosequi et finire nostros veros et legit-
timos procuratores actores factores negociorumque nostrorum
gestores ac nuncios speciales ordinamus facimus et constituimus
per presentes dantes et concedentes eisdem procuratoribus nos-
tris et eonim cuilibet ut prefertur per se flivisim et in solido
I)otestatem generalem et mandatum speciale pro nobis et nomine
nostro ac prioratus nostri antedicti agendum et delendendum
excipiendum replicandum, litem seu lites contestandum et con-
testare videndum juramentum tam de calumpnia quam de veri-
tate dicenda ac quodlibet aliud genus liciti sacramenti in
antedictos nostros prestandum et jurandum ponendum et articu-
laudum poscionibus*'' et articulis respondendum testes literas et
^ Here Bishop Tanner notes of the Brewster MS. *' taDtum 4or.
primee lineee extant", a f. 35 ad 41 ; " pergamena pura".
^ N.B. That this is a recent hand up to this mark. Bishop Tanner
as to these letters only notes " manu recenti*'.
^ Postulationibns P
40 CARTULARIUM PRIORATUS
instrumenta ac alia quacunque probacionum generaliter produ-
cendurn exhibendum productaque et exhibita ex adverse repro-
bandum et impugnandum statusque nostri reformacionem et in
integrum restitucionem dampiionim estimacionem expensas et
iiiteresse quodlibet Nee non beneficium absolutionis a quibus-
cunque suspencionis excommunicationis aut interdicti sententijs
petendum recipiendum et obtinendum summas tarn interlocuto-
rias quam definitivas ferri petendum et audiendum provocan-
dum et appellandum provocationes et appellationes notificandum
et intimandum ac eorum causas prosequendum apostolosque
petendum et recipiendum alium vel alios procuratorem seu pro-
curatores loco ipsorum et eorum cujuslibet substituendum sub-
stitutum seu substitutos continuo revocandum ac procuratorem
officiorum in se et eorum quemlibet reassumendum et executi-
endum quotiens et quando eis aut eorum cuilibet melius videbi-
tur expediri et generaliter omnia alia et singula faciendum ex-
tendum et expediendum que in premissis et circa ea negotia fuit
seu quomodolibet opportune licet mandatum de se magis exi-
gant finale pro eisdem vero procuratoribus nostris et eorum quo-
libet substitute vel substituendo ab eisdem vel eorum aliquo
rem ratam haberi et judicatam solvi sub ypotheca et obligatione
omnium bonorum et nostrorum promittimus et cautionem ex-
ponimus per presentes in cujus rei testimonium sigillum nostrum
commune presentibus apponi fecinms. datum in domo nostra
capitulari decimo die mensis Julij Anno Domini 1496/'^
Geralcff Bishop of SL DaviJ'sy on the petition of William de
Braose and Maud his wife, covfirkns to the church of St John,
Brecon, the churches of Hay, Llani(jon, Talgarth, and Llangorse,
saving the rights of the incumbents of the same churches during
their lives :
" Carta G. Menevensis Episcopi. — Omnibus Sancte matris eccle-
sie filijs ad quos presens scriptum pervenerit 6(iraldu8*) divina
permissione Menevensis Episcopus Salutem in domino Noverit
universitas vestra nos de communi assensu Capituli nostri ad
petitionem domini Willelmi de Breosa et domine Mathildis de
Sancto Walerico uxoris sue divini amoris intuitu concessisse et
presenti scripto confirmasse ecclesie Sancti Johannis evangeliste
de Brechonia et monachis ibidem Deo serVientibus et servituris
in perpetuam ecclesiam de Haya, ecclesiam de Sancto Eghyon
ecclesiam de Talgarth, ecclesiam de Mara, in usus proprios ad
^ Here follows in tho Carte MS. the first charter of Bishop Ber-
nard (post p. 46), the t^o first lines omitted.
8 Elected by the Chapter, 1190 ; resigned, 1203.
S. JOHANNIS EVANG. DE BULCOX. 41
sustentatioiiem fratmm et hospitalitatem et elemosinam susti-
nendam cuin omnibus ad eas pertinentibus pro anima prefati
W. et uxoris sue et antecessorum et heredum suorum salvis in
omnibus cousuetudinibus ad Episcopum et suos pertinentibus
salvis quoque beneficijs canonice adeptis Thome clerici in eccle-
sia de Haya, Hugonis capellani in ecclesia de Sancto Eghyon,
Walteri clerici in ecclesie de Talgarth, Willelmi capellani in
ecclesia de Mara quamdii vixerint salvis et honestis sustenta-
tionibus vicariorum in predictis ecclesijs canonice assignandis ut
autem hec concessio et confirmatio perpetuam firmitatem obti-
neat sigillum nostrum una cum sigillo capituli nostri presenti
scripto duxi apponendum."^
Conjirmatimi of the preceding document by Oeoffrey, Bishop of
St, David's, 120S'12U:
"Carta 6. Menevensis Episcopi.* — Omnibus Sancte matris
ecclesie filijs ad quos presens scriptum pervenerit G(alfridus)
dei gratia Menevensis episcopus eteruam in domino salutem.
Noverit universitas vestra nos cartam bone memorie G(iraldi)
predecessoris nostri in hec verba inspexisse Omnibus Sancte
matris ecclesie filijs ad quos presens scriptum pervenerit. 6.
divina peimissione Menevensis episcopus Salutem in domino.
Noverit universitas vestra nos de communi assensu capituli nos-
tri ad petitionem domini Willelmi de Breosa et domine Mathil-
dis de Sancto Walerico uxoris sue divini amoris intuitu conces-
sisse et presenti scripto confirmasse ecclesie Sancti Johannis
evangeliste de Brechonia et monachis ibidem Deo servientibus
et servituris in perpetuum ecclesiam de Haya, ecclesiam de
Sancto Eghyon, ecclesiam de Talgar[th], ecclesiam de Mara in usus
proprios ad sustentationem fratrum et hospitalitatem et elemo-
sinam sustinendam cum omnibus ad eas pertinentibus pro ani-
ma prefati W. et uxoris sue et antecessorum et heredum suorum
salvis in omnibus cousuetudinibus ad Episcopum et suos perti-
nentibus &c.' apponendum. Nos igitur eandem concessionem
et confirmationem ratam habentes et acceptam earn auctoritate
^ " Kaisia y Bbeliw y ty arall" (seek the rest on the other side).
* " Nid yw hwn end yr nn air am air ar diwaetha drwy gamgymer
iad yr Isgrifenydd trwstan, H. Grnff." (This is but the same, word
for word, with the last, through the mistake of the bungling writer,
Hugh Griffith.) A perusal will show that the writer of this Welsh
note had himself an imperfect knowledge of what he was transcrib-
ing.
' As in the preceding.
42 CARTULARTHM PRIORATUS
episcopal! confinnamus . in cujus rei testimonium preseuti scripto
sigillum nostrum duximus apponendum et in hujus rei testimo-
nium presenti scripto nostrum apponi fecimus sigillum valeat
Nos itaque dictas donationes concessiones et confirmationes ratas
et gratas habentes easdem auctoritate episcopal! confirmamus
et in hujus rei testimonium sigillum nostrum apponi fecimus
valeat/'i
Boniface, Archbishop of Canterbury, confirms the donations of
B. Newmarchy Roger Earl of Hereford, his brothers, and the family
of Be Braose :
" Carta Domini B.* Archiepiscopi Cantuar*.
" B. Dei gratia Cantuariensis Arcbiepiscopus totius Anglie Pri-
mas omnibus sancte matris ecclesie filijs ad quos presens scriptum
pervenerit illam que est in domino salutem. Universitati vestre
notum fieri volumus dilectos filios nostros monachos de Brechonia
scriptum autenticum venerabilis fratris nostri P.® Menevensis
Episcopi nobis exhibuisseexquarum tenoreperpendimus prefatum
Episcopum confirmasse donationes quas eis fecerunt ipsius ecclesie
patroni videlicet Bernardusde Novo MercatoEogerus Comes Here-
fordie et fratres ejus Walterus Henricus Mahelus et Willelmus de
Breosa dominus de Brechonia et patronus prefate ecclesie et alij
qui intuitu Dei sepedicte ecclesie Sancti Johannis de Brechonia
aliquid contulerunt tarn in ecclesiasticis beneficijs quam in alijs
sicut sepedicti Episcopi carta prenotata testatur nos itaque ipsius
Episcopi prescriptam confirmationem ratam habentes et accep-
tam eam sicut canonice et rationabiliter facta est script! presen-
tis attestatione et sigilli nostri appositione communivimus Hiis
testibus G.* Archidiacono Menev., Magistro Alexandro Walensi,
magistro Silvestro, Gileberto filio WiUelmi, Eeginaldo de Oilli,
Eicardo de Umframvill, Galfrido fort!, Eustath de Wilton, et
multis alijs."
Stephen, Archbishop and- Cardinal, confirms the composition
between Prior of Brecon and Peter Fitz Herbert relative to tith-es of
Peter's household expenses and his third part of lordship of Breccm :
"Carta Domini Stephani* Cantuariensis Archiepiscopi. — Omni-
bus Sancte matris ecclesie filijs ad quos presens scriptum perve-
^ The last two charters are repeated in the transcript verhutinij
near the end of the cartulary.
2 Boniface of Savoy, consecrated 15 January 1244-5, ob. 18 July
1270.
^ Peter de Leia, consecrated Nov. 1176, ob. July 1198.
* There was no archdeacon of St. David's, at this time, whose
Christian name begins with G.
^ Stephen Langton, consecrated June 1206, ob. July 1228.
S. JOHANNIS EVANG. DE BRECON. 43
nerit. Stephanas Dei gratia Cantuariensis Archiepiscopus totius
Anglie Primas et Sancte Eomane ecclesie Cardinalis salutem in
domino. Noverint universi presentes litteras inspecturi contro-
versiam ortam inter Abbatem et conventum de Bello et priorem
et inonachos de Brechonia ex una parte et nobilem virum Pe-
truin filium Herberti^ ex altera super decima totius expense
domus ipsius P. in cibarijs et potibus decima quoque denariorum
redituum placitorum lucrorum donorum et omnium proventuum
que adquisierit in denarijs et denariatis in tertia parte sua de
Brechonia et etiam super decima vaccarum de donis Walen-
sium hoc fine amicabiliter in presentia nostra et venerabilis fra-
tris H.^ Herefordensis Episcopi et dilecti filij L. Abbatis Rading'
et dilectorum filiorum nobilium virorum H.^ de Burgo Justiciario
Anglie et W. de Lasque sopitam* fuisse videlicet quod predictus
P(etrus) redditum quinque marcarum annuatim percipiendum in
certo loco et competenti predictis priori et monachis de Brecho-
nia assignabit piscationem vero in Mara de Brechonia tribus
diebus in Ebdomada et cotidie^ in Quadragesima et cotidie in
Adventu cum una cimba* penitus eis concessit terram scilicet
Faulini que unam marcam eis annuatim reddere solebat et pur-
prestutam^terre quam assartaverit de foresta dicti P[auli] desuper
villam Walkelini® eis quietas clamavit. Predicti vero Abbas et
conventus de Bello et prior et monachi de Brechonia omnem acti-
onem quam occasione«dicujus instrumenti super rebus prenomina-
tis habuerint renunciaverunt ire versus sepe dictum P. vel here-
des suos super eisdem possint de cetero questionem aliquatenus
suscitare utraque autem pars supradictam conventionem fide
media firmiter se observaturam promisit ut autem ista amicabilis
compositio firma futuris temporibus perseveret et stabilis eam
presentis scripti testimonio et sigilli nostri appositione corrobo-
ravimus Valeat universitas vestra semper in domino."
David, Bishop of St. DavicTs, confirms to the church of St, John
and the monks tJiere the churches, which Roger, Earl of Hereford,
had granted to them:
" Prima Carta® Davidis Menevensis^® Episcopi. — David Dei
gratia Menevensis Episcopus omnibus ecclesie Christi fidelibus
^ See note, Arch Camh., 4th Series, vol. xiii, p. 295.
2 Hugh Folliot, 1219-34. » Hubert de Burgh.
* Set at rest. » " Quotidie". « A boat.
7 " Purpresturam", the encroachment of land. ® Tre Walkin.
* This aud the two following charters were probably made between
1148 and 1152.
^^ David Fitz-Oerald, Archdeacon of Cardigan, consecrated 19
Dec. 1147, ob. Muy 1176.
44 CARTULAHIUM PRIORATUS
presentibus et futuris salutem et benedictionem. Nostre solici-
tudinis incumbit officio fidelium elemosinas deputatas monas-
terijs ad usus servieiitium Deo promovere et tueri earumque
integritati et perpetuitati discreta vigilantia providere quapropter
devotion! Rogeri Coraitis Herefordie ad ipsius et patris ejus
Milonis Comitis animarum salutem diligenter assentientes
ecclesias et terras et decinias et molendina et alia beneficia tarn
in libertatibus quam in utilitatibus in hominibus in pratis in
pascuis in vijs in semitis in bosco et plaiio et in aquis et in
piscationibus quas idem Comes ecclesie Sancti Johannis de
Brechonia et monachis ibidem Deo servientibus canonice dedit
salva reverentia dignitatis Episcopalis et consuetudinibus aucto-
ritate Dei et nostra eis concedimus et perpetuo jure possidendas
presenti scripto communimus scilicet ecclesiam de Haya et
ecclesiam de Sancto Eghyon, ecclesiam de Lan seffrey^ et eccle-
siam de Langeleu* et ecclesiam de Catlieidi^ cum capellis et
terris et decimis et omnibus pertinentijs earum et omnes alias
ecclesias quae sunt in terra Comitis in Walis que sui juris sunt,
quas nee monachi nee canonici possident et preter has cetera
beneficia que in carta prefati Rogeri Comitis et ipsius avi Ber-
nard! de Novo Mercato tani in Ecclesijs quam in ceteris bene-
ficijs continentur. Hanc itaque nostram custodire volentibus
et eidem Ecclesie benefacientibus perpetuae salutis premium
optamus et siqui temere temptaverint infringere, sciant quod
iram Dei tanquam dissipatores Sanctuarij sui promerebuntur
Testibus Clemente Priore Lanton,* Lamberto Presbitero, Sinione,
Jolianne, Magistro Johanne Canonico de Sancto David, Alex-
andre, David Clericis Prior(atus) de Brechonia."
David, Bishop of St DavioCs, on the presentation of Ralphs
Prior of St. Jokny institutes William, the foster son of Eli the
priest, to the church of St. Faulinus of Llangorse, rendering yearly
to the Prior IQs. as a recognition of right, with a provision for
maintenance and education until William was of age :
"Secunda Carta ipsius Davidis. — David Dei gratia Menevensis
Episcopus toti clero et populo de Brechonia tarn pvesenti quam
futuro salutem. Cognoscat universitas vestra quod frater Radul-
phus prior ecclesie Sancti Johannis presentavit nobis hunc
Gullelmum nutritum^ Eli Sacerdotis et nobis presentibus ex
consilio capituli fratrum suorum dedit ei ecclesiam Sancti
^ Llansantfread ? ' Llatielien. ' Cathedine.
* Llanthony.
^ A boy given to a monastery, and brought up there by Eli, the
priest, as his foster son.
S. JOHANNIS EVANG. I>E BRECON. 45
Paulini de Lancors que de proprio jure ecclesie Sancti Johannis
esse perhibetur ad tenendam quidem de sua ecclesia et ad re-
cognoscendam de eo et per eum futuris priori bus reddendo
singulis annis decern solidos ecclesie Sancti Johannis. Nos
autem donacionem ipsius tanquam ex magno pietatis et liberali-
tatis afifectu procedentem benigne approbantes rogante eo pre-
dictum GuUelmum benedicta primum corona clericum fecimus
et prefate ecclesie personatum cum inductione beneficij eidem
concessimus et confirmavimus Johannes itaque sacerdos de
Talgart suscepit de manu nostra custodiam persone et rerum
suarum sub hac quidem diflfinicione quod ipsum scilicet diligent
in necessarijs omnibus nominatira victu et vestitu et studio
debeat educare et predictam recognitionem priori pro eo annuatim
reddere donee etatem et ordinem habeat quod sibi et rebus suis
possit providere. Et si infra decesserit ad ecclesiam denuo redeat
quiete in manu prions tanquam jus ecclesie sue in liberam ejus
dispositionem Valeat."
Damd, Bishop of St, David's, grants to the Church of St John
of Brecon the Church of Hay after the death of William the priest
and his son William ; the Church of Llansaintfread after the
death of the then incumbent, and the other churches included in
the grants of Roger, Earl of Hereford and Bernard NewmarcTt, as
they fall vacant :
" Tertia Carta Davidis Menevensis Episcopi. — David Dei gratia
Menevensis Episcopus omnibus Christi fidelibus presentibus et
futuris salutem et benedictionem. Nostre solUcitudinis in-
cumbit officio fidelium elemosinas deputatas monasterijs ad usus
servientiura Deo promovere et tueri earumque integritati et per-
petuitati discreta vigilantia providere. Qua propter devocionem
Eogeri comitis Herefordie ad ipsius et patris ejus Milonis
Comitis animarum salutem diligenter assentientes ecclesias et
terras et decimas et molendina et alia beneficia tam in libertatibus
quam in utilitatibus in hominibus in pratis in pascuis in bosco
et piano et in aquis quas idem Comes ecclesie Sancti Johannis
de Brechonia et fratribus ibidem Deo servientibus canonice
dedit salva reverentia dignitatis episcopalis et consuetudinibus
auctoritate Dei et nostra eis concedimus et perpetuo jure posi-
dendas presenti scripto communimus. Scilicet ecclesiam de
Haya post decessum Willelmi presbyteri et filij ejus Willehni et
ecclesiam de Lanseffrei^ post obi turn tenentis illam et omnes
alias ecclesias que sunt in terra Comitis in Walis quas nee monachi
nee canonici possident sicut deliberabuntur a presbyteris et
* LlaDsantfread.
46 CARTULARIUM PRIORATUS
preter hos cetera beneficia que in carta prefati Comitis et ipsius
avi Bemardi de Novo Mercato contiiientur haiic itaque nostram
confirmationem custodire volentibus et eidem ecclesie benefa-
cientibus perpetue salutis premium optamus et siqui temere
temptaverint infringere sciant quod iram Dei tanquam dissipa-
tores Sanctuarij sui promerebuntur. Teste Clemente priore
Lant(oni) Lamberto Presbytero, Simone, Johanne, Johanne
Magill, Canonicis de Sancto David."
David, Bishop of 8t David-s, on the petition of Ralph the
Prior, dedicates the Ohurch of St, HaUlUde^ free from episcopal
custom, to the Ohurch of St. John :
"Quarta Carta Davidis Meiievensis Episcopi. — David dei
gratia Menevensis Episcopus universis filijs ecclesie fidelibus
salutem. Anno ab incarnatione domini Millesimo centesimo
quinquagesirao secundo quinto calend'^ Julij petitione Radulphi
prioris et eodem totum affectuose procurante negotium dedicavi-
mus ecclesiam Sancte Aissilde et ipsam quietam a consuetudine
episcopali ecclesie Sancti Joliannis ut filiam matri cousignavimus
ad augendam vero caritatem et devocionem suftragia beate
Virginis requirentium in festo ipsius^ et tribus post illud sequen-
tibus diebus de domini consiliis misericordia quadraginta dies
de penitencia sua relaxamus et tregina(m)* Dei pacem et nostram
veniendo et redeundo habendam confirmamus. Si quis itaque
eam aliquem disturbando pacem infregerit noverit se iram Dei
incurrere et ecclesiastica justicia donee satisfecerit constrin-
gendum."
Bernard, Bishop of St. David's, confirms the donations of Ber*
nard Newmareh and his followers, and himself gives to the Ohurch
of St. John the Ohapel of St. HaelUlde, situate in the parish of
St. John:
"Prima Carta Bemardi Menevensis Episcopi. — Bernardus^ Dei
gratia Menevensis antistes universis sancte Dei ecclesie lidelibus
clericis et laicis tam presentibus quam futuris spem veritatis
induere, et per ipsum fideliter operari justis constitutionibus
^ In Bishop Tanner's notes " Aissilde" is also written, bat crossed
through. St. Eleved (Ilin. Kamhrias, p. 32), Sancta Eleveta, is
mentioned among other demesne lands of the Manor of Brecon in
Inq. post mortem, 38, 39 H. VI, No. 69.
2 27th June 1152. » Ist August.
* " Tragina"? a vehicle or carriage-road, but in a wider sense the
journey.
^ Bernard, consecrated 1115, ob. 1147.
S. J0HANNI8 EVANG. DE BRECON. 47
assensum congruum exhibere volentes et quo possumus effectu
promovere desiderantes universitati vestre notificamus quod nos
auctoritate Dei et nostri ministerij ecclesie Saiicte Jolmiinis de
Brechonia et fratribus ibidem Deo servientibus possessiones
decimas et omnia beneficia quecunque eidem donatione Bernardi
de Novo Mercato hominumque suorum et ceterorum fidelium
devocionis intuitu in elemosinam collata sunt concedimus et
et sicut in ipsorum cartis continetur presentes scripti subsisteutia
confirmamus et corroboramus in jus sempiternum prefate ecclesie
permansura Insuper ex nostro proprio dono quandam capellam
Sancte Haellilde^ in parochia Sancti Johannis sitam eis concedi-
mus quiete et libere possidendam omnibus vero prefatam eccle-
siam consilio et auxilio foventibus et in quolibet beneficio eam
promoventibus et augentibus communionem beneficiorum ecclesie
nostre et nostrorum omnium simul et orationum recompensamus
et Dei benedictionem optamus."^
Bernard, Bishop of St. DavicTs, notifies to Roger , Earl of Here-
for Ay that the Prior of Brecon had established his right to the
Church of llangorse against the monks who had invaded it with-
out the Bishop's assent, by a canonical judgment, and entreats
his support on their behalf:
" Secunda Carta Bernardi Menevensis Episcopi. — Bernardus
Dei gratia Menevensis antistes E(ogero) comiti Herefordie salutem
et gratiam Notificamus attentioni vestre quod Dominus prior et
monachi nostri de Brechonie disracionaverunt ecclesiam de
Mara contra monachos qui eam sine assensu nostro invaserant
in pleno capitulo et quod ilia eis sicut sua propria res judicio
canonico remansit unde rogamus vos obnixe et in domino mone-
mus ut ecclesiam Sancti Johannis in hac re et in aliis posses-
^ GKraldus, in his Itinerarium Kamhrice, refers to St. ^h'ved as one
of the nnmeroas daughters of Brjchan, and mentions that a chapel
(basilica) dedicated to her was erected on the top of a hill near the
castle of Aber Hodni. On her feast day, the Ist of August, a large
number of people, who came from a distance, assembled there, and
those who suffered from various infirmities received through her
merits their wished-for recovery. Joues says that the chapel fell
down towards the end of the seventeenth ceutury, and that a heap
of stones and an aged yew-tree, with part of a wall at its foot, mark
the traditional site of it on the north side of Pencefn y gaer, and on
the left of the road leading from Brecon to a farmhouse called
"Slwch." (Bistory of Brecknockshire^ vol. i, p. 54; ii, p. 92.)
^ This charter occurs before in the Carte MS., after the letters of
procuration, and again towards the end, verbatim^ except that the
chapel is called St. Eylythe.
48 CARTULARIUM PRIORATCS, ETC.
sionibus suis sicut vestram propriarn elemosinam et antecessonim
vestrorum manuteneatis et augeatis. Multiim vero debet vobis
placere et poterit in Deo proficere quod doinus ilia religione et
caritate plus solito nuper excrevit. Nos autem propter hoc
multum exhilarati [donii] antecessorum vestrorum et quicquid
devocio fidelium apponere voluerit auctoritateDei et nostri minis-
terij per scripta nostra confirmavimus et per Dei gratiam augere
disponimus locus autem ille Sancti Paulini in propria parocliia
ecclesie de Langors est, que monachorum possessio propria
semper fuit."^
Bernard, Bishop of St. David! 8^ notifies thai on his dedication
of the Church of St. Main/, Hay, William Revel, with tlie consent
and in the presence of Bernard Newmarch, granted to that Church
certain lands and all the tithes of all his territory of Hay :
" Tertia carta Bernardi Menevensis Episcopi. — Bernardus Dei
gratia Episcopus de Sancto Davide omnibus Sancte Dei ecclesie
fidelibus salutem deique benedictionem et suam Sciant tam
presentes quam futuri quod quando dedicavimus ecclesiam
beate Marie de Haya Willelmus Eevel* concessu Bernardi de
Novo Mercato qui interfuit dedicationi dedit et concessit iu
perpetuam elemosinam et dotem ipsi ecclesie xv acras terre et
duas mansuras^ terre videlicet Levenathi prepositi * et Alverici
bubulci^ et totam terram que est ab illis mansuris sursum in
neraore usque ad divisas de Euias® et in bosco et iu piano dedit
etiam eidem ecclesie totam decimam totius terre sue de Haya in
omnibus rebus et de terre Ivoris et de Meleniauc'^ et de omnibus
illis qui de foeudo^ Haie tenebant et ne in posterum inde fiat
dubitatio hujus determinati dedit et concessit decimas videlicet
de blado et feno et de pullanis® et vitulis de agnis et panellis^^
de lana et caseo et lino et virgulto et de redditu Walensi et pas-
sagio^^ et placitis.^* Quicunque vero aliquid inde subtraxerint
vel diminuerint excommunicentur et a consortio Dei omniumque
1 Date, 1143-47.
2 William Revel gave to the church of St. Peter, Gloucester, a
hide of land in Hampton, with the consent of B. Newmarch and the
confirmation of King Henry, in the time of Peter Abbot, 1104-13 a.d.
(Cart, Monast. S, Petrif 01.^ vol. i, p. 88, Rolls series).
^ A certain quantity of land which varied according to the locality.
* The bailiff. * The herdsman. • Ewyas, Herefordshire.
7 Melinog. » Feudo. « Colts.
^^ " Panellis", loaves of bread.
^^ " Passagium", a toll levied for the guard and maintenance of
roads.
** Pleas of court.
DOLWYDDELAN CASTLE. 49
Sanctorum ejus sequestrentur donee ad emendacionem veniant
hujus autem donacionis testes sunt clerici nostri videlicet Wil-
lelmo arcliidiacono de Kermerdin et Elya Archidiacono de
Brechon' et Liriencio clerico Eegis Henrici et Bernardo de Novo
Mercato^ et Bicardo filio Puncij.^ Valeat."
(To he eonHnued.)
DOLWYDDELAN CASTLE.
Little is known of the early history of this singularly
situated building, which has evidently replaced older
works, the defensive character of its situation being
such as would be appreciated in early times. From
the history of the Gwydir family we learn that lorwerth
or lorwerth Drwyndwn, or Edward of the Broken Nose,
being excluded from succeeding his father Owen Gwyn-
edd, on account of that deformity, retired to this resi-
dence, where his eldest son Llywelyn was born, or is
reported to have been born, according to the historian
of the Gwydir family (see the latest and the best edi-
tion, by Askew Roberts of Croeswylan, Oswestry).
To lorwerth were assigned as his patrimony the
hundreds of Ardydwy and Nan t Conwy; in the latter
is this stronghold, to which he is said to have retired,
probably on account of its solitary and strong position,
for protection from attacks of his own kindred. That
his being set aside would lead to contests, was an addi-
tional inducement to select such a safe habitation.
Nor was he mistaken ; for it appears from Powell's
^ As Bernard Newraarch was one of the witnesses to both of the
charters of William the Conqueror to Battle Abbey, and also took a
leading part in the insurrection against William Knfas at the com-
mencement of his reign, it seems probable that this charter was
made soon after the consecration of Bishop Bernard in 1115, although
the list of archdeacons in Browne Willis' MS. states that Elias held
the office, 1135-40, and the History of St, David* 8 gives a like date
for the period when William and Elias held their respective offices ;
but the dates are approximate only.
* Fitz-Pons.
4th ser., vol. XIV. 4
50 DOLWYDDELAN CASTLE.
History of Wales, p. 194, ed. 1774, that Owen Gwynedd,
when he set aside his eldest son, did not nominate
any one of the younger ones as his heir. Hence, as
might have been expected, a contest arose for the prize.
Hywel, the eldest brother, was not only illegitimate,
but his mother being an Irishwoman was still more
objectionable. However, being in possession, and re-
fusing to give it up, David claimed it ; and it was
agreed that the two brothers should settle the question
by single combat, in which Hywel fell, and David thus
became Prince of North Wales. He held possession
until his nephew Llywelyn, the eldest son of lorwerth,
came of age, and clainied his lawful inheritance with
success. Another brother, Madoc, during these family
struggles, thought it more prudent to try his fortunes *
abroad, and accordingly sailed towards the west, and is
still believed by some to have discovered America. This
David had married Emma, sister of Henry II ; relying
on which match he, according to Sir John Wynn of
Gwydir, imprisoned his brother Roderick because he
desired a portion of the inheritance.
According to Powell, David lost the affection of his
subjects from the treatment of his brother, so that he
had no support from them against the claims of his
nephew Llywelyn.
According to the fragment of a Welsh chronicle,
mentioned by Sir John Wynne (see Mr. Askew Eoberts'
ed., p. 18), Llywelyn murdered at Conwy his uncle
with all his family, as the safest way of getting rid of
future claimants. But this story is not noticed by
any other authority, and is directly contradicted
by Powell, according to whom David lived quietly
and peaceably for some time, but as soon as he had
the support of a considerable army of English and
Welsh, he attacked Llywelyn, was defeated, and taken
prisoner. He was then delivered into safe custody; but
in 1203 was generously released by his nephew. He
made, however, an ungrateful return, for he went off to
England, and collecting a considerable force, again at-
DOLWYDDELAN CASTLE. 51
tacked his nephew, was again defeated, returned to Eng-
land, and soon after died from grief and disappointment.
Even at the beginning of this century this castle was
so difl&cult of access that it was seldom visited by
strangers. Bingley, who explored Wales from 1798 to
1801, describes the ruin, from its situation in the
bosom of mountains, difficult to find; and Southey,
who was, no doubt, anxious to see any place connected
with his hero Madoc, seems to have failed to reach it,
at least as far as may be inferred from the following
note: "The rudeness and barrenness of the surrounding
mountains I can well testify, having been bewildered
and benighted upon them."
Pughe, the author of Cambria Depicta, published in
1816, was unfortunately prevented by want of time or
some other cause from reaching this Ciistle. If he had
been able to do so, he would probably have added to
the illustrations which give its value to his work.
He makes, however, a singular statement ; namely, that
he was not aware that the castle had ever been a
subject for the pencil. He might indeed not have been
aware that a view of it is given by Buck, and may
not have known a book not found in many libraries,
but that he should have been ignorant that Pennant,
in the second volume of his Tour in Wales, p. 135, has
given a view of it from the pencil of Moses Griffiths,
is somewhat singular. The only information he con-
tributes to the little that is known about the castle, is
that shortly before his visiting the district "one of its
towers, deemed in tolerable condition, in the dead of
the night came tumbling down with a crash, which
roused every creature in the neighbourhood". This
may have happened about 1810.
Pennants aescription, repeated as it has been by
many writers, is well known, but may be as well given
here. " I left the bridge (Pontypair), and after a steep
ascent arrived at Dolwyddelan Castle, seated in a rocky
valley, sprinkled over with stunted trees and watered
by the Lledyr. The boundaries are rude and barren
52 DOLWYDDELAN CASTLE.
mountains, and among others the great bending moun-
tain Siabod, often conRpicuous from most distant places.
The castle is placed on a high rock, precipitous on one
side and insulated. It consists of two square towers,
one forty feet by twenty-five ; the other, thirty-one by
twenty. Each had formerly three floors. The materials
of this fortress are the shattery stone of the country,
well squared, the masonry good, and the mortar hard.
The castle yard lay between the towers."
Pennant goes on to state that the castle had been
founded by some of our princes, but nothing is known
of its origin. " There were very few castles in North
Wales before its conquest by the English. They were
needless, for nature created in our rocks and mountains
fortifications (until our fatal division) quite impregnable.
Had there been occasions for artificial retreats, the
wealth of our country could readily have supplied the
means of erecting them."
The above passage is another instance of the in-
accuracy of this popular writer.^ He merely says,
vol. ii, p. 136, "This [castle] has been founded by one
of our princes, but we are ignorant of its origin"; and
further on, *'Iorwerth Drwyndwn made this place his
residence". He seems to think that this is the iden-
tical building to which lorwerth retreated. He
adds that the ancient inhabitants of North Wales did
not build such castles, for their rocks and mountains
were sufficient protection. As regards hostile attacks,
this assertion may be true; but the rudest natives,
especially in such a climate, must have had some pro-
^ The inaccuracies of this author have been already mentioned in
the Arch, Cambrensis, The following one, although not connected
with Wales, may be mentioned. In the second volume of his Journey
from Dover to the Land's End he mentions the fact that Harvey, the
discoverer of the circulation of the blood, was born in Folkstone,
and buried at Hempstead in Herts. There are Hempsteads in Nor-
folk, Gloucester, and Essex. Hemel Etempstead, much better known,
is in Herts, and seems to have been the only Hempstead that Pen-
nant had heard of; so he buried Harvey there, who was at that time
lying in the church at Essex, where his leaden coffin may be seen to
this day in the crypt.
DOLWYDDELAN CASTLE. 53
tection against wind and weather, and if huts were
suflScient for the pupose, these grouped together would
require further defences, and thus we find at Treceiri
walk still sixteen feet high, inclosing the summit of
the mountain.
It is very remarkable, considering the lengthjened
occupation of the Romans, that the native population
does not appear to have taken any building notions
from their masters, but continued to work in the
rude style of what is called "British masonry". It
has been stated that no single instance is to be found
throughout Wales of anything like the masonry of
Roman or even Norman character. There are, indeed,
examples still remaining of regular facings of walls,
and even in some few instances indications of regular
courses ; but the entire absence of mortar indicates the
ignorance of its use, although lime was within reach of
the builders.
In the case of Dolwyddelan Castle it is probable that
in the time of lorwerth the buildings were not unlike
the stone fortress of Penmaen Mawr, which protected
his son Lly welyn against the forces of Edward I. But
the Welsh forces are said to have been 20,000 in num-
ber— a large number of whom would have been required
for protecting the works. Dolwyddelan Castle must
have been more a chieftain's stronghold for his retinue,
than a fortified city like that on Penmaen Mawr, called
Braich y Dinas, the latest and fullest account of which,
by the Rev. Hugh Prichard of Dinas, will be found in
the Arch, Camh. of 1877. It is well worth attention.
The great mound at Aber is called Llewelyn's Castle.
It was certainly occupied by him, but commanding as
it does the Roman road or roads leading into Anglesey
and Carnarvon, it must have been an important position
long before his time. In this respect it resembles Dol-
wyddelan, which commands the road continued from
Caerhun, near Conwy, to Tomen-y-mur. Aber has lost
its outer defences, although small remains of them were
seen by Pennant.
54 DOLWYDDELAN CASTLE,
The original fortress of Dolwyddelan was a scarped
rock ; much stronger as a stronghold than Aber, from
the character of the ground. A good idea of it is given
by the woodcut of Mr. Worthington Smith, but it is
doubtful that this identical building was in existence
at the time that lorwerth selected it as a safe resi-
dence. For some cause he seems to have altered his
mind, and moved his residence to the more remote and
safe retreat in the sanctuary of St. Monacella, known
by the Welsh as Melangel. As the sequel, however,
proved, he might have remained in Carnarvonshire, as
Pennant informs us that he was slain in the neighbour-
hood of his new retreat, at a place called "Bwlch Croes
lorwerth", or the Pass of the Cross of lorwerth.
Pennant, in his notice, states that the effigy of the
knight he saw in the churchyard was that of lorwerth
Drwmdwn, and that the shield bore this inscription, Hic
JACET ETWART.^ Mr. Pugh repeats this statement; and
it may be inferred that the inscription existed at the
time of his visit, at the commencement of the present
century. But he adds a curious story when he tells us
the malformation of this unfortunate prince was not
confined to his nose, but extended to the lower part of
his legs. He, however, in his drawing (p. 267) repre-
sents the legs perfect. The legs were mutilated by an
eccentric clergyman, Thomas Jones, who was made vicar
in 1757, and is thought to have died in 1790. He was
a superior scholar. According to a contributor to the
interesting work, Bygones (July 1877), he was known as
"Eccentric Jones", and, as not unusual at that time,
kept a small school in a room adjoining the east end of
the chancel, called '* Celly Bedd'', according to tradition
^ He does not explain whether the inscription was on the face of
the shield, or on the edge of the stone, the more usual place for in-
scriptions ; but as the earliest effigy with arms on a shield is that of
Geoffrey de Magnaville, Earl of Essex, in the Temple Church, who
died in 1144 (according to Gough), it is highly improbable that
lorwerth, whoso father died in 1169, had his shield similarly treated,
especially when the circumstances of his death, and the remote posi-
tion of the place of burial, are taken into consideration.
DOLWYDDELAN CASTLE. 55
the grave of St. Monacella herself. This worthy^ man one
day, in the middle of school-time, in the presence of his
scholars, rushed out, and with a large stone broke the
legs of the figure, saying, in Welsh, words to this effect,
'*You rascal, Ned! As you have broken the legs of
others, so I will break yours, you rascal !" If Pennant,
whose firet volume of his Welsh Tour was published in
1778, visited the churchyard, as he seems to have done,
it is curious that he makes no remarks on the broken
limbs. He certainly had not heard of this enthusiastic
vicar. Pugh seems to have mistaken this mutilation of
the legs as a natural deformity, and thought that his toes
as well as his nose had deprived him of his legal rights.
Whatever truth there is in the story of the vicar, Thos.
Jones, it is clear Pugh had not heard of it, for he would
never have made such an absurd statement. The author
of the article of Pennant Melangel, in Lewis' Top. Diet.,
does little more than transcribe Pennants remarks.
The writer of the two notices of the church and anti-
quities in the Arch. Cavib., the late Rev. H. Longue-
ville Jones, tells us that both figures are so weather-
worn and defaced that it is difficult to ascertain their
character with precision. The effigy of the knight may
be fourteenth century.
Southey, of course, paid a visit to this retired and
romantic spot, but saw at once that the real dates are
much later than the traditional ones. Had the inscrip-
tion mentioned by Pennant existed at the time of his
visit, it is incredible that he would not have mentioned
the fact. Southey informed his daughter that the
peasants attending the church services seemed to have
brought their dinners with them, and used to sharpen
their knives on these stones ; and if so, it is not sur-
prising that the letters have been effiiced. The late
Lady Marshall, granddaughter of Dr. Parr, the learned
Grecian, says in a note to her poem, A Prince of Wales
Long Ago, that after the poem was written she and
some friends paid a visit to this churchyard, and found
the tomb of lorwerth with an effigy of Llywelyn re-
56 DOLWYDDELAN CASTLE.
posing tjiereon ; but on the shield between the lions
rampant was a date of the nineteenth century. The
visitors were informed that J. J., a wealthy farmer,
having died, the cofl5n-lid had been lifted up, and the
body deposited beneath. Whether this story has any
foundation or not, it is evident that Lady Marshall did
not observe the inscription, although she found lions on
the shield, which up to that time had not been disco-
vered. She evidently thinks the said lions were the
heraldic badge of lorwerth, which they were not.
Little is known of Welsh heraldry in early times,
except that it was very different from that of England
of the same period. The ordinary charges of chevron,
fess, bend, etc., are not found in Welsh coats, which
were either those of families or tribes. The usual charge
is that of animals with which they were acquainted,
such as wolves, bears, eagles, ravens, etc., for it was not
until the Edwardian period that lions came into fashion.
So that unless the effigy is much later than the time of
Yorwerth, Lady Marsnairs lions existed only in her
imagination.
The true history of this effigy must still be considered
doubtful. All that can be said about it is that the form
of the shield is that of the fourteenth century ; and that
it is not probable that so many years after his death his
memory was so much revered that some Welsh gentle-
man would have caused this monument to be made for
him. On the other hand. Pennant's statement cannot
be set aside, however unsupported it is by others. Per-
haps the whole stoiy of this unaccoimtable, mad act has
no foundation in fact. But an explanation of the diffi-
culty may be suggested, namely, that the two monu-
ments are those of some distinguished knight and his
wife. If not exactly of the same age, the difference,
apparently, is so small that they may be the gravestones
of man and wife. They were, no doubt, originally
within the church of the time.
E. L. Barnwell.
57
SIR WILLIAM STANLEY.
Whatever the custom of using the same Christian
name in a family may have in its favour, there are cer-
tainly some disadvantages attached to it, one being the
difficulty often thereby occasioned of distinguishing
between two individuals; and, no doubt, it is a fruitful
source of confusion in our histories and genealogies.
The father becomes confused with the son or grandson ;
and two cousins of the same name are frequently in-
volved in an unity of historical, though enjoying a
duality of corporeal personalities. Some such confusion
seems to surround the name of Sir William Stanley,
and it would be well if more light could be thrown
upon the subject.
As is well known, the Stanleys deduce their line of
descent from the house of Alditheley, now Audley,
which is itself sprung from that of Verdon ; and the
family, though now connected with Cheshire, was ori-
ginally of Staffordshire origin. Talk-on-the-Hill, one
of the seven townships of the parish of Audley, which
is situated five miles north-west of Newcastle-under-
Lyne, is said to have belonged to the family of Verdon
of Alton before the Norman conquest. Adam (Verdon)
de Aldeleigh or Audley had two sons, Lidulph, ances-
tor of the Lords Audley, and Adam, whose son William
exchanged the manor of Talk vnth his cousin for that
of Standleigh, by which he was subsequently desig-
nated. An old book of pedigrees in the possession of
the family of Madocks, of Vron Iw, has the following :
"Audley Lord Audley bore aunciently B 3 chusoes (or
chrysoes or butterflies) A ; and leaving that bearing,
bore G fretty O in imitation of Verdon (as may be sup-
posed), who bore O fretty G, of whom the manor of
Audley was held ; and the first Audley is by some sup-
posed to be a younger brother of Verdon, who was most
58 SIR WILLIAM STANLEY.
evidently a man of great possessions ; and Nicholas of
Verdon gave to the Audleys the manor of Audley, from
which they derive their surname."
Sir William d'Audley " als. Stanley" (as the Cheshire
Visitation of 1580 calls him), great-grandson of the last
mentioned William Stanley, married Johanna or Joan,
the eldest daughter and coheir of Sir Thomas Bamvile
(or, on a chief gu, three trefoils argt.) and Agnes, his
wife, daughter and coheir of Alexander Silvester of
Stourton {argt, on a mount a tree vert). This connected
the family with Cheshire, Stourton being in that
county. Their son John succeeded to Stanley and
Stourton, and by Mabel, his wife, daughter of Sir James
Hanshett, had a son and successor, Sir William Stanley
the elder, living in 1352, who married Alice, daughter
of Hugh Massey of Timperley (quarterly, avfft. and gu,,
over all a bend az,), by Agnes, daughter of John Leigh
of Boothes {az,y two bars argt., over all a bend gu,).
They had two sons : 1st, Sir William Stanley the
younger ; and 2ndly, Sir John Stanley ; and it is of the
descendants of these two progenitors, and their connec-
tion with Wales, that we intend to speak.
Sir John Stanley, the second son, married Isabella,
daughter and sole heir of Sir Thomas Lathom or Lea-
tham of Lancashire (or, on a chief az, three plates), the
descendant of Robert Fitz-Henry, founder of Burscough
Priory, and had issue by her two sons : Sir John Stan-
ley, Steward of the House to King Henry IV ; and
Thomas Stanley, jure uxoms, of Elford in the county of
Stafford. The Elford estate had been in the family of
Arderne (gr^^., three crosslets fitch^es and a chief or)
since the time of Henry III at least, when John de
Arderne held it ; sixth in descent from whom came
another Sir John Arderne, who married Katherine,
daughter and heir of Sir Richard Stafford, Lord Staf-
ford of Clifton {or, a chevron gu. inter three martlets
sa.). She brought in the estates of Clifton-Camville,
Pipe, Haseloure, and Statfold, co. Stafford, and was
mother of Sir John Arderne, who, by MathikUs his wife
SIR WILLIAM STANLEY. 59
{argi., a cross patonce gu,y voided of the field, — Pilking-
toii) had issue a daughter and heiress, Mathildis or
Maud, Baroness Stafford of Clifton, and wife of the
before mentioned Thomas Stanley, second son of Sir
John ; which said Thomas Stanley was Sheriff* of Staf-
fordshire in the twelfth year of Henry VI, and their
son and heir. Sir John Stanley, was Sheriff in the
twenty-ninth year of the same King.
So far the pedigree is suflSciently clear; but from this
point it becomes very confused. According to the Visit-
ation of 1580 (Harl. MS. 1424), this John Stanley of
Elford married, 1st, Maud, by whom he had issue, —
1, Sir John of Elford [oht. 1509), to whom no issue is
given; and 2, Sir Humphrey Stanley of Pipe, who died
1505, leaving issue. He married, 2ndly, Isabel, daughter
of Sir Richard Vernon, by whom he had three daughters
married to three knights. He married, 3rdly, Dowse,
daughter of Ligh of Baguley, by whom he had
Roger Stanley, who, by Jane, daughter of John Clark
of Yorkshire, was father of John Stanley of Alderley in
Cheshire. According to Harl. MS. 2187, Sir John Stan-
ley married, 1st, Matilda, relict of John Vampage, Attor-
ney to the King, by whom he had issue, John de Elford,
elder son, and Humphrey de Stone et Pipe {oht. 1505),
second son ; of whom the elder, John, had issue, by
Elizabeth his wife, three daughters, coheirs : 1, Mar-
gery, wife of William Staunton ; 2, Matilda, wife of
John Ferrers of Tamworth ; and 3, Anne, wife of Chris-
topher Savage of co. Worcester. Humphey had by
Elianor his wife, daughter and heir of Sir James Lee of
Stone, five children, viz. : 1, Sir John of Pipe, who, by
Margaret, daughter of Sir Thomas Gerard, had two
daughters ; 2, William, who, by a daughter of Comber-
ford, had a daughter Dorothea, wife of Christopher
Henningham ; 3, Humphrey, a priest, of Clifton ; 4,
Matilda, wife of Thomas Wolverston ; and 5, Alicia, wife
of Thomas Swinerton. Sir John of Elford married,
2ndly, Dulcia, daughter of — Leighe of Baguleigh, by
whom he had Roger, his third son. He married, 3rdly,
60 SIR WILLIAM STANLEY.
Isabella, daughter of Theobald Verdon, by whom he
had three daughters : Alice, wife of Sir John Moton,
Knt. ; Catherine, wife of Sir William Vampage, Knt.;
and Isabella, wife of Sir Hugh Peshall, Knt.
There is, however, a third statement of the case, sup-
ported by documentary evidence, from which it appears
that Sir John Stanley had by his first wife a son John,
killed in infancy, and John Stanley; and by his second
wife, Isabella, daughter of Sir Richard Vernon of the
Peak (sometimes called Pembruge, from his mother), he
had issue, Sir Humphrey, who had issue, 1, Sir John (06^.
23 June 1514, aged thirty-three), who married Marga-
ret Gerrard, and had issue, Elizabeth, wife of Sir John
Hercey ; and Isabel, wife of Walter Moyle ; 2, William,
whose daughter Dorothy married Christopher Heven-
ingham, born April 1540 ; and 3, Maud, wife of Thomas
Wolferston of Statfold, whose son Humphrey, however,
married Katherine, heiress of John Stanley of Thoresby,
and thus represented the eldest branch of the family.
On March 25th, 1564, Sir John Hercey gives a power
of attorney to John Stanley of Thowrysbye to deliver
certain covenants to Christopher Heveningham ; and
this John Stanley is called son of Sir John Stanley of
Thoresby, and grandson of Sir John who married Isa-
bella Vernon. There was considerable litigation between
the descendants of the two brothers on account of their
conflicting interests. In another place, however, this
John Stanley (with what truth I know not) is called
son of John Stanley, son of Humphrey Stanley.
In the Cathedral at Lichfield is a monument to one
of the Stanley family, which is generally attributed to
this Humphrey. He is represented under an arch, the
upper half of his person naked ; and from his waist
downwards is an apron or covering, on which is the
paternal coat (argt, on a bend az., three bucks' heads
caboshed or). His knees and feet are in armour. A
sword is by his side. His hands are raised, as in prayer,
and the head reclines upon a pillow. On the base of
the monument are four compartments with shields ; in
SIR WILLIAM STAKLEY. 61
the first and fourth of which are the arms of Stanley
impaling or^ three chevronels gu. (Clare). The monu-
ment is probably one placed to mark the penitence of
some one who nad incurred the displeasure of the
Church ; and from the sketch of it in Shaw's History of
Staffoi^dshirey Plate xxiv, it would appear that the
hands have a small scroll dependent from them, while
over the head and under the feet are stags' antlers.
It is related that Henry Tudor, Earl of Richmond,
stationed some of his troops at Tamworth on his way
to Bosworth, and some at Elford, where the Lord Derby
slept that night at his cousin Stanley's.
In the year 1489, Henry VII, in the presence of the*
freat oflBcers of the state, decreed that Sir Humphrey
tanley should not interrupt the Dean and Chapter of
Lichfield in repairing the pipes to bring water from the
springs near his manor of Pipe.
Sir Humphrey married, as second wife, Elleyn,
daughter and heir of Sir James Lee of Aston, near
Stone (5a., a scythe arg.\, co. Stafford, and was buried
in the Chapel of St. Nicholas, in Westminster Abbey,
with an eflSgy in knightly habiliments, and the follow-
ing inscription : ** Hie jacet Humfridus Stanley, miles,
pro corpore excellentissimi Principis Henrici Septimi
regis Anglie, qui obiit 12 Martii anno Dom' millessimo
quingentesimo quinto cujus animse propitietur Deus,
Amen." At each corner of the tomb was a shield of
brass, and in the centre a large one containing a quar-
tered coat : 1, Stanley and Lathom; 2, Stafford of Clif-
ton ; 3, Pype ; 4, Camville. He has been accused, as
the following shows, of some deeds of violence. Sir
Philip Chetwind married Elene, daughter and heir of
Thomas de la Roche of Birmingham and Bromwich, and
relict of Sir Edmund Ferrers, and died in the twenty-
fourth year of Henry VI, leaving William, his granci-
child, his heir, who afterwards became gentleman -usher
to Henry VII, and was so much envied by Sir Hum-
phrey Stanley of Pipe, one of the knights of the body
to the said King, and Sheriff of Staffordshire in the
62 SIR WILLIAM STANLEY.
ninth year of Henry VII, that by means of a counter-
feit letter in the name of Randolf Brereton, Esq., deli-
vered on the night of the Friday before the Feast of
St. John Baptists Nativity, requesting him to meet
him at Stafford next morning by five o'clock ; being
allured out of his house at Ingestre, and passing thither-
wards with his son and two servants, he was waylaid
upon Tixall Heath by no less than twenty persons,
whereof seven were of the said Sir Humphrey s own
family; some with bows, and others with spears, all
armed with brigandines and coats of mail ; who issuing
out of a sheepcote and a steep, dry pit, furiously
assaulted him, saying he should die, and accordingly
killed him ; the said Sir Humphrey at that time pass-
ing by with at least twenty-four persons on horseback,
with pretence of hunting a deer.
As previously observed, Maud, daughter of Sir Hum-
phrey Stanley, married Thomas Wolfreston, and had
issue, Humphrey Wolfreston, who married Katherine,
daughter and heir of John Stanley, thus uniting the
two lines. Their son, Hercy or Hersey Wolfreston {sa.,
a fess wavy inter three wolfs heads erased or), mar-
ried Frances, daughter of Ralph Egerton of Betley, by
Frances, daughter and elder coheir of Sir Ralph Eger-
ton of Wrinehill (grw., a fess ermine inter three pheons,
points downwards, argt,\ and Anne his wife, daughter
of Sir Edward Fitton of Gawsworth, co. Chester. They
had issue, a son and heir, Francis Wolfreston, who
married Frances, the eldest of twenty-two children of
George Middlemore of Haslewell, and had issue, Anne
(1662), wife of Edward Arblaster of Arblaster Hall, co.
Stafford. It will be subsequently understood why this,
the Elford line of Stanley, has been continued so far.
We return to Sir John Stanley, Steward of the House
to King Henry IV {obt 1431), who, it may be remem-
bered, was elder brother of Thomas Stanley of Elford
jure uxoris. Sir John Stanley married Elizabeth, sister
to Sir William Harrington, whose pedigree is thus de-
duced in the Cheshire Visitation of 1580. Sir John
SIR WILLIAM STANLEY. 63
Harrington, brother to the Lord Harrington (sa., fretty
argt a label of three points or), had a son and heir.
Sir William Harrington, who by Margaret his wife,
daughter and coheir of Sir Robert Nevill of Hornby,
had issue, Sir Thomas, slain at Wakefield in 1461, who
had, by Elizabeth his wife, three sons, of whom the
eldest. Sir John, was slain with his father at Wakefield,
but left issue by Maud his wife, daughter of John Lord
Clifford, two daughters, who apparently became co-
heirs of their brother Sir William. Of these, Elizabeth,
the elder, married, Istly, John Stanley; and 2ndly,
Richard Beaumond ; and Anne, her sister, was wife of
Edward Stanley, Lord Mounteagle. This John Stanley
was made Constable of Carnarvon Castle in 5 Henry VI,
and in the seventeenth year of the same reign, being
Groom of the Bedchamber to the King, he had given
to him the custody of the lands lately held by Nicholas
Saxton, deceased, in Carnarvonshire and Flintshiie,
and was further made Constable of Carnarvon, with
£40 per an., Sheriff of A^nglesey with £20 per an., and
knighted. So says Collins in his Peerage, vol. iii, p. 36.
But there seems to be some confusion here.
We are further told that he had issue, four sons :
] ,Sir Thomas ; 2, Sir William, who married the Countess
of Worcester ; 3, Sir John of Weever ; and 4, James,
Archdeacon of Chester. Another authority, however
(and with this the Visitation agrees), more correctly
states these to have been his grandchildren ; and that
the above Sir John Stanley died in 1431, when he was
succeeded by his son Sir Thomas, called " King of Man",
who, the Visitation adds, was the first Lord Stanley,
and Comptroller of the Household to Henry VL This
Sir Thomas, Lord Stanley, married " Jone, d. and heire
to S' Robt. Gowsell and of his wife Ellin, d. to Rich.
Erie of Arundell, widow to T. Mowbray, D. of Norff.",
and had issue : " 1 , Thomas Stanley, Erie of Darbv ;
2, S' Wm. Stanley of Holt, Chamberlaine to K. H.>,
decoUat® 1494; 3, John Stanley of Weever in com. Ces-
trisB ; 4, James, Archdeacon of Chester ; 5, Margaret,
64 SIR WILLIAM STANLEY.
wife of Sir William Troutbeck ; 6, Anne, wife of Sir
Richard Moliheux ; 7, Katherine, wife of Sir John
Savage." The aforesaid Joan, daughter and heir of Sir
Robert Goushill, was of no mean lineage, her mother
being Ellin (or Elizabeth), eldest daughter and coheir
of Richard Fitzalan, K.G., beheaded 1397, the four-
teenth Earl of Arundel and Earl of Surrey by his first
wife, Elizabeth, daughter of William de Bohun, Earl of
Northampton. This Richard, fourteenth Earl, was the
son of Richard, thirteenth Earl of Arundel, by his second
wife, Eleanor Plantagenet, daughter of Henry Earl of
Lancaster, and widow of John Lord Beaumont. Sir
Robert Goushill was of Heveringham Castle, co. Notts.
If we follow the senior male descent, few families
unite in themselves more illustrious blood than this
line of Stanley. Thus, Thomas, the first Earl, married
Eleanor, daughter of Richard Nevill and Alice de Mont-
acute, and died in 1504. His son, George Lord Strange,
of Knockyn, co. Salop, died 5 Dec. 1497, having mar-
ried Jane, daughter and heir of John Lord Strange of
Knockyn, and Jaquet, sister of Elizabeth Woodville,
Queen of Edward IV. It is from his second son.
Sir James, the present Earl of Derby is descended. The
son and heir of his grandfather, Thomas, second Earl,
who died in 1521, married Anne, daughter of Edward
Lord Hastings ; and their son Edward, third Earl, who
died 4 Dec. 1574, married Lady Dorothy Howard (Harl.
MS. 1 155), daughter of Thomas Howard, third Duke of
Norfolk, and Lady Elizabeth Stafford his wife, daughter
of Edward Stafford, Duke of Buckingham, and Lady
AHanora, daughter of Henry Percy, K.G., Earl of
Northumberland, and Lady Maud Herbert, daughter of
William Earl of Pembroke. Their eldest son, Henry,
succeeded as fourth Earl Derby. The second son, Sir
Thomas, married Margaret, daughter and heir of Sir
George Vernon of Tong Castle, co. Salop, and Haddon
Hall, CO. Derby ; while of the daughters. Lady Mary
was wife of Edward Lord Stafford ; and Lady Jane was
wife of Edward Sutton, Lord Dudley.
SIR WILLIAM STANLEY. 65
But we must rather turn our attention to the second
son of the firat Lord Stanley, Sir William Stanley of
Holt, who, it may be remembered, was greatly instru-
mental in the victory of Bosworth Field. The Stanleys
had been close followers of the White Rose ; but like
the Staffords and others, were estranged from their
allegiance by the repulsive character of Richard III,
especially when it was generally known or believed
that he had imbrued his hands in the blood of his
nephews.
Sir William Stanley was connected with Wales, hav-
ing received a grant for life of the office of Justice of
North Wales, 12 November, 1 Richard III ; and also a
grant of the castles and lordships of Dinas Bran, Holt,
Hewlyngton, Brom field, Yale, Wrexham, Burton, Hors-
Hi, Ridley, Iscoed, Hem Cobham, Aimer Cobham, Ys-
coed, Eclusham, Eglwysegle, Rhuabon, Abenbury, Dyn-
nill Morton, BedwaU, Pickhill, Sessewick, Sonford,
Osselston, etc., " et alias raglotarias, officia, reversiones,
servicia, et hereditamenta quecunque cum suis pertin'
que fuerunt Johannis nuper Duels NorflF' et Georgii
Nevile Militis seu alterius eorum", etc. (Vide Arch.
Carnh.y April 1882, p. 150 et seq.) This grant was made
10 Dec, 2 Richard III, and especially mentions the aid
which that monarch had received from Sir William in
maintaining his right and title to the crown of England.
And now we may recall what has been previously
said, namely, that Stanley had given to him the
custody of the lands lately held by Nicholas Saxton,
deceased, in Carnarvonshire and Flintshire ; and since
a generation has been missed out in the previous pedi-
gree, we might well believe that the said lands were
referred to the present Sir William Stanley rather than
Sir John, especially if we have evidence to that effect ;
and such, indeed, we have, for in a MS. of Flintshire
and Denbighshire pedigrees (Harl. MS. 1971, fol. 160)
occurs the following : Ithel Vychan of Northop (Ingle-
field), 29 Edward I, married Alice, daughter of Richard
ab Cadwalader, and had issue, — David ; Tudor of Mos-
^TH 8BR., yOL. XIY. 5
66 SIR WILLIAM STANLEY.
ton and Northop ; Alice, wife of Robert ab lorwerth
ab Ririd ab lorwertb, etc., to Ednowain Bendew ; and
others.
David had issue, a son named Hywel Gwyneth, who
was beheaded by the inhabitants of Flint " in the rebel-
lious tyme of Owen Glyndower, and his lands given to
Bryan Saxon, who married Jonnett, daughter to Ed-
ward Stanley, and had Nicholas Saxon, who died with-
out issue.'" Tudor (ab Ithel Vychan of Moston) married
Ermynallt, daughter of Madoc ab Llywelyn ab Gruflfudd,
and had issue, Hywel, who married Lleiky, daughter of
Rees ab Rotpert, by whom he had a sole daughter and
heiress, Angharad, who was twice married, — one hus-
band being leuan Vychan ab leuan ab Adda of Pen-
gwern, by whom she had issue, Rees, Ithel, and Hywel ;
the two former of whom were imprisoned in the Castle
of Hereford, and "after drowned in Seavern"'. The
other husband of Angharad the heiress was Edmund
Stanley, called " 2nd sonne to Sir William Stanley of
Hooton, Ejit.'', by whom she had issue, Sir William
Stanley the Judge, " who had all the lands", Jonnett,
and others.
This Jonnett married, firstly, Bryan Saxton, and
secondly, John Aer Conway, by whom she had, with
other issue, a daughter Jonnett, wife of John ab Ken-
dric ab Ithel Vychan of Plase yn Llanasa. This Ithel
Vychan was son of Cynric (or Kendrick) ab Rotpert,
mentioned above as husband of Alice, daughter of Ithel
Vychan of Northop. However, in the Golden Grove
Book, under the pedigree of Conway of Bodrhyddan,
John Conway is said to marry " Jenett, daughter of
Edmund Stanley, son of Piers, son of Sir William Stan-
ley." Add. MS. 9864 (Brit. Mus.) says John aer y Con-
way married "Janet verch Edd. Stanley ab Sir William
o' Hootton, relicta Brian Saxton ap S'r VV'm ap S r W'm
ap S r W m ap W'm Audley o' Stanneley, ap John Lord
Audley"; while Lewis Dwnn, under the same pedigree,
says John Conway married Janet, daughter of Edmund
Stanley ab Sir William Stanley. Her mother was
SIR WILLIAM STANLEY. 67
Angharad ab Hy wel ab Tydyr ab Ithel Vychan of Mos-
tyn, ab Ithel Llwyd ab Ithel Gam ab Meredydd ab
Uchtryd ab Edwin of Tegaingl.
Now we naturally ask, who, then, was Sir William
Stanley ? Lewis Dwnn says Sir William Stanley mar-
ried Margaret, daughter and sole heir of Sir John Heigh-
leigh. The passage is as follows : " Edward Stanley,
esqre., Sonne and heire toPyrs Staneley, esqre., ap Pyrs
Stanley, esq., ap Pyrs Stanley ap S'r William Stanley,
Kt., ab Sir William Stanley ap Sir William Stanley ap
Sir Wm. Stanley ap Sir Wm. Stanley ap Sir Wm. Stan-
elley ap Sir John Awdley, Kt/' He then says Sir Wil-
liam Stanley married Margery, sole heir to Sir John
Heley, Knt. ; and in the footnote by Sir Samuel Rush
Meyrick it says, " Sir William Stanley was the man
who, by surrounding Richard III at the critical moment,
decided the fate of the battle of Bosworth. He and
Lord Stanley both turned traitors to their sovereign",
etc. Pyrs Stanley, Armig. (the son of Sir William),
married Kwnstance verch Thomas Salsbri, Esq., and had
issue, Pyrs Stanley, etc. In the notes it says this
Thomas Salsbri was of Llyweni ; and at another place,
that the issue of the above match of Pyrs Stanley and
Constance Salisbury was Piers, Fowke, Sion, Hani,
Edwart, Tomas, William, Anne, Elsbeth, Catrin, Mar-
gery ; while in another note we are told that the office
of Escheator and Sheriff of Merioneth was granted by
Henry VII, ** 22 Sep. j regni, Petro Stanley*', which he
held to the Ist Henry VIII. The lordship and manor
of Ewloe was leased by the latter monarch, 7 April, in
the twenty-sixth year (1535), "Petro Stanley Ar uni
generos' camer' n're." Edward Stanley of Harlech is
witness to a deed of 22 Augt. 1558, and was Sheriff of
Merioneth in 1545, 1553, and 1560. Vincent (135,
fo. 298, Coll. Arm., says that Peter, second son of Sir
William Stanley of Hoton, Knt., married Margery,
daughter and heir of William de Highleigh, and that
this Peter or Piers was living 35 Henry VI.
In his researches in the Record Office, the writer
68 SIR WILLIAM STANLEY.
finds, in 1509-10, 14th January, a lease to Peter Stan-
ley of the town and lordship of Ewloe, with coal mines,
for four years from Michaelmas last, at £20 105., — sure-
ties, Richard Mutton and Ralph Foxlowe ; in 1511,
Dec. 8, a lease of the perquisites of the court of the
town of Flint, for twenty-one years, at 235. id. — sure-
ties, Thomas Venables, Arm., and James Conway ; and
at the same date, a lease of the manor and lordship of
Ewloe for twenty years, at £20 lOs. — sureties, Thomas
Venables, Arm., and James Conway. There is a long roll
of proceedings relative to the manor of Harwarden and
the possessions of the Stanleys {vide press-list of Welsh
records, No. 5a, Chester, Henry VIII). In an article
by the Chevalier Lloyd {Arch. Camb.y January 1873,
p. 64), speaking of Ewloe, he says it was reckoned an
appurtenance of the manor of Montalto or Mold, and
adds the following pedigree, apparently from Lewis
Dwnn : —
Sir William Stanley, Knt., standard- ==Margaret, daughter and sole
bearer to Richard III at the battle
of Bos worth
Pyers Stanley of Ewloe Castle, Esq.,= Constance, daughter of Thos.
heir of Sir John Hcley or
Heighleigh, Knt
appointed Escheator and Sheriff of
Merionethshire, 22 Sept., 1 Henry
VII (1485)
Salusbury Hen, of Llyweni,
Esq.
.1 III
1, Pyers Stanley, -=f= Janet, d. of Sir 2, Ffoulk 5, Edward Stanley
of Ewloe Castle, Thos. Button, 8, John of Harlech, M.P.
Esq. Knt. 4, Harri for Merioneth,
1542 ; appointed
Constable of Harlech Castle by letters patent,
dated 26 March, 5 Edward YI (1558)
I I I
Pyers Stanley, of Ewloe Castle, == Jane, d. of ... Parker 6, Thomas
Esq. I 7, William
I . ■ .
Edward Stanley, of Ewloe Castle, Esq., =7= Margaret, d. of Sir James
living 1597 ^| Stanley, Knt.
Robert Stanley ,= Alice, d. of Thomas Salusbury, of Flint, third son
of Ewloe Castle, of Sir Thomas Salusbury, of Llyweni, Knt.
Esq.
Anne, heiress = John Mostyn, of Coed On, Esq., of the
of Ewloe Ca.st'le house of Mostyn of Mostyn.
Sm WILLIAM STANLEY. 69
Some further information is thrown upon the subject
bj the following pedigree taken from Harl. MS. 2187,
fol. 107:
John Heigbleigh, vert, a chey.=Cecilia, d. and heir of her mother
Isabella, d. and heir of lenan ab
Kadwgan Eignion de Snowdon et
altera terra in Bronghton ; sable, a
cheyron inter three stag's heads
caboshed argent
Margaret, only d. and heir==Pieroe Stanley, 61. sec. William Stanley,
J militis
ermine inter three lions ram-
pant argent
Pierce de Ewloe et Fflint=f Margaret, fil. John Parker de Copston
I in com. Gestrise
Peirce de Ewloe=ConBtance, fil. Thomas Salasbary de Lleweni
I
Pierce= Jane, fil. Thos. Batler Edward Falke de= Jane, fil. Thos.
of
Ewloe
de Bewsey in com. de ELnockin Kynaston,
Lane, mil. Heighleigh in com. mil.
Salop
Edward, etc. Ffrancisca= Arblaster of Arblaster, co. Stafford
Now, from a careful study of the above authorities,
and collating the several pedigrees, it seems evident
that Sir William Stanley of Hooton, who is identified
by Lewys Dwnn and others with Sir William Stanley
of Holt, brother of the first Earl of Derby, and standard-
bearer at Bosworth, married Elizabeth, daughter of
Thomas Hopton, and heir to her brother Sir Walter.
She was, firstly, wife of Sir Roger Corbet of Morton
Corbet ; secondly, of John Tiptoft, Earl of Worcester ;
and her third husband was this Sir William Stanley,
called in the Corbet pedigree Sir William Stanley of
Tatton. By her Sir William Stanley had issue an eldest
son, William ( Visitation of Cheshire, 15 80), called of Tat-
ton, because he married Jane, daughter and heir of
Sir Geoffrey Massy of Tatton ; and also a second son.
Piers Stanley (Latinized Petrus), who married Marga-
ret, the daughter and sole heir of Sir John Heighlegh.
70 SIR WILLIAM STANLEY.
Their son Piers married Margaret, daughter and heir
of John or James Parker, of Copshall, by Margaret,
daughter and heir of Wettnall of Copenhall or Copnall
(Harl. MS. 1971), whose son Piers was of Ewlo, temp.
Henry VIII, and married Constance, daughter of Thos.
Salisbury of Lie wen ny ; and their daughter Anne mar-
ried Kobert Charleton of Apley, co. Salop.
There is, however, a difficulty as to the identity of
this Sir WilJiara Stanley, because, if we return to the
pedigree, it will be observed that Sir William Stanley
the elder left an elder son. Sir William Stanley the
younger, who married Margery, daughter and heir of
Sir William Hooton of Hooton, co. Chester; whose son.
Sir William Stanley of Stanley Stourton and Hooton
(living 4 Henry VI), married Margery or Blanche,
daughter of Sir John Arderne of Ha warden or Harden
(grw., three crosslets fitch6 or, and a chief of the last) ;
and their son, William Stanley, Esq., of Hooton was
living 1 0 Henry VI ; and by Mary his wife, daughter
of Sir John Savage, had issue, William Stanley of
Hooton, Esq., and, as some say, Piers of Ewloe; but
others make him his brother, and so younger son of Sir
William Stanley and Blanche Ai'deme. (Harl. MS.
1971.) ^
If this be the correct version of the matter, then the
lands of Bryan or Nicholas Sax ton or Saxon were not
only not granted to the before mentioned John or Wil-
liam Stanley, as our authority says, but were not even
granted to one of that line of the family at all, having
fallen to the lot of their third or fourth cousin.
The Stanleys of Hooton, as far as Sir William, would
bear — 1, arg., on a bend az., three buck's heads cabossed
or (Stanley) ; 2, or, on a chief gu., three trefoils arg.
(Bam vile) ; 3, arg,, a tree eradicated vert (Silvester);
4, arg,, on a bend vert three mullets or (Hooton).
Further, we must say that those authorities who de-
clare this Sir William Stanley, founder of the Ewloe
line, to be the commander or standard-bearer at Bos-
worth, are in error ; and it will be found that this error
SIR WILLIAM STANLEY. 71
is sufficiently wide-spread. The Visitation of Cheshire,
of 1580, does not touch upon the subject, since, after
the manner of the English heralds, they leave out
branches of a family which migrate into another county,
and enter their pedigree under their new place of abode.
The Golden Grove Book seems correct in calling Edmund
(or Edv/ard) Stanley, who married Angharad, daughter
and heir of Hywel ab Tydyr ab Ithel Vychan, the son
of Piers ab Sir William Stanley ; and from the match
with his- daughter, the name of Piers seems to have
passed into the family of Conway, and to the descend-
ants of John ab Cynric ab Ithel Vaughan, who are said
by Morris of Shrewsbury to have obtained their Chil-
ton estate, near Shrewsbury, through this match with
Conway.
But we return to the undoubted Sir William Stanley
of Holt, whose elder brother was Thomas Earl of Derby,
and whose younger brother John married Elizabeth,
daughter and heir of Thomas Weever of Weever, and
so founded that branch of the family. His sister Mar-
garet married, Istly, Sir William Troutbeck of Prynes
Castle in Werrall, slain at Bloreheath ; 2ndly, Sir John
Butler ; and 3rdly, Lord Grey of Codnor. It was their
second son Adam, heir of his brother, who left an only
daughter and heir, Margaret, who carried many of the
Troutbeck estates to her husband, Sir John Talbot of
Grafton. Katherine, another sister of Sir William
Stanley, married Sir John Savage, brother of Margaret
Savage, wife of Sir William Stanley of Hooton. Their
son, Sir John Savage, K.G., was slain at BoUein when
Henry VII laid siege to it ; and by Dorothy his wife,
"daughter and heir to Ealfe Vernon of Shepbrooke, had
issue. Sir John, who continued the line ; Alice, wife of
Sir William Brereton of Brereton; Isabel, wife of Need-
ham of Shavington, co. Salop ; and Anne, wife of Sir
John Hampden of Hampden, who died 20th Dec. 1553,
leaving coheire, of whom Katherine was wife of Henry
Ferrers of Baddesley, co. Warwick.
But there is connected with this Sir John Savage,
72 SIR WILLIAM STANLEY.
K.G., a matter of interest if not of edification, which
tends to show not a very high state of morality in the
clergy before the Reformation. Besides his legitimate
issue, Sir John, K.G., had a natural son, George Savage,
priest and parson of Dunham, who, we are told, "begatt
these 7 bastards by 3 sundry women", one of whom,
" Edmund Boner, was first Archdeacon of LecestV, and
after twise Bishop of London, and third hope ; but god
cutt him short, and was buried like a doge." His
mother (a note tells us) was " Elizabeth Ffrodesham,
who died at Ffulham in King Ed. vj time, when Boner
was prisoner in the Marshalsey, who, notwithstanding,
gave for her mourning coates at her death.''
The arms, as borne by Sir William Stanley of Holt,
were, — 1, argt,^ on a bend az. three buck's heads ca-
boshed or (Stanley) ; 2, oVy on a chief indented az, three
plates (Lathom) ; 3, barry of six or and az., a canton
ermine (Goushill) ; 4, grw., a lion rampant or (Fitzalan).
By his wife, Elizabeth Countess of Worcester, he had
issue, at least a son, Sir William Stanley, and a daughter,
Jane. It is related that Sir William of Holt was be-
headed on Tower Hill on the 16th of February 1494-5,
for complicity in the attempt to place Perkin Warbeck,
otherwise the Duke of York, upon the throne.
On the 25th of June in the same year, Henry VU
** did take his progress into Lancashire, to make merrie
with his mother, the Countess of Derby, who then laie
at Lathome in that county. It is traditionally said
that while there Henry ascended the roof of the tower,
whence a fine view of the surrounding neighbourhood
could be obtained, but which was ill defended by battle-
ments; and while standing near the edge he overheard
the family jester, who noted his position, whisper to
Lord Derby, "Tom, remember Will", upon which his
Majesty quickly retired from so hazardous a position.
Sir William's daughter, Jane, married Sir John War-
burton, Knight of the Body to Heniy VIII; and their
son. Sir Piers Warburton, who died 5th July, 4
Edward VI, married Elizabeth, daughter and heir of
SIR WILLIAM STANLEY. 73
Hichard Winnington of WiDnington and Katharine,
fifth daughter and co-heir of Robert Grosvenor of
Holme. They had, with others, a son and heir and a
daughter, Anne, wife of Sir Edward Fitton of Gaws-
worth {argent^ a canton gules^ over all on a bend azm^e,
three garbs or), by whom she had issue Anne Fitton,
wife of Sir Ralph Egerton of Wrinehill, co. Stafford.
They had two daughters, co-heirs — 1. Frances, wife of
Ralph Egerton of Betley, and by him mother of Frances,
the wife of Captain Hercy Wolferston, previously
mentioned ; and 2, Anne, wife of Thomas Arblaster
of Arblaster, co. Staflford, whose grandson, Edward
Arblaster (son of Captain Edward Arblaster) married
Anne, daughter of Fmncis Wolferston (son of Hercy),
and had issue Edmund Arblaster.
Sir John Warburton of Arley, the son and heir,
died in 1575, having married Mary, daughter of Sir
William Brereton of Brereton, by whom he had issue,
with others, a son and heir, Peter (who left eight
daughters co-heirs), and a daughter, Elizabeth, wife of
Sir William Booth of Dunham Massey, obt. 1579, and
mother of Sir George Booth, whose son Sir George
was ancestor of the late Earl of Stamford and War-
rington, and whose daughter Susan married Sir William
Brereton of Han ford, and was mother of an heiress,
Frances, wife of Edward Lord Dudley and Ward, from
whom descend the co-heirs of the Barony of Dudley,
but not the present Earl of Dudley, who derives from
William, a younger brother of this Edward. William,
the son of Sir William Stanley of Holt, was called of
Tatton, having married Jane, daughter and heir of
Sir Geoffrey Massey of Tatton, with whom he acquired
that property. According to Ormerod, their daughter
and heir Joan (or Jane) married Istly, John, son of Sir
Thomas Ashton of Ashton-on-Mersey, co. Chester, who
died 1513 ; and 2ndly, Sir Richard Brereton, younger
son of Sir Randle Brereton of Malpas, and had issue
Richard, obt. s. p., Geoffrey and Anne. The Cheshire
Visitation does not mention the first husband, and
74 SIR WILLIAM STANLEY.
gives as issue of Sir Richard Brereton only Richard
and Anne. Of these, Anne married IsLly, John Booth
of Barton, living 1540; and 2ndly, Sir William Daven-
port of Bromhall ; and Geoffrey married Alice, daughter
of Piers Leycester of Tabley, by whom, according to
Ormerod, he had a son, Richard, who married Dorothy,
daughter of Sir Richard Egerton of Ridley, but died
s. p., and a daughter Anne, who also died s. />., so that
the representation would vest in the issue of Anne the
sister of Geoffrey Brereton, if indeed she left any issue ;
but she seems not to have done so, in which case the
representation goes back to the descendants of Jane,
daughter of Sir William Stanley of Holt, and her
husband. Sir John Warburton, of whom we have pre-
viously spoken, and shewn that they are very numerous.
It is curious how a Staffordshire family, like that of
Arblaster, became so frequently connected with Wales.
Edmund (or Edward) Arblaster (the son of Edward
and Anne Wolferston) married Mary, daughter of
Edmund Littleton of Pilaton and Susannah Biddulph,
and died in 1732, leaving, among other issue, Mary, born
1708-9, wife of William Turner and Richard, bom
1709, who married Mary, granddaughter of Ferrers
Fowke of Wyrley Grove, co. Stafford, and left issue
Richard, who was the last male representative of the
family, and Mary, finally only representative of her
line, wife of Robert Hanbury of Norton, baptized 21
October 1736, whose only child, Sarah Hanbury,
married Daniel Turner, son and heir of Henry, son of
the above William Turner and Mary Arblaster, This
Mary Turner married Catherine, elder daughter and
co-heir of Thomas Jordan and Catherine his wife,
sister and co-heir of Ferdinand Dudley Lea, Lord
Dudley.
These particulars were confirmed by the late W.
Hanbury, Esq., of Morton, gentleman, nephew of
the above Robert Hanbury, whose great-grandfather,
Francis Hanbury, married, as is generally stated in the
pedigrees, Elizabeth, daughter and heir of Sir Richard
SIR WILLIAM STANLEY. 75
Hussey, who had an interest in the lands of Norton,
etc.; but the dates are somewhat conflicting, and,
probably, it is a mistake for granddaughter; this Eliza-
beth being daughter of Vincent Hussey and Elizabeth
his wife, daughter of Sir John Bridgman, which Vin-
cent was son of Sir Richard Hussey and Mary Corbet
his wife. Sir John Bridgman died at Ludlow, 6th
February 1637, being connected with the Court of the
Marches ; the family came from Suffolk, and his father,
according to Additional MSS. 14, 314, Brit. Mus. (or
grandfather, according to Harl. MS. 1982), Edward
Bridgman, who was living in 1592, married Mary,
daughter and heir of William Charlton of Apley, whose
father, Francis, was the son of Robert Charlton of
Apley and Anne his wife, daughter of Piers Stanley
of Ewloe, CO. Flint.
We have now laid before our readers the several
strands in this entangled genealogical web of the
Stanley Pedigree; we have shewn that there were two
Sir William Stanleys of different branches of the family
connected with Wales, unless indeed he who is so con-
stantly called Sir William Stanley of Hooton is the
same as Sir William Stanley of Holt, which seems to
be the opinion of some of our acknowledged authorities ;
however there is grave manuscript authority against
such a supposition, and the dates are against it, other-
wise it is possible, so far as the pedigree goes, since we
have authority for believing that it was Piers, second
son of Sir William, who married the heiress of Sir
John Heighleigh, not Sir William himself, who might
thus be the husband of Lady Worcester as Sir William
of Holt certainly was. Some confirmation of this
might also be drawn from the fact that the lands of
Nicholas Saxton are stated to have been granted to
Sir John Stanley, who was grandfather of Sir William
of Holt; and we find as a fact that Sir William Stanley's
posterity did actually enjoy these lands, but this Sir
William is called Sir William of Hooton, who would
be second or third cousin of Sir Wilham Stanley of
Holt.
76 SIR WILLIAM STANLEY.
In the Visitation of Cheshire, neither Sir William is
mentioned as having a second son Piers, which may
Erobably arise from his being in Wales. The Hooton
ranch does not seem to be connected with Wales
until a later period, unless indeed it be by the marriage
of Sir William Stanley with Blanch, daughter of Sir
John Arderne, whose father is described as Sir John
Arderne of Hawarden cds. Harden, though the arms
given are those of Arderne of Elford in Staflfordshire.
But, of course, the strongest point is the direct testi-
mony of Harleian MS. 1971, though even there there
is a discrepancy, since in one place it makes Piers of
Ewlo son of Sir William Stanley and Mary Savage; in
another, it makes him younger brother of this* Sir
William; but upon the whole, notwithstanding the
formidable array of authorities upon the other side, we
are inclined to believe the true state of the case to be
that the Stanleys of Ewlo are a younger branch of
those of Hooton, which is the senior line of the house;
and that Sir William Stanley of Holt, being attainted
and beheaded, was succeeded in very few, if any, of his
Welsh lands, by his son William, who settled upon his
wife's estate, derived from the Masseys of Tat ton, while
the castle of Holt, etc., reverted to the king. It must
be remembered that Edmund (or Edward) Stanley, who
married the daughter and sole heiress of Hywel ab
Tudor ab Ithel Vychan of Mostyn, had a son. Sir
William Stanley, who had all the lands, as Harl. MS.
1971 says. He was the uncle of Nicholas Saxon, who
died without issue, and whose mother, Jonnet, then
married John Conway of Bodrhyddan, who signs deeds
of conveyance of land 35 Henry VI and 14 Edward IV ;
and it was their daughter Jonnet (Sionet), who (as is
said by the late Joseph Morris) brought the Cnilton
estate in Shropshire to her husband, John ab Cynric ab
Ithel Vychan of Holt. So that here is another connec-
tion with Holt, for Ithel Vychan had gained an estate
there with his wife, Angharad, daughter and sole heiress
of Robert (or Robin) ub Meredydd ab Hywel ab Davydd
HISTORICAL MSS. COMMISSION. 77
of the House of Gwydir, and this Robert or Robin
was of Holt^ as was also his descendant, the above
John ab Cynric, who himself and whose son and grand-
son, Richard and William, were born at Holt, though
the latter succeeded his uncle John at Chilton about
1491-2; and it is on record that John Jones (ab John)
of Chilton paid 26s. 8d. to the benevolence of 7
Heniy VII.
These dates would also seem to shew that Sir William
Stanley, who would be great-great-grandfather of this
John, could scarcely have fought at the battle of
Bosworth, though the aforementioned authorities ac-
credit him with being the Sir William of Holt Castle
who did so.
Where so much confusion has arisen, a deeper in-
vestigation of the Stanley Pedigree seemed desirable,
and the above-mentioned manuscripts and works seem
to throw considerable light upon the subject.
HISTORICAL MSS. COMMISSION.
{Continued from Vol, wiii, p. 274.)
MSS. IN THE REPOSITORY OF THE HOUSE OF LORDS.
1660, August 17. Afifidavit of John Stainer of Uppington,
Salop, that Andrew Lloyd of Aston, in the same county, refused
to obey the order of the House for restoration of the Earl of
Newport's goods. (L. J., xi, 131.)
Annexed : Copy of the order referred to, 30 June 1660. (L. J.,
xi, 79.)
1660, Aug. 22. Petition of Captain John Griffith. In the
year 1651 petitioner, then an inferior officer in the city of Ches-
ter, was, amongst others, summoned to appear at a court-martial,
where, finding them upon the trial of Lord Derby, petitioner
presently withdrew, and was never present at any question or
sentence of death ; but has, notwithstanding, been summoned
with the rest that sat in that court. Petitioner has suffered
much for his adherence to His Majesty's party, and particularly
78 HISTORICAL MSS. COMMISSION.
was sequestered, and very much abused by the Rump for assist-
ing Sir George Booth in his late rising ; but has not hitherto
had an opportunity of truly informing the House of his case.
He prays to be speedily discharged from his imprisonment,
which he has now suffered above a month, and the charge of
which he is not able to bear. (L. J., xi, 137.)
Annexed : Petition of the same to the Committee for Privi-
leges ; confesses that he was one of those who sat in the court-
martial upon the Earl of Derby, but positively affirms that he
knew not of his execution, or who gave orders for it The con-
clusion of the petition is similar to the preceding one. (Un-
dated.)
2. Statement in favour of Griffith, and that the Earl of Derby
consents to his release.
1660, Sept. 3. Petition of William Awbery, the son of Richard
Awbery, in the parish of Boughi'ood, in the county of Radnor,
in South Wales. During the late times of cruelty and oppres-
sion, petitioner's father, who was marked for a sufferer for his
loyalty, was induced by William Watkins and another, for £300,
to levy a fine and suffer a recovery of lands worth £1,500. This,
after dejecting him, broke his heart, and within a short time he
died. Petitioner prays for inquiry, that the fine and recovery
may be cancelled, and right done to him as legal heir.
1660, Sept. 8. Petition of the Provost and College of the Col-
lege Royal of the Blessed Mary of Eaton, near unto Windsor, in
the county of Bucks, commonly called the King's College of our
Blessed I^dy of Eaton. Petitioners are seized of the manors of
Goldcliffe, Nash, and Coldry, in tlie county of Monmouth ; and
the copyholders have, time out of mind, until the late unhappy
wars, paid fines arbitrary for admittance ; and such payment
was confirmed by a decree of the Court of Chancery made in the
sixth year of King James ; but since the year 1644 the copy-
holders have refused to pay any fines but such as they please.
Petitioners and their farmers have for ten years past endea-
voured to maintain their right in the Court of Chancery, and
have the former decree confirmed, until legally reversed by bill
of review, or to have an indifferent county assigned for the trial
at law ; but such was tlie number and potency of their adver-
saries, and the strength of their purses, being at least two hun-
dred joined together, that though petitioners have expended at
least £1,000, and are able to expend no more, yet can they not
obtain confirmation of the decree, or payment of fines since
16^4. They pray for consideration of their sufferings, for an
order confirming the decree securing them their fines until
legally reversed by bill of review; and for a summons for tenants
refusing to pay, to appear before the House. (L. J., xi, 162.)
HISTORICAL MSS. COMMISSION. 79
1660, Sept. 8. Petition of Thomas Birch. An order has been
granted, upon the petition of William Evans, to secure the pro-
fits of the rectory of Hampton Bishop, Herefordshire, upon pre-
tence that he was forcibly ejected ; but this plea has been heard
and examined by the Lord Chancellor, and found empty, there
being no proof that Evans was ever legally presented. Petitioner
prays that the order may be reversed- (L J., xi, 163.)
1660, Nov. 17. Petition of Thomas Hillyard, of Newton Not-
tf^e in the county of Glamorgan, clerk ; prays that Arnold But-
ter, who alleges that he was illegally ejected from the rectory of
Newton Nottage, and has, by virtue of an order of the House,
gathered in the tithes of the rectory, and converted them to his
own use, may be called upon to appear, and to show cause why
petitioner should not enjoy the rectory and tithes.
1660. Petition of Francis Lord Newport. In 1646 a fine of
£10,000 was imposed upon Richard Lord Newport, deceased,
and petitioner, his son and heir, for their (then called) delin-
quency, after a sequestration of all their real and personal estate,
and demolition of their dwelling-house, beside the said fine for
composition. In discharge of the fine, petitioner and his father
were compelled to pay a great part in ready money; and for the
residue, to convey their tithes and rectories in the county of
Salop to William Pierrepoint and Humphrey Edwards, deceased,
and their heirs, in trust for the augmentation of the maintenance
of the ministers of the several parishes. Petitioner hopes their
Lordships will not interpret his and his father's loyalty and
faithful adherence to His late Majesty as a crime, and prays
that he may be restored to the estate and possession of the rec-
tories and tithes so extorted as aforesaid, they being the only
remaining part of the fine not swallowed up unrecoverably ; and
to that end, that the surviving trustee may be ordered to re-
grant and convey the said rectories and tithes to the petitioner
and his heirs ; and that persons in whose hands the deeds and
conveyances made thereof by petitioner and his father remain,
may be ordered to deliver them up to be cancelled.
1661, May 25. Draft of an Act for restoring of Charles,
Earl of Derby, to the possession of the manors, lands, and
hereditaments belonging unto James, late Earl of Derby, his
father. Bead first this day, and withdrawn after various subse-
quent proceedings. (L. J., xi, 265, etc.)
1661, June 19. Petition of Sir John Trevor, George Twissel-
ton, and Andrew Ellis, There is a bill before their Lordships,
which, under pretence of restoring the Earl of Derby to his
lands, woidd dispossess petitioners of their lawful estates in
certain manors and lands in the county of Flint, purchased by
80 HISTORICAL MSS. COMMISSION.
them of the said Earl, and assured to them by conveyances,
fines, etc., the best estate the law can give them. They pray to
be heard at the Bar of the House before the bill shall be further
proceeded with.
1661, June 26. Petition of Owen Owens, son and heir of
Rice Owens, deceased, late brother and heir of Morgan, late
bishop of Llandaff, deceased, and of Moi-gan Owens, sole sur-
viving administrator of the said late bishop. By the cunning
practices, forgeries, and abuses of Owen Price, heretofore a
servant to the bishop, petitioners have been defrauded out of
the greater part of the bishop's estate, particulars whereof are
fully stated in the annexed paper. They pray that Price may
be summoned to appear and answer their complaint
Annexed: 1. Schedule of the crimes, forgeries, and abuses
charged against Owen Price.
1661, July 15. Petition of Sir John Trevor, knight, Colonel
George Twisleton, and Andrew EUice, Esq. Complain that
having purchased the manora of Hope and Mold, in the county
of Flint, from Charles, Earl of Derby, and having enjoyed quiet
possession, the rents are now stayed in the hands of the tenants
under colour of an order of the House of the 14th of June,
1660, and a mill, timber, etc., has been seized by Edward Price,
in the name of the Earl of Derby. They pray to be restored
to the possession of their property. {See L. J., xi, 310.)
Annexed: Copy of an order of 14 June, 1660.
1661, Dec. 10. Draft of an Act for the restoring of Charles,
Earl of Derby, to the manors of Mold and Moldsdale, Hope
and Hopesdale, in the county of Flint Eead first this day.
(L. J., xi, 347.) The Bill passed through all stages, but the
royal assent was refused 19 May, 1662. (L J., xi, 471.)
Dec. 1661. Petition of the cardmakers and wiredrawers of
the counties of Worcester, Gloucester, and Salop, to the House
of Commons. In the reigns of James I and Charles I the
whole trade of cardmaking and wiredrawing was nearly spoiled
by vagabondious persons, void of habitation, who travelled from
place to place collecting old cards, from which they drew out
the teeth, scoured them, turned the leaves of the cards and
reset the teeth in them, fixed them on new boards, and having
counterfeited the marks of substantial cardmakers, sold them to
the country people. A penal law was in consequence put in
execution against the offenders, and the trade again flourished ;
but since the late unhappy wars there are more deceitful persons
sprung up, who not only sell their base commodities in England
and Wales, but transport great quantities into Ireland, almost
levelling the trade to the ground, to the great disabling of many
HISTORICAL MSS. COMMISSION. 81
families that formerly lived in good estate. Petitioners pray
that the offenders may be punished.
1661-2, Jan. 28. Amendments to the Bill for restoring
Charles Earl of Derby to the manors of Mold and Moldsdale,
Hope and Hopesdale, in the county of Flint (L J., xi, 372.)
1662-3, March 14. Application for an order to stay pro-
ceedings in a suit touching the manor of Brockton, in the
county of Salop, wherein the title of Viscount Stafford is con-
cerned during the privilege of Parliament.
1663, June 18. Engrossment of an Act for keeping and
holding of the court of great sessions, and of the general
quarter sessions of the peace for the county of Carnarvon, at
the town of Carnarvon, in the said county for ever. Brought
from the Coumions this day, but not further proceeded with.
(L. J., xi, 539.)
1663-4, March 21. Petition of Bobert Bobartes, son and
heir apparent of John Lord Bobartes and Sarah his wife, sole
daughter and heir of John Bodvile, Esquire, deceased, and
Charles Bodvile Bobartes, an infant, second son of the said
Bobert and Sarah ; they complain that after John Bodvile, who
was possessed of an estate in the counties of Anglesea and
Carnarvon, worth £2,000 per annum, had made a will in favour
of his daughter, Sarah, and her son Charles Bodvile Bobartes,
Thomas Wynn, and others, having got entire possession of him
when weak in body and mind, induced him to make a will in
favour of Griffith Wynn (son of Thomas Wynn), and one
Thomas Bodvile ; petitioners proceeded in Chancery for relief in
1663, when the annexed order was made, declaring that the
will was obtained by fraud, but that as there was no precedent
for giving relief in such a case, and the Court was unwilling to
create one, a year's time was given to the petitioners to seek
relief elsewhere, an injunction being granted in the interim to
stay proceedings at law upon the pretended will. Petitioners
pray the House to hear the case and grant them relief. (L. J.,
xi, 583.) •
1664, Nov. 28. Petition of Bobert Bobartes, Esq. (son and
heir apparent of John Lord Bobartes and Sarah his wife, sole
daughter and heir of John Bodvile, Esquire, deceased), and
Charles Bodvile Bobartes, an infant, second son of the said
Bobert and Sarah ; pray the House to proceed in the considera-
tion of their cause against Thomas Wynne and others, and to
give directions to the Lord Chancellor according to the several
orders made in May last. (L. J., xi, 630.)
Annexed: 1. Copy of petition of same of 21 March, 1663-4;
2. Precedents and reasons for relief; 3. Answers to Wjmne's
exceptions to the oixler in Chancery.
4VH 8BB., VOL. XIV. 6
82 HISTORICAL MSS. COMMISSION.
1664, Dec. 9. Draft of an Act for the enabling of Thomas
Juckes of Treliddan (Trelydan) in the county of Montgomery,
Esq., to sell lands for the payment of his debts and raising of
younger children's portions. Eead first this day, and received
the royal assent 2nd March, 1664-5. (L. J., xi, 635.)
1664, Dec. 20. Statement respecting the imprisonment of
John Langford, servant to Lord Powis, contrary to privilege.
(L. J., xi, 641.)
1664-5, Feb. 11. Order for the High Sheriff of the county of
Carmarthen to cause speedy restitution to be made of the corn
belonging to Lord Vaughan, forcibly carried away by Eowland
Gwynne and others. (L J., xi, 655.)
On the same paper is a certificate of the High Sheriff of the
proceedings taken by him for the recovery of the com.
Annexed : 1. Application for preceding order, and for an
order for the arrest of the rioters. 2. List of the rioters.
1666, Dec. 11. Petition of Griffith Wynne, alias Bodvile,
and Thomas Bodvile, infants. A Bill is now before the House
to make void the last wUl of John Bod\'ile, by which his estate
in the counties of Carnarvon and Anglesey is devised, after
payment of debts and legacies, for the benefit of petitioners and
their heirs. The case has been twice heard in Chancery; the
last time upon a direction from the House, but the plaintiffs
were dismissed, and no relief given against the will. Petitioners
therefore pray to be heard in support of the will. (L. J., xii, 43.)
[A bill for settliug the estate of John Bodvile, Esq., deceased,
received the royal assent on the 18th of January following,
18 Car. ii, c. 4, in List of Private Acts, 8vo., and L. J., xii, 81,
etc. For the first proceedings in Chancery, referred to in the
petition, see "Roberts v. Wynn", Eeports in Chancery, ed. 1693,
vol. i, p. 236, seq.l
Annexed: 1. Case of Eobert Eoberts, Esq., and Sarah, his
wife, sole daughter and heir of John Bodvile, Esq., deceased,
and Charles Bodvile Roberts, second son of the said Eobert and
Sarah. They complain of the conduct of Thomas Wynn, in
inducing John Bodvile, when weak and not in his right mind,
to make a will to the prejudice of his wife, Sarah Roberts, and
her son, Charles Bodvile Roberts, contrary to a previous will
made in consequence of a settlement made by Lord Roberts
upon his son. Upon a hearing in Chancery it was declared
that, in spite of the evidence of fraud, there was no precedent
for relief. Application was then made by petition to the Lords
in Parliament, who, after examining the case, referred it back
to the Lord Chancellor to make a decree in Chancery; but, on
a re-hearing, it was decided that their Lordships' direction did
HISTORICAL M8S. COMMISSION. 83
not empower the Court to make a decree, there being no
precedent for so doing. 2. The case of Griflfith Wynn, an
infant, son and heir apparent of Thomas Wynn, Esq., and
Thomas Bodvile, an infant, and of the said Thomas Wynn. the
father (presented to the House of Commons). John Bodvile,
of Bodvile, in the coimty of Carnarvon, on his marriage with
Anne, daughter of Sir William Russell, settled his estate and
the reversion of his wife's jointure upon his own right heirs,
with certain powers of charging his estate if he had only
daughters. He had issue two daughters only, Elizabeth and
Sarah, of whom Elizabeth died in 1661. There were great
differences between John Bodvile and his wife ; he was a colonel
in the king's service, and his wife procured a warrant to have
him tried by a High Court of Justice, which Bodvile escaped
by notice from Thomas Wynn. In 1650, under a decree for
alimony, Mrs. Bodvile got her husband's estate put into the
Bill of Sale, notwithstanding his composition, and obtained a
sequestration of it, and in 1657 married her daughter Sarah to
Mr. Roberts without her husband's consent. In 1662 Bodvile
was arrested by his wife for alimony, and threats were used to
induce him to settle his estate on Mr. Roberts and his wife and
children. In the same year Bodvile was arrested by his creditors,
but released on bail being given up by Wynn; and afterwards
Mrs. Bodvile, having procured an order in Chancery for her
husband's conmiitment to the Fleet, he removed to Islington and
there lived under a feigned name, and being seriously iU made
his will, by which he left £5,000 to his daughter, Sarah, upon
certain conditions ; and the residue of his estate to Griffith
Wynn and Thomas Bodvile equally. Bodvile died on the 28th
March, 1663, whereupon Mrs. Bodvile and Mr. Roberts entered
upon and stiU retain his whole estate. In April 1663 they com-
menced proceedings in Chancery against the trustees, to set
aside the will, on the ground that it was obtained by fraud.
The Court decided that they could give no relief, but allowed
the plaintiffs to seek relief elsewhere; upon which they applied
to the House of Lords, who referred the case back to the Lord
Chancellor to make a decree according to equity, though there
were no precedents for so doing; but in July 1666, after a very
full hearing, the Court decided that the plaintiffs were not
relieveable. The charges of fraud cannot be substantiated ; but
ever since Bodvile's death the trustees have been kept out of
the estate, and debts are unpaid, while the trustees cannot sue
at law, by reason of Mr. Bodvile's privilege. (C. J., viii, 640, etc.)
3. Reasons against the receiving of any petition in either
House of Parliament against Mr. Bodvile's will.
84
Btograpfjical i&ottre.
Matthew Holbeche Bloxam, F.S.A.
If notices of distinguished men are nsnally postponed until they are
removed from among us, yet there may be exceptions to the rule ;
and if so, Matthew Holbeche Bloxam must be generally considered
as worthy of being thus excepted. There are few names more widely
known and more generally esteemed than this veteran of architec-
tural nrchsBologists, who may be said to have been the first who put
into the hands of novices a clear and faithfal guide to a knowledge
of Gothic architecture. Before his time others had written on the
same subject works at the present time held of small valne. Bick-
man sncceeded them with his valuable work, An Attempt to Discri-
minate the Styles of Architecture in England from the Conquest to the
Reformation, He was followed by Mr. Bloxam with his Guide, and
soon nfter by Mr. John Henry Parker with his admirable Glossary.
All these works are still in as great requisition as ever. Mr. BIox-
am*8 work has one valuable advantAge over the others, namely the
popular character of the book, which is and was in every one's
hands ; whereas those of the other two authors, valuable as they are,
would be considered by many as too expensive or too advanced for
ordinary folk : hence the enormous circulation of the smaller and
more modest, but by no means less valuable, volumes of Mr. Bloxam.
A circumstance, however, occurred last year which has no little
connection with the present notice. Mr. R, H. Wood of Rugby and
Warwick, an accomplished antiquary, a neighbour and friend of
Mr. Bloxam, who knew how to appreciate his friend's value, had his
likeness engraved as a frontispiece for the then forthcoming ele-
venth edition of the Guide, The likeness is so perfect, and the
engraving so remarkable, that it was thought desirable, if possible,
to gratify the members of the Association with copies jof it. No
formal request was made to Mr. Wood ; but on his understanding
the feeling on the subject, he most readily not only offered the use
of the plate to the Association, but generously presented the five
hundred impressions, the required number.
The subjoined can hardly be an account of such a life as Mr.
Bloxam has been permitted to extend to a venerable age, and which
all must wish may be prolonged some years yet. It is more pro-
perly a brief and imperfect notice of a few details of a life spent in
good and useful work, the benefits of which will be felt by future
generations.
Mr. Matthew H. Bloxam was born at Rugby, in the county of
/ y Warwick, on Tuesday, May 12, 180^. He was the fifth son and
^ eighth child of the Rev. Richard Rouse Bloxam, ^D.D., an Assistant
Master of Rugby School, by Ann his wife, sister of Sir Thomas Law-
rence, the celebrated President of the Royal Academy. His father
BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE. 85
was descended from tlie old family of IJnderhill, of Eatington in
WarwickRhire. From certain members of this family Shakespeare
purchased New Place, in Stratford-opon Avon, where he resided the
latter part of his life, and where he died. His mother was descended
from the ancient family of Hill of Court Hill,of the Powys(? Powis),
and Littletons of Salop and Worcestershire. Matthew had four
sisters and five brothers. At the age of two years he was stricken
with fever; and the year following he was sent to a small school
consisting only of four boys, of which he was the youngest, two of
the others being the sons of solicitors in Rugby ; the other, the son
of a medical practitioner in the same town. In consequence of the
master, who was under-writing- master to Rugby School, leaving
the town, young Bloxam was sent, at the age of four years, to a
mixed English school at Rugby, consisting of poor children of the
parish, who received their education gratis, and partly of the sons
of tradesmen and professional gentlemen and clergymen of Rugby,
there being no preparatory school for those intended for the public
school at Rugby. At this English school, called the Elborowe
School (after the founder of that name), the subject of this notice,
or, as he will be subsequently known by the initial letters of his
name, M. H. B., remained four years, and learned to read and write.
The most remarkable circumstance he remembered was seeing the
scholars of Rugby School walking two and two together to church
on the occasion of the Jubilee kept in October 1809, on the comple-
tion of the fiftieth year of the reign of George III.
In August 1813 he was entered at Rugby School, and placed at
first in the lowest form. He remained for eight years, gradually
rising to the fifth form, the second in position. During the time he
was in the School his exercises were generally, if not always, marked
mediocriter ; and if there was an absence of bene and optiwe, the same
may be said of male or pessime ; so that our young scholar was con-
sidered to be a dull, plodding boy attempting his best. Rugby
School was then far different from what it is now, and has been
during the last half century. Latin and Greek, writing and arith-
metic (the latter only up to a certain point), were taught, and no-
thing more. The masters were good classical scholars, as scholar-
ship was then esteemed. The study of the French language was an
extra, optional to parents. As, however, this language was attempted
to be taught by a French emigre (a worthy man in his way, but one
who had no command over his pupils), and the time was taken out
of play-hours, French was considered an enforced grievance, and no
boy attempt-ed to learn anything. It was an involuntary ta^k which
did not excite the smallest emulation. That it should have been so
was a grievous mistake. Neither modern history nor English com-
position was taught, and boys desirous of reading out of school-
time were at a nonfilus for want of books. If during the time
M. H. B. was at Rugby, schoolboys could borrow an edition (abbre-
viated or otherwise) of GnlUver's Travels, Don Quixote, or the Ara^
bian Nights, they considered themselves most fortunate. Sometimes
86 BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE.
a novel of Fieldinj^ or Smollett would make its appearance, mnch
to the delight df him into whose hands it fell. Periodicals were few
in number. Voyages and travels were printed in costly quarto, and
not easily obtainable on accoant of the price. Newspapers were
dear, and weighted with the stamp-duty. In fact, with the excep-
tion of Latin and Greek, the pursuit of knowledge was essentially
carried on under difficult circumstances. Such was the past. The
present how different !
In September 1821, being then a little more than sixteen years
and a few months old, M. H. B. left school to be articled to a soli-
citor at Rugby, with whom he remained five years and seven
months. During that period he had little leisure for pursuits uncon-
nected with his intended profession. Even legal works, except of
an abstruse and expensive class, were nnobtainable ; and those which
were procurable were read late at night. Occasionally he had to
ride to some town or village on business ; and afler seeing his horse
properly cared for, and transacting the business on which he came,
he always inspected the church, and as far as his scanty know-
ledge of ecclesiastical antiquities would permit, noted down what
pai ticulars he deemed worthy of being recorded.
The first works he read on the subject (and this was during his
clerkship) were Essays on Gothic Architecture^ by the Rev. Thomas
Wharton, the Rev. J. Bentham, Captain Grove, and the Rev. J. Mil-
ner. This last was the third edition, published in 1808. Besides
these, he had access to the series of articles contributed by the late
Mr. John Carter to The QtntlemarCs Magazive, on "Architectural
Innovations.'' These were pemsed with avidity. It was at a later
period he met with Rickman's celebrated work, An Attempt to Dis*
criminate the 'Styles of Gothic Architecture in England from the Con-
quest to the Reformation, a work to which all writers on the subject,
during the last sixty years, owe much. The late Mr. John Britton
was at this time publishing his Cathedrals and also his Architectural
Antiquities ; but these were too expensive purchases for M. H. B.
In his leisure hours, which were not numerous during his clerk-
ship, Mr. Bloxam endeavoured to frame a little work on the subject
of Gothic architecture. This, his first attempt, was in a catechetical
form. In May 1827, having completed his articles of clerkship, he
went up to London for the purpose of being admitted into the
courts of common law as an attorney, — a designation now legally
discarded ; and in the Court of Chancery as a solicitor. His resi-
dence in London was about ten weeks, the longest period in his life
he resided out of his native town. While in London he took his
manuscript to a firm of well known publishers on architectural sub-
jects in Holborn, and offered it for publication, in the hopes, if
accepted, he might obtain in exchange a copy of Britton's Architec-
tural Antiquities. It was, however, luckily for him, after a superfi-
cial glance, civilly declined, with a suggestion that it might, per-
haps, be accepted if offered for one of the series of Pinnoclcs
Catechisms, then in the course of publication. It was not, however,
again offered, the first rebuff buiiig sufficient.
BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE. 87
A year snbseqneiitlj, while stajing near Leicester, M. H. B. made
the acquaintance of Mr. Thomas Combe, a well known and enter*
prising bookseller at that place, and sabseqnentlj printer to the
University of Oxford. On the manuscript being casnally mentioned,
he expressed a wish to see it. As soon as he examined it, he Tolnn-
teered to print and pnblish it at his own risk. It made its appear-
ance in May 1829. The subsequent editions (eleven in all) termi-
nated in the eleventh in 1882. The first three editions were printed
at Leicester ; the six following ones at the University Press, Oxford,
by the late Mr. Combe. The tenth edition, printed at Rugby, was
published in 1859. A German translation of the seventh edition
was issued at Leipzig in 1847. The present edition, also printed at
Rugby, made its appearance in three volumes last year (1882). It
is not generally known that the tenth edition was received as evi-
dence in a Chancery suit respecting the ownership of an ancient
chantry chapel annexed to a church. Of the first ten editions,
seventeen thousand copies were quickly disposed of; and for many
years past the tenth edition has been out of print, and is now not
to be had without much difficulty. Between the publication of the
first and second editions, Mr. Combe published another work by
Mr. Bloxam, entitled A Glimpse at the Monumental Architecture and
Sculpture of Great Britain. This was in 18*34, and has been out of
print many years.
In the month of January 1830, M. H. B. attended, in company
with five brothers, the funeral (a quasi public one) of their uncle,
Sir Thomas Lawrence, President of the Royal Academy, in the
Cathedral Church of St, Paul. They were the only mourners of
blood-relations to the deceased, the eldest being chief mourner.
In 1827 Mr. Bloxam commenced practice as a solicitor in his
native town; but his practice for the first four years was very
limited. In the month of January 1831 he was appointed clerk to
the Justices of the Petty Sessions held in Rugby, in and for the
Rugby petty sessional division of the county of Warwick. This offi-
cial post he retained for forty years, during which, by the zealous
discharge of his duties, and his uniformly kind and courteous man-
ner towards all who had anyihing to do with him, from the highest
to the lowest, as to social position, he won the love and esteem not
only of his neighbours, but wherever he went. Much to the regret
of the Rugby world, he resigned his office in 1871, in consequence
of a serious collision on the London and North- Western Railway in
the previous November, in which he was present. He did not,
indeed, sustain any bodily injury ; but his nervous system was so
seriously affected that his resignation, if not actually necessary, was
the wisest and most prudent course to adopt.
During his clerkship to the Justices his movements were limited,
and his holidays were few. In spite, however, of his onerous duties
he about 1840 became a member of many of the provincial archi-
tectural and archaaological societies, and as often as he could attended
their annual meetings. During the usual excursions on such occa-
i 88 BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE.
sions he was able to visit many churches and other remarkable
objects of antiquity, and was always received with the greatest kind-
ness, for which he felt the deepest gratitude. It was, therefore, not
surprising that many requests were made that he should read papers
on different antiquarian subjects in many towns and cities. Many
of these have been published in the Journal of the Royal Archeeo-
logical Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, of which he was
elected a Vice-President in 1882. He was made a Vice-President
of the Cambrian Archesological Association in 1874, and contributed
several valuable articles to the Archceologia Camhr&ims, In the
reports and papers of the associated architectural societies of Lin-
colnshire, Yorkshire, Northamptonshire, Bedfordshire, Worcester-
shire, Leicestershire, and SheflBeld, and in The GentlemarCa Maga-
zine, will be found numerous contributions from his pen. Of papers
relating to his native county, Warwickshire, not a few have been
published in Kenning's Rugby Almanack during the last eighteen
years. In April 1839 a paper of his appeared in the British Critic^
edited by the then Vicar of St. Mary's Church in Oxford (the pre-
sent Cardinal Newman), on " The Internal Decoration of English
Churches."
From the infirmities of age, Mr. Bloxam has been compelled to
forego the many pleasant meetings at which for so many years he
has been in the habit of taking an active part. But painful as this
compulsory retirement must be to him, he owns that he has much
to be thankful for to the Divine Giver of all goodness, as he is able
to say that he does not remember the time when he was confined
to his bed for the whole of a single day. Great, however, as may
be his regret at his no longer meeting his numerous friends at these
pleasant gatherings, that of his friends will be fully as great in not
seeing one who was always so ready to instruct and interest his
hearers on details on which he is the first authority of the day. The
possession, therefore, of the admirable likeness which his friend
Mr. R. H. Wood, F.S.A.,^ one of our members, has so kindly pre-
sented to the Cambrian Archaeological Association, is doubly wel-
come.
E. L. Babnwell.
^ It is by the munificence of this gentleman that Rugby has been lately
presented with a public hospital, bu&t and endowed at his sole cost.
girchae0l0jgia C»mlrr^ttst»*
FOURTH SERIES.— VOL. XIV, NO. LIV.
APRIL 1883.
THE CELTIC ELEMENT IN THE LANCA-
SHIRE DIALECT.
{Continued from p. 13, vol, xir, Ath Series.)
LANC. CELTIC. WELSH OR IRISH.
Paup^ to move abont awkwardly W.^//", the palm of the hand; /xiZ/m,
(F.) to grope gently
Paut, to potter, to do work in an W. piclio^ to pnsh, to poke : Com.
idle, slovenly way* (P.) ; (cf . jx)of ; Ir. Gael, put, to push, to
paut^ to push at anything. Clevel. ) ; thrust
Prov. 8w. pdta^ to poke
Paw, a ludicrous word for "hand"; W. patren; Com. paw; Arm. pao^
O. Fr. pouej poe, foot of an animal par^ a paw, a hoof
Paw-paw, an exclamation of nurses W. hatr, dirty ; Arm. j)ouch, dirty,
in removing the dirty clothes of vile; Sans, jninkoj dirt
young children
Pawm, to rear up ; used of horses W.palfu, for palmu, to paw ; paJf, a
(Com.) paw
Pay, to beat, to punish W. pinfo=-.])€o, to beat
Peaky to pry; peedle, to look slily Manx, y^rri Avar, a spy, a scout (/x'Hi',
about; pearkj to peep, to pry in- to scout, to spy); Ir. Gael, faic
quisitively; ^e«, to squint, to take (for paic), to look, to look at
aim closely, to watch; W. peithio, to
look about, seach, scout (th for a
prior k); Ir. beacJUoir, a spy, an
observer; Sans. ^V, ioT pak, to
see
Peeart, Pert, brisk, cheerful, as a W.pert, pretty, smart, spruce, saucy
child recovering from sickness,
insolent
Peddle, light easy employment ; r. W. pitw, very small or minute
to trifle, to be busy about small
things or small details; piddle, id. ;'
Fr. petit
^ Paut orpawt, means also to push, to kick (P.B., p. 10).
' Cf . Arm. pitoul, friand, delicat ; pitoula, se nourrir de friandises, to
live on tid-bits.
^H SER., VOL. XIV. 7
90 THE CELTIC ELEMENT
LANC. CELTIC. WELSH OR IRISH.
Peel, a strong-hold W.|>i//, a strong-hold (Rich); prim.
the stock of a tree ; M&nx,peelei/,
a tower, or fortress ; Arm. pill,
trunk of a tree
Peigh,^ a pea, a primitive form; W.^«, pease, pulse ; j9t«^-6n, a pod;
Lat. pisum Arm. piz, pease ; Sans.^8't, a pod,
a husk, a sheath
Peigh^ to cough in a short or hack- W./Te^ireA, a cough ;^>«^cAi/, to cough;
ing way; peff, id. Gael. peAch^ to sniff with anger;
pxoch^ to wheeze
Pexl^ to trouble, to harass (P.); to W. pplrhe, turmoil, trouble ; see
work or move energetically Peyl
Pelk, pelt, to beat, to assault with Ir. O. Gael, pallt-ag, a blow ; Ir.
stones; a stroke, a blow Gael, buille (bulle); Manx, 6ui//€y,
a blow; Manx, builtagh, assailing
Pelt, a skin with the fur on; Lat. Ir. G&el.peall, a hide, a skin ; peal-
pellis; Prov. Sw.peh laid, a sheep-skin
Pen, a head, used in many names of "W.pen ; Arm. penn, a head ; Com.
places pen, id. ; Ir. Gael, ceann, a head;
Sans, kemra, a head
Per, to fall in drops, when a liquid Arm. hera, to drop, to distil ; W.
begins to flow slowly dyferu, id.; htru, to drop, to ooze;
Ir. Gael, hraon, a drop; v. to drop,
to distil ; Sans, prish, to fall in
drops, to bedew 8
Pert, cheerful, lively, saucy See Peeart
Perk, trim, conceited, proud; v. to '^.peic, compact, neat, trim; Arm.
hold up the head, to grow brisk pei-gen, neat, trim, comely
Perry, a sudden squall or blast of Ir. Gael, pion^a (jnrra), a squaD, a
wind^ keen gust of wind ; piorr, to make
a dash at in order to stab ; Ir.
peireadh (pirad), rage
Pettle, to trifle, to engage in matters See Peddle
of small import
Peyl, to weary W. pallu, to fail, to cause to fail
^ The Lancashire word has preserved a primitive form. The Sans.
pes'i represents an older peki, and the Lane, peigk is al80=^A*i. The word
implies a podded fruit. May we compare with it W. plisg ; Ir. Gael.
plaoag, a husk, a shell; and Sans, ^^/i/uin (for pligan), the spleen, from its
form ? If so, the word spleen means a bag or pouch, which it very much
resembles.
" The Sans, prifth is=])ar-i»h.
» In the Lancashire Glossary by Messrs. Nodal and Milner, perry is
made a verb; *Ho scatter money or other objects amongst a crowd^*, and
they quote, " At the church-door an idle crowd was always ready for the
perry'\ i.e., to contest for the scattered half -pence {Uist. of Blackpool, iv,
p. 97) Here jyeri-y means a sudden rush, a mUie. " Perry, a squall"
(Hall); "a sudden storm at sea" (Nares).
In surgelesse seas of quiet rest, when I
Seven yeares had sailed, a perrie did arise.
Miir.for Mag., p. 194, N.
The p'*n\tf was a sudden rushing and whirling wind, often dangerous on
Windermere.
IN THE LANCASHIRE DIALECT.
91
LA19C. CELTIC.
Pick, to cast, to throw, to yomit
Pigqin^ a small wooden vessel with
an npright handle
Pike, a sharp-pointed hill
Pikel, a hay-fork
Pikelet, a kind of tea-cake; Pikelin,
id.
Pit t her, pilder, to wither, to shrivel;
(to shrivel from heat?); pimler,
to scorch, to shrivel up by the
action of fire ; to bum, to over-
roast
Pink, the chaf^ch
Pirn, a stick with a loop for twist-
ing the nose of a refractory horse
Piich, a plenrisy*
Planets, abundance, excess. To rain
in planets is to rain heavily with
a sndden fall
Plish, a blister (P.)
Ploc, to close, to ping; plog, id.
Plucks, the Inngs, heart, and liver of
a sheep
Poached, wet land trodden by cattle
is said to be poached
Plop, flop, the noise of anything fall-
ing into water
WELSH OB IRISH.
W. ptcio, to dart, cast, fling
W. picyn ; Jr. pigin-, Gael, pig fan ;
Manx, piggin, a wooden vessel
with a handle; from pic, a project-
ing point
W. pig (pic) ; Arm. pik, a sharp
iK)int ; Ir. Gael, p^ac, id.
W. picell^ a dart, a javelin ; Com.
pigol, a miner's pick ; Arm. pigel,
hoe
Probably from pirell, the surface
being pricked all over and made
rough
W. ])flydru, to radiate, to gleam ;
pelydr, rays, beams ? Sans, pil, to
lance, to dart ?
W. pine, the chaffinch ; also, gay,
fine
Gael, piurna (pirna), a pirn ; piridh,
a top, a whirligig; Ir. hirin, a little
stake ; Com. pgr, round
W. piggn, a stitch in the side, pleu-
risy; ]nc,pig,A sharp point, a dart
W. llavcnaeth, for planet, fulness,^
abundance; llavcn for plana, full;
Manx, Ihieeney, a filling, flowing,
flood of the tide; to fill, to flow,
to overspread as clouds
W. ^/i>»^, husks, shells; Com, plisg;
Arm. plusg, a husk ; Ir. Gael
piao»g, a husk, shell, scull
W. ploc, a block; plocio, to block, to
plug ; Ir. Gael, ploc, a bung, a
large stump, a round head, a hump
Ir. Gael. ^/oc, />/mc, a lump, etc.; see
snjyra
Arm. puka, to make an impression
on a soft substance by pressing it;
W. 2)oc, a kiss (an impression on
the lips); Ir. Gael, poc, a blow;
pog, a kiss : Manx, paag, a kiss,
an embrace
Gael, plah, to make a noise, as a
body falling into water, or as
water beating against a shore
* Fool. What diseases can you cure ?
Doctor, All sorts.
Fool. What's all sorts ?
Doctor. The itch, the pitch, the palsy, and the gout.
Lane. Pageant, Leg. of Lane, p. 104.
« For loss of initial p in Celtic words, see Irish Glomes, p. 13 and
Beitrage, etc., viii, 1. 72
92 THE CELTIC ELEMENT
LANC. CELTIC. WELSH OR IRISH.
Pobs^ pobbies, bread and milk boiled W. pobt^ to bake ; Com. pohas, id. ;
together Arm. pibi^ pobi^ to cook ; Sans.
pack, to cook
Podj the foot, applied to young W.^rf, the foot; JjKt. pes, tor ped-s;
children ; to walk Sans, pad^ the foot
Pod, to sulk, Ormskirk (N. and M.) W. puodu, to be sulky (Pryse); con-
nected with pwtio. to poke (the
Pod, to shoot a marble unfairly by A shortened form of pote, q. v.
jerking or thrusting forward the *
hand (P.)
Podgy, short and stout See Pud^
Poke, a bagf a sack ; 0. N. polci^ a Ir. Gael. />oc, a bag;' pocadh (a little
bag ; 0. Du.^A^, id.; Fr. poche bag), a pouch; Hindust. />ai*Aa/, a
large leather bag
Poot, a young fowl ; a young inex- W.ptci (poot), any short thing; Gael,
perienced person ; Fr. potUt, pou- put, a young grouse, etc. ; Sans.
let, a chicken P^^^i the young of an animal ;
Hindufit. put, id<
Popple, to bubble up W. pwmpl, a knob, a boss; pwmpa, a
round lump; pwnipio, to boss, to
knob
Popple, the herb cockle See supra
Pordy, short and fat (F.) See Purdy
Posset, a warm drink, often of ale W. posel, curdled milk, a posset; Ir.
pusoid. a posset (?) MtLux, possad.
id. (?)
Pote, to push with the feet, to push W. pwtio, to thrust, to butt ; Arm.
with a stick, to thrust pauta, bouta, to push, thrust, butt ;
Ir. Gael. /tS/, id. ; Manx, puttey, to
butt as a bull, to shove ; Sans, pud,
to send out, to dart
Pouh, a pimple, a blister; Du. poh, Ir. Gael. jot/cac/A, a swelling up; pu-
Germ, poche, a pock caid^ a pustule, an ulcer; Ir. Gael.
boc, W. bog^ to rise, to swell up;
cf. W. path, a boss; potkell, a blis-
ter. The same root is in Sans.pu^a,
punga, a mass, a heap ; W. pumg, id.
Pouse, a hazy atmoshere. (Wr.) W. pwys, pteysi, a weight, heaviness;
Arm. poeza, poueza, to be heavy;
poezuz, pouejsuz, heavy
Pouse, poMose, dirt, refuse, oflEal ; W. pws, what is expeUed (P.) ; Arm.
prouse, mud, dirt. (T. B.,p. 36) prousa, to stink
Powl, to leave off work, and go to W. pcUlu, to fail
the ale-house (B.^; Prov. Sw. pu-
la, to work hard, out also to work
slowly and with difficulty
Pricket, six sheaves of com W. pricaid, a spindlef ul'
^ Connected with the Celtic root boc, poc, to swell. Hence poke and
pock, a small pustule, are related ; the primary idea being a swollen form.
To buy a pig in a poke, was a common Lancashire phrase for a foolish
bargain.
* The Eng. and W. words mean each, what is fastened to a stick or post.
IN THE LANCASHIRE DIALECT.
93
LANC. CELTIC.
Prog, to thrust, to thmst a stick
with a worsted line into the holes
of eels; proker, a poker
Prog, a vulgar word for food; M.E.
prokken, to beg
Prouy a call to cattle to urge them
to go on faster; Prov. Sw.^o,pru,
id. (Rietz.)
Proud, loxuriant, too forward in
growth
Proud; a cow when desiring the
bull is said to heproud
Prow, to throw up earth
Prowt, trumpery stuff
Pubhle, plump, full
Pudge, a stout fat child ; pudgy,
short and stout; Prov. Sw./w^, a
swelling, a boss
Pum, a stick with a knob at the end,
used in the game of spell and
knur ; to beat or thump ; pum -
mer, something veir large ; Prov.
Sw. pumms, a bubble ; pampen,
swelled out
Pumps, in Yallo-pumps, young calyes,
from their yellow hoofs
Purdy, short and stout
Purr, to kick
Put, to butt with the head; putter, a
bull or cow that butts; Fr. bouter,
to butt
Pyrk, to be supercilious
Quart, joy, mirth
Quift, to quaff, to tipple
Quilt, to beat
Backle, noisy talk
WELSH OR IRISH.
W. procio, to thrust, to stick ; proc,
a thrust; prociwr, a thruster
Manx, proghan, bread steeped in
butter-milk; broghan, pottase; Ir.
Gael, brochan, pottage; Gael. j9rt-
oghainn (prog), choice food ; Ir.
prctcas, oatmeal; W,pry for pryg,
food ; Com. bruha for brugha, pot-
tage
W. tprue, the same inteijection ;
Arm. prou, id.
W. prydd (prud), rich, luxuriant
W. bi^d, hot ?
See Prog (1). Perhaps /^rotr may be
a contraction of priddo, to mould,
to cover with earth
"W. yspred, ysprod, refuse, outcast
yf.pwmpl, a round lump; pwmp, a
round mass
W. pwt, any short thing ; pwtyn, a
short round body ; pwten, a short
squat female; Arm.^tt^n,a head;
W. pwg, swelling ; Sans, pota, the
young of an animal ; putt, to be
little
W.pwm, a round lump; p\cmp,pwin-
pa, a round mass; pivmjno, to beat,
to boss, to knob
W. byrdew, squabby, punchy ; byr,
short; tew (dew), thick
Ir. Gael, purr, to push, thrust, jerk
W. pwtio ; Arm. jwuta, bouta, to
thrust or butt; Com. poot, to kick
See Perk
W. chwardd, laughter, mirth; Com.
wharth, laughter; Arm. choarz, id.
W. cofftio, to quaff, to fill ; cofft, a
hollow body
Ir. cuihe, a beating ; probably from
cuilc, a reed, a cane
Ir. Gael, rac, racaid, noise, uproar,
a crash ; Gael, racail, the noise of
geese, etc.; Arm., racier » to make
a noise in rubbing a baid, rough
body; W. rhugl, a rattle
94
THE CELTIC ELEMENT
LANC. CELTIC.
Radj loosely knit
Raddle, to weave, interweave, wattle
Rake, a rut, a crevice. (Com.)
Rame, rawm, to spread out the hands
and arms in reaching (to throw
out the forelegs, and plunge,
used of horses. Leeds)
Ramp, to ramp and rave, to be in a
violent passion ; rampage, to act
furiously, to storm; to be on the
rampage, to lead a riotous, dissi-
pated life
Randan, the produce of the second
sifting of the meal, the finest part
of the bran
Raps, news, country talk. (Whitby.)
Rafch, the space in a loom between
the yam-beam and the healds
Ratey, cold and tempestuous ; used
of weather
Ration, ratten, a rat;' rodden. (P.)
Ray, a diarrhoea
Riean, a gutter (C); A. S. ryne, a
water-course
Reealc^ to squall, to shriek; O. N.
akrcekja; Dan. shnge, to shriek
Rey, rea, water (Com.), properly, I
believe, a stream, running water
Rhute, a rushing forward, impulse,
passion, a fit of anger; A. S. hrud,
commotion, raging (S.)
Rick, to scold, to make a noise ;
O. N. rik'te, fame, rumour; rUcta, to
spread rumours
WELSH OR IKISH.
W. rhydd, open, loose, free
W. rhwydc=^ed, a net ; Lat. rete ;
rA(i7^(^/,interweaved; Manx, ra</-
ling, a network of straw or heath;
Arm. roued, a net
Ir. Gael. crac, a fissure, a breach; W.
rhig, a notch, a groove ; rhwyg,
ruptura, scissura. (Dav.)
W. rham, a reaching out; rhamu, to
rise up or over; Arm. rampa, to
spread out the feet
W. rhemp, an extreme, an excess,
frenzy; rhempio,io run to excess;
rhempian, to snatch greedily ; rham-
jno, to ramp, to prance; rhempus,
infatuated, i,e„ affected by ex-
treme passion orfolly ; Gael, ramh-
lair, a noisy fellow
W. rhan. Arm. rann^ Lr. Gael, rann^
a part, a division; W. dain=dan\ ?
fine, delicate ?
Ir. Gael, rap, a noise; Gael, rabhd,
idle talk ; Manx, raip, a harsh
noise
W. rkag, rhac, what is opposite or
before, the front ; rhacu, to put
before
Ir. Gael, reodh, frost ; Gael, reodha,
frosty; Ir. reothte, frozen; W.rhew;
Arm. reo, frost, great cold
Ir. Gael., radan, a rat ; Manx, rod-
dan, id.
W.rA«,a quick motion, a run; rhed;
a course, a run; darym-red, a loose-
ness, a diarrhoea
W. rhean, a streamlet ; rKe, to flow,
rhen, rhin,& drain, a brook; Com.
rine, ryne, the channel of a river;
Sans, ri, to flow
W. rh^ch, a loud noise ; crech, a
shriek
W. rfie, a swift motion, a run; rhean,
a streamlet ; Arm. red, a course, a
flow
W. rhuth, a break out, a rush; rhuthr,
a rush, an onset ; rhitthncylU, out-
rageous, furious ; Arm. ruda, to
be in heat ; used of animals
W. rhincio, rhircian (D.), to creak,
to gnash, to scold; stridere, fren-
dere (D.)
> Du. rot, a rat; Fr. ra(ot>, a little rat. The termination is Celtic.
IN THE LANCASHIRE DIALECT. 95
LANC. CELTIC. WELSH OR IRISH.
Riddle, tL coarse sieve; A. S.hriddel, W. rhldyll^ a sieTe; rhid^ a drain ;
a sieve (S); hridder, a fan for rhidio, to drain : Arm. rid^l, a
com (S.) laige sieve, used in cleansing grain;
Com. r'ular^ a sieve ; Ir. GaeL
rideal, id.; Manx, ridian, id.
Ridglin, a half -castrated horse GaeL ruig^-rigu, a half-castrated
ram
RiggVt, an imperfect ram, or other W. rA 1470/, a groove ;rAi^o/i, to groove,
animal half castrated (P.) ; Riggoi, to trench
a half -gelded horse
Rim, the membrane enclosing the W. rh'wij rhimp^ an edge, a limit ;
intestines Arm. rim^ border, edge ; Manx,
rirutn^y, a rim; rimmeig, a streak,
a line
Rither, an instmment to nick oat W. rh'ith {rith\ a form, a shape;
sods all of a size (P.) rhithio, to take a form or shape
Rooky y rooky, hoarse W. rhoch^ rhwch, a broken or roagh
utterance, a grunt ; rhoch us, grant-
ing, grumbling; Arm. rag, the
croaking of frogs; rock, the noise
of snoring, a rale ; Gael, roc, a
hoarse voice; racacA, hoarse; Lat.
raucus
Rogne-pogt, a tree broken by the W.rAir^f7,arent; rAi£^^o,torend,to
wind (Com.) tear; Arm. r^^ri, rogra, to tear; W.
post, a post, a pillar, " Est antiqua
vox Br. Ex. Pa bo post Prydain"
(D.) ; Arm. pont, id.; Ir. Gael,/x)j»/a
Rossel, to heat, to bask over a fire. W. rhost, a roast ; rhostio, to roast ;
to roast; Germ, rontpn, to roast ;^ Arm. rost, rosta, id.; Ir. rosd, id.;
rosseled, inflamed with liquor roisiin, a gridiron ; Gael. roiM^ to
parch, scorch, roast, broil; Manx,
rosi^ roast; rosfn/^ to roast
i&>u/, a great stir or bustle; a hearty W. rhuth, a break out, a rush;
but fussy reception. " They made rhuthr, a rush, an onset ; rhuthro,
a girt rout wi meh" to rush, to sally; see Rhute
Royd, overgrown (Com.) W. rhicy, excess ; rhirydd, a pro-
ducing excess (Pryse); prosper,
expeditus (D.) ; ?%</</, open, loose,
at large
Royle, to bluster or roar in a bois- W. rhuU, free, rash, hasty; rhullder,
terous manner (P.) ; (rude, tumul- frankness, rashness, luxuriance
tuous, frolicsome conduct; rough,
lively sport. Coles)
RoynitL, rynty, move off ! begone W. rhonta, to frisk. In Lancashire
quickly !* it was customary to say frisk it=
begone ! Sans, runth, to go
* Prof. Skeat cannot decide whether the word roast is Teutonic or
Celtic. It seems to be from the same root as Ir. Gael, raise, bright,
shining ; Sans, raj, to be bright, brilliant, resplendent ; Hindust. roi^hni,
light, splendour, rakhsh, lightning, flashing, shining, effulgence ; Cf. Sans.
randra, heat, and also wrath ; rosha, wrath, and Hindust. rot't, any cake
broiled on a gridiron. The root-meaning seems to he flame.
' Aroint thee, witch, aroint thee ! — Z/ear iii. iv, 1. 121).
96 THE CELTIC ELEMENT
LAMC. CELTIC. WELSH OR IRISH.
Body Spawn ; toad-rud^ spawn of W. rhid, semen, spawn ; rJU^, to
toads secrete, to blissom; Arm. ruc^^rti/,
blissom or sexual desire in animals,
Fr. rut
i?u/<;, a hasty violent determination; See BhiUe
a fit of passion (N. and M,)
Sad, heavy; often applied to bread . W. sckI, firm, solid; Manx, sad, id.;
when it has not risen well Ir. godan, a dumpy (O'Don.)
Sainij^ lard, &t; Germ, seimj thick W. saim, grease, fat; Arm. soa, soav
glutinous slime (soam), fat, grease ; Com. seim,
train oil ; W. 8ii^ijf==semy tallow,
suet; Ir. Gael, seinij rich, prim.
&t ? saill, fat, grease
Sammy, a fool Ir. Gael, samach, quiet, soft ; Gael.
»amh (8am), a clownish or rustic
person (McAlp.)
Sap, a foolish fellow ; sapukull, a Ir. Gael, rnobh (mpa), foolish, silly,
blockhead, a fool wron^, dim, blind
Saynet/, neeanee, a small fresh eel ; a Arm. silt, eels; silien, a single eel
lamprey (J.) (with the loss of the vowel-flank
0?
Scale, to spread out ; as to scale Ir. Gael, sgaoil, scaoil (pron. skaol),
swathes (to spread out the grass to separate, spread out, scatter, dis-
when cut) ; Sw. skala, to run; perse; Manx, skeaiUey, to spread,
^HZ/a, Dan. 8 At/^, to separate, dis- to scatter; Sans, skhal, to move
tinguish; A. S. scylan to and fro
Scone, barley cakes (B. and S. p. 6); Gael, sgonn, sconn, a block of wood,
scon, skon, scons; Scot., see Jam. a lump
Scorrick, scurrick, a fragment, a Ir. Gael, sgor, scor, to cut ; with ic,
crumb; scrog (for scoroc), a frag- a Celtic suffix denoting diminu-
ment; O. N. skora, incidere tion; — oc has the same meaning
Scram, the rind of cheese (F.) W. gsgi'aio (scram), a crust; cram,
an incrustation ; Arm. kremsn, an
incrustation ; kreun, a crust
Sa'amh, to pull or take together by Ir. Gael, sgram, scram, sglam, to
the hands (Com.) snatch, to seize
^cr^^i'^', to discharge corrupt matter, Gael, sgreamh, pron. skrev, a thin
as a wound or a corpse; O. N. scum ; Manx, sgriog, slime, scum;
skroppa, foam W. crawn (for craven f) matter,
pus
Sci'ibe, to make marks with instru- Ir. Gael, sgriob, scriolj, a notch, a
ments as carpenters, to score; O. furrow; v. to notch, to engrave;
N. skrifa; O. H. G., scripan, to Manx, screeh, a scratch, a graze;
write screehey, to scrape; W. ysgrifo, to
notch, to write ; cr\f, a mark cut
in anything; Lat. scribe
Scrimp, to crease, as in ironing W. crivip, a sharp ridge; crimpio, to
clothes (J.) form a ridge, to pinch
Scrog, a fragment See Scon^ick
* I think this is a nafive Celtic word. (1) It is found in all the Celtic
languages ; (2) Pliny says that soap was an invention of the Gauls —
*' inventum Gallorum" (H. N. xxviii, 12, T)!); (3) the Ir. Gael, sabh, spittle,
an ointment, is related to wyx;, a Gallic word, and both to the Sans, sava,
expressed juice, from «</, to extract ; but whence came the Germ, seiinf
IN THE LANCASHIRE DIALECT. 97
LANC CELTIC. WELSH OR IRISH.
Scuff, the back of the neck W. gwddf; Arm. gouzoug, the neck;
Ir. scotd, the neck (W. yggwddf^
the neck ?)
Sevr, to slide (P.) Ir. Gael, sgiorr, to slip, to slide ;
Manx, akyrrey^ id.
Scut, any short garment; Prov. Sw. W. ewt<i, short, bob-tailed; cytu), to
kctt, smaU-grown ; »cutty, short, cnt short; Sans, kut, to divide, to
short-tailed split
Seatree, seaier, cloth worn thread- W. gUr, what is in jags or shreds;
bare or in holes sUrach, id. ; sidr, rags, fringe;
sideru, to make a thing in rags or
holes; Com. siger, full of holes
Seggin, the Iris psendacoms ; A. S. Ir. Gael, g^asg, sedge [neasgan, a
gecg, Bedge single sedge! ; W. hesg, sedge;
hesgen, a single rush
Sham, shorn, false, counterfeit ; a W. nom (shcm), a void, vacuity,
trick, a pretence ; to make pre- deceit ; fallacia, dolus (Dav.) ;
tences, to act a part ; shammock, sionii, to balk, to deceive; Gael.
to sham stoma in sioma-guad ( deceit- word) ,
a pretence, an equivocation; Ir.
somadh, artful; Sans, a^unya; Hin-
dust. sun, empty, vacant?
Shilla, a gravelly beach, N ; loose Manx, shillee, a gravelly beach ; Ir.
stones or pebbles on the beach Gael, sgilleog, a pebble
{Hhillies, loose pebbles on the sea- #
be^ich. Cumb.) ; shillaw, small
stones on the side of a mountain
Shindy, shinny, a round piece of Ir. Gael, sinf; Manx, shinney, any
wood used in the game of knur round thing, a bud, a teat, etc.
and spell ; also the game'
Shoo, a word used to drive away W. siw (nhoo), used for the same
poultry purpose ; Mnnx, sco, to drive
away
Shock, a rough head of hair ; a kind W. sioch, a head of hair, bushy
of dog with rough hair ; A. S. hair ; eiochen, a bushy tuft
scmcga, a bush of hair ; small
branches of trees (S.)
Shorn, a pretence, deceit See Sham
Sie, to stretch as a rope Ir. Gael, sin, to stretch, to extend
♦S'jr^, a thick paste used by weavers W. syih, paste, glue; adj. stiff,
> for stiffening cloth* viscid
Sizlr, to wander about, to walk in a W. sttellu, to whisk round, to re-
swaying or rocking manner (P.); volve ; siteU, a whisk; sid, a
sidle, to saunter (com.); O. N. a round, a circling; sidellu, to
siAa, lente difficilia moliri whirl round
Shedlock, the same as Cadlock, or W. cedw, mustard ; Ilys (for llych),
wild mustard an herb ; Sans, katu, sharp, pun-
gent, s., mustard
' In Scotland the ball or knob used in the game, and the game itself,
are both called Shinty, which is connected by Dr. Jamieson with Ir. shon,
a club. I do not know this word. Ir. sion (shon) means a chain, a bond.
2 In Armoric z answers to W. dd. Ex. Arm. mezvi, to be drunk ;
W. meddir, drunk ; /ar, murder ; W. lladd.
98
THE CELTIC ELEMENT
LANC. CELTIC.
Skelp, a smart blow ; v. to beat se-
verely [Scot, skelpf a splinter of
wood ; to beat, Jam.] ; O. N. skel/a,
terrere, consternere ; skialfa,
tremere. Egillson interprets it
by tremefacere, percellere
Sken, to squint ; skennock, one who
squints (J); cf. Hindust. lep,
plaster, lepak^ a plasterer
Skiily, water in which meat has
been boiled, thickened with oat-
meal ; oatmeal gruel
Skipf skepy a basket made of rushes
or straw (P.); any kind of basket,
especially the large round kind
used in cotton mills
Skir, to slide on the ice
Skrauniy to grope about with ex-
tended arms (Scramble,.to go on
all fours, to creep. Webs.)
Skug^ dirt (N. and M.)
Sleeve^ to kiss (P.'^
Slim, slender, pliable
Sluh, to draw out and slightly twist ;
applied to wool
Smack, to strike with the open
hand ; Prov. Sw. smdkk, a light,
quick blow with the flat hand;
Dan. smmk, a slap, a smack. The
root is the Celtic mag, a paw, a
hand
Snag, to cut off, to lop wood (J.);
Snack, a piece, a share ; Snaze, to
clip or cut a hedge
Srwck, a string to pull up the latch
of a door (B.)
Snood, a fillet to tie up a woman's
hair ; A. S. snod, fillet, cap, hood
(S.) ; from snu, to twist ; Sw. mo
(Skeat)
WELSH OR IRISH.
Gael, sgealp, sgeilp^ a slap, a blow
with the hand ; Ir. sgealp, to cut,
to rend ; Manx, scelp, a lash, a
rent ; scelpagh, to lacerate ; Ir.
Gael, sgolh, a splinter, a wattle
Gael. »gean (^sken), to squint ; Ir.
Gael, sgean, a wild look from fear.
Cf. Ir. caille, a veil ; caiUeach (a
veiled person), a nun ; W. garan,
a shank ; garanog (jgaranoc), long-
shanked
W. iagdl ; Com. iskel, broth, pot-
tage ; iaX.jusculum, broth, soup ;
Sans, ymha, pottage, soup; jusha,
id. ; Ved. ya«, to seethe ; yes', to
cook ; Hindust. yus, soup, broth
It. sgeap (skepa), a bee-hive ; Gael.
»g€ap, a bee-hive, a basket
Ir. Gael, sgiorr, to slip, to slide;
Manx, skyrrey, id.
Arm. skrampa, to creep, to crawl ;
Com. cramyas, to creep ; Ir. Gael.
sgrani, to grab, to grasp. See
Scramh
A variation of cack, q. v.
Ir. Gael, slinh, the lip, the mouth ;
Manx, sliee, to lick
Ir. Gael, ftlim, lauk, lean; slxom,
slim, sleek
Ir. Gael, luh, a loop, a plait ; v. to
bend, turn, fold
Ir. Gael, tmieach, a fillip, a smack,
and smailc, a blow ; mag, smag^
a paw, a hand ; smac, the palm of
the hand ; W. ymuich, a buffet
Ir. Gael, snag, snaigh, to hew, to
cut down ; W. naddu, to hew, to
chip; Manx, sneih, pi. sneighyn,
a wound
Ir. Gael, snichd, snaigh'*, a thread, a
line; Manx, snath, pi. snaighyn,
thread
W. yunoden; Com. snod^ a fillet, a
a band, a head-band ; W. noden, a
thread; nydd, a spin, nyddu, to
spin ; Arm. neud, neuden, a thread,
a string ; Ir. Gael, snadh, thread,
yam ; snadhm, a band, a tie ;
Manx, snoad, a hair-line ; Ir. Gael.
snod, a fishing line
IN THE LANCASHIRE DIALECT.
99
So! Sooaf rest ! be quiet
Sockj a ploughshare ; Fr. soc. id.
LANC. CELTIC. WELSH OK IRISH.
Snugj handsome (C); Dan. smukf Ir. snoghachy beautiful, well-look-
fine, handsome ing ; »no^ appearance, colour ;
Gael, snuculh, appearance, colour,
beauty ; muadhach,^ comely,
good-looking
Ir. Gael, so; W. ho, rest, quiet
Ir. Gael. «oc, a ploughshare ; W.
swch, (1) a snout, (2) a plough-
share; Arm. 8och, souchy id.
iSbc^, to beat, to hit hard ; iSo<7, id.; Ir. sagh, soigh, to attack; Manx,
Sogger, a hard blow soiagh ; Ir. aagaidh, an attack, an
attack, an assault; W. aag^ a*
squeeze of the gullet
W. socyn, a pig, an urchin, a boy ;
Ir. Gael, ramhar (ram), fat ;
W. rhum, what swells out (P.)
Ir. iiom, void, empty; pen, heaa
Ir. Gael, sonas, prosperity, happi-
ness ; sonntach, merry, joylul ;
Manx, sonney, happy ; suntagh,
joyous ; Hindust. sandd, strong,
stout
Sops, tufts of green grass in the W. sop, sob, a tuft, cluster, mass;
hay ; lumps of black-lead ; O. N. sopen, a bundle, a truss ; Com.
soppr, pOa, sphnra suben, a mass ; Arm. souben,
bread in soup ; Ir. sop, a wisp, a
bundle
Sough, an underground drain, a wet W. soch, a sink, a drain
ditdi ; O. N. sog, sentina navis
Sow, the head W. siol, the top of the head, the
skuU
Spaits^ torrents of rain at intervals Ir. Gael, speid, a great river flood, a
(N.) mountain torrent
Spatig, a spring, a jump W. ysbonc (sponk), a skip, a hop
SpattU, an instrument for taking W. yspodol, a spattle ; ysbatvd, a
the dirt off a spade or plough- blade, a blade-bone ; Lat. spatula
Sogram, a person inactive through
fatness (F.); "Thon lUe (little)
fat sogram''*
Sompan, a foolish, stupid fellow
Sonsie, pleasant, agreeable, plump
(lucky. Cumb.)
share
Sjxir, to dispute, to contend, to
practise boxing
Spiddock, a spigot
Spink, the chaffinch
little, an instrument for turning
out cakes in baking
Spre£, a wild frolic
Sprod, a young salmon (P.)
Stouk,sk shock of corn of 10 sheaves W. ystwc, a shock of corn; Manx,
(P.); Stook, id. sthook, id.
Ir. Gael, sparr, to drive a nail, to
enforce by argument ; spaim, an
effort, a struggle ; v. to contend,
struggle, wrestle; Arm. sparra,
to strike with a lance
Manx, spyttog, a spigot ; Gael.
spUheag, a small piece of wood
W. pine, id.
See SjKittle.
Ir. spre, a spark, life, animation;
Ir. Gael, sprac, spraic, life, vigour
Ir. Gael, bradan, a salmon
The Gael, snundh is pron. snuagh.
100
THE CELTIC ELEMENT
LANC. CELTIC.
Stourj dust
Strollopj an untidy female ; Strol-
lops, rags, dirt
Strum, a strumpet
Sturdy, a disease in sheep, causing
them to stagger ; Fr. estourdi,
dulled, amazed, dizzy
SiocUj to sit down (Com.); Fr.
eftquatir, to flatten, to crush;
Simij to spill a liquid (Com.)
Swill, a round wicker basket
Tab, the tag or end of a lace, a
point of land
Tack, a small nail, a wooden peg, a
lease ; v. to fasten ; Low Sax.,
tak, Germ., zacke, a nail
Tackle, weapons, instruments, gear;
Germ, takel, the tackle of a ship
Tad, father ; Dad, id.; Tat (N.)
Taiatrel, a worthless ill-conditioned
person, a scoundrel
Tayitrum, a fit of passion
Tare, eager, brisk; v., to go quickly
over the ground
Targus, worthless (P.); A.-S. tra{f,
evil (G.)
Tata, a child^s word for a journey
or walk, *' going a te^a"
Tazzle, a wicked, drunken person ;
Dan. taase, a fool, a ninny
WELSH OR IRISH.
Ir. Gael, atur; Manx, sioor, dust
Ir. Gael, troll, foulness, corruption
Lr. Gael, striopach, striopaid, a har-
lot, Btriop, whoredom; Manx,
strumpag, streebagh, a harlot;
Gael, streapag, a wanton female
Gael. 8tuird=sturdi, sullenness, gid-
diness, a disease in sheep; Ir.
stuird^ sullenness ; Manx, sturd,
sullenness
W. yswatio, to squat, to lie flat;
yswad, a throwing down; y«ra-
dan, a throwing, a slap
Gael, sguilean, a large coarse basket
made of willow twigs ; Jr. Gael.
sgulan, a basket
W. tap, a projecting ledge ; Arm.
tapen, a piece, a morsel
Ir. Gael, tac, a pin, a nail, a surety,
a bail ; ta^h, welding, securing ;
Manx, taaghey, to solder, to ce-
ment ; taggad, a little nail ; Arm.
t<ich, a nail ; W. tag, a strangle ;
Sans, tanch (for ta^ f), to bind toge-
ther, to constrain
W. tad, an instrument, a tool, an
arrow; taclu, to arm, dress, equip;
from the root tac, to join; Com.
tax^el, id. ; takkye, to fasten
W. tad, father; Arm. tai, tad,\<dLr,
Ilindust. tat, id.
Ir. Gael. taU, soft, weak, cowardly;
traill, a servant, a drudge
W. tant, a string, a spasm, a spring,
a sudden gust of passion, a whim;
trwni, heavy ; Sans, tantu, a
thread; taniri, chord of a musi-
cal instrument, a string
W. taer, eager, ardent ; Arm. teat;
lively, quick ; teara, to walk
quickly ; Ir. Gael, tar, tara, brisk,
quick
Ir. Gael, taireach, base, vile ; Gael.
tarcuis, contempt ; Ir. Gael, tnir,
mean, base, low ; Manx, taaragh,
contemptible, vile
W. taith (tati), a journey; Ir. Gael.
tamleal, a journey
Ir. Gael, tais, wet, moist, soft,
cowardly ; taiseal-achd, wetness,
softness ; Manx, taish, wet ;
tahhlagh, to wet, to bedew ; ta'is-
lit, wetted
IN THE LANCASHIRE DIALECT.
101
LANC. CELTIC.
Teal, one of no repute ; in West-
morelanH, Tule (Tully, a little
wretch. Crav.); Tully, a bad
woman (P.) ; Prov. Dan. tuUay
Prov. Sw. tule, a little child, a
pleasant companion, from 0. N.
thuhj a prattler
Teanlay, the last night in October,
the eve of All Saints' day, when
fires were kindled on the hills
Ted, to spread out hay; 0. N. t(id,
manure ; tedja, to spread out
manure (Skeat)
Teen, fire (P.)
Teer, to smeer or daub with earth ;
Teere, to plaster between rafters
(J.)
Teg, a yearling sheep
Ten, to work as mortar, to agitate,
to fatigue by violent exercise
(Com.)
Thrimmle, to pull out reluctantly,
"he thrimmePd out sixpence"
(P.); Thrimhle, Thrimmo, to
trifle, to delay, to draw out
slowly
Throw, to spin ; s., a turner's lathe;
Thrower, a spinner ; esp., silk-
spinner
Thump, to beat, to bang ; a blow,
the sudden fall of a weight
Tiff, a state of ill-humour or pet-
tish anger
WELSH OR IRISH.
Gael, tual (tula), a fatal or nn-
prosperous journey ; adj., un-
lucky, sinister, base ; Ir. tuai for
tuail, bad, evil ; Manx, tultan, a
ruin, a decayed house
W. tan, Ir. Gael. te\m, fire ; Ir,
Gael, la, lae, a day ; Hindust.
ta%D, heat ; tauma, to heat ; fund,
hot, fierce ; tatta (for tarda .*) hot
W. tedd,^ a spread-out ; teddu, to
spread out, to display
W. tdn; Ir. Gael, teine, fire
W. Ir. Gael, tir; Com., teer, earth ;
Lat. terra
Ir. Gael, othaisg, a yearling sheep
W. tynu, to drag, to pull; tynol,
straining, pulling ; Arm. tenna,
to draw, to draw in, to draw to
or alter ; Ir. Gael, teann, to stir,
move, go or come ; Sans, tan, to
stretch, to spread out
W. trymlio, to be sluggish, to flag
W. tro, a turn ; trot, to turn, to re-
volve ; troiad, a turning round ;
Arm. tro, a turn, a circle, a cir-
cling
W. ticmpian, to let fall suddenly,
to strike ; twmp, a mass ; twrnpio,
to drop, to thump ; Sans, tumbd,*
a gourd used as a water-bottle
Ir. Gael, tibhe, a jibe, a taunt ;
tabaid, a squabble, a quarrel ;
Arm. tahut, a noise, dispute,
quarrel
> Pryse has this word in his edition of Pugh's Dictionary, but he marks
it as obsolete. I cannot find it in any other Welsh dictionary. The
O. N. tedja means only to manure ; the idea of spreading may have been
added, but it does not belong to the root. Is the Welsh tedd for tanddi,
from tan (Sans, tan) to extend, to spread ?
^ The Sans, tunibd denotes a cow that needs milking, i.^., whose udder
is distended ; cf . Lat. tumba, a sepulchral mound ; ium-ul-us, a little
mound. The Du. tombe (tomb) is, therefore, borrowed ; Fr. to7rd)e. See
Tump.
102
THE CELTIC ELEMENT
LANC. CELTIC.
Till J manure, dung ; a compoRt
of earth and lime mixed (Brit-
ten, 126)
Tilled, inflamed, angi^ (B. and S.
of Lane, p. 2) ; A.-S. tendan, tyn-
dauj to set on fire
Tinkj to sound, as a bell
Tiring, plastering
TiMshaiv,ti jocose name for a sneeze
(a word of imitative sound)
Titivate^ to trim, to set in order
Titttfj Titty'pu88, names for a cat
Toit, to fall, to tumble over (P.)
Tolpin, a pin belonging to a cart.
It is drawn through holes in the
shafts, and undrawn for unload-
ing
Tommy, bread, a small brown loaf ;
Tommy-shop, a shop where goods
are given instead of wages
Tommy, a silly fellow
Toppin, the hair on a person^s fore-
head, the crest of a bird ; O. N.
toppr, a lock of hair, a tuft
Torfle, to decline in healfch, to fade
away, to die. Jamieson has
Twfel and Torchel with the same
meaning. He compares the word
with O. N. torfelldr, difficult
Tote, the whole (P.)
Tougher, a marriage dowry (" Two
Lane. Lovers," p. 18)
Traffi^k, rubbish ; low, rascally
people (P.)
Tram, to do work contrary to one's
usual employment
Trafe, to slide along in wet grass,
which impedes the feet
TrMt, a long, large stool ; Fr. trc-
teau, a tressle
WELSH OR IRISH.
Ir. Gael, tell, tealla, land, earth ; W.
tail, land, soil ; Arm. teil, a dung-
heap ; Lat. tellus; Sans, tola,
soil, ground
It. Grael. teine ; W. tan, fire
W. tinr, a tinkle ; fincio, to tinkle ;
Gael, tiong, id.
See Teer
W. tls, a sneeze ; tisio, to sneeze ;
Com. tithia, to hiss ? Sans, kshu^
to sneeze
W. ttvtio, to make neat or trim
W. titw, a cat
Ir. Gael, tuit, to fall; tuiteam, a fall,
falling ; Manx, tuitym, a fall ; to
fall ; W. cwyddo, to fall
W. ttcll; Arm. toull,2k hole, a cavity;
pin, a peg, a spigot
W. tama, solid feod, as bread and
flesh; O. Ir. tomil, manduca (food
Z' 457); Ir. Gael, tomaltas, vic-
tuals ; Ir. tiomal, to eat
Ir. Gael, tamhan (Jaman), a soft
fellow, a fool
W. topyn. a top, a«bunch, a bush of
hair ; Hindust. top, a cover, cap,
tuft of trees; topi-wala, one who
wears a hat (European), or an
animal with a comb, crest, etc.
Ir. Gael, torchar, a fall, death;
toixhraim, I fall, perish, die ;
torcur, passing over or away ;
torg, killing, destroying; Manx,
torckey, to suffocate
Ir. Gael, toit, the whole, all, com-
plete ; Lat. totus
Ir. tochar, a portion, a dower ; tmc,
wealth, means ; Manx, toghar, a
portion, a dowry
Ir. Gael, drahh, drabhcut, dregs, re-
fuse, dirt ; drahach, dirty, filthy
W. trafnu, to mutate, to range;
traf (for tramf), a rotation, a
course, a turn
W. traf, trafaes, a stir, strain,
bustle ; trafodi, to stir, to strive
W. trawst, a rafter, a beam ; Corn.
trostei" (pi. trestersY a beam ;
Arm., tretist, trest, a beam ; Gael.
IN THE LANCASHIRE DIALECT.
103
LANC. CELTIC.
Trice J a short time, ''in a trice",
quickly, immediately
Trig, to fill, to staff ; esp., the
stomach
Trim, to scold, to beat, to chastise
Trip, a race, family, or brood
TroUihags^ the intestines ; Trollops,
a dirty female
Trolly, a low, heavy cart ; a kind of
<dedge (Britten) ; a pig's pluck( J.)
Tron, to do neat work (Com.)
Trouan, truant; Fr. truand, a vaga-
bond, a beggar
Truck, a small wooden wheel; a low
carriage for goods; ( Trucks, round
balls. PhUlips.)
Tully, a bad woman, a little unfor-
tunate wretch
Turn, to card wool for the first time
with coarse cards
Tump, a round hillock, a stack of
hay, a mound about trees
Tumil, a long oval tub, esp. used
for scalding pigs
Tush, thickly grown (Com.); Tus-
sock, a tuft of long, coarse grass
Tut, interj. expressing contempt or
dislike ; Fr. trut, tush ! tut !
Tuttle, an awkward person ; one ill-
conditioned (C.)
Twiddle, to turn round the thumbs
in quiet meditation
WELSH OR IRISH.
treayd (Jrent^ a long l>ench or form,
as in a school; Jr. iresdeil, a
three-legged stool
Ir. Gael, treis, a while, a short space
of time, a spell ; treimse, a time,
a period
W. trecio, to equip, to furnish
Ir. W. trino, to scold, handle, fight ;
trin, a handling, a quarrel
Ir. Gael, treabh, a fiimily, tribe,
clan ; a farmed village ; W. tref,
a town ? Lat. tribus
Ir. Gael, trolly corruption, defile-
ment; iruil, a drab, a slut; Manx,
troll fc, dirty; Arm. trulen, a dirty,
slovenly woman; W. drewllyd,
nasty, stinking
W. trol, a cylinder, a small cart;
trirli, round and bulky
W. trairn, what is over or superior
(Pryse); troni, to render superior
(Pngh)
W. truan, a wretched creature;
Arm. trouand, a vagabond, a beg-
gar; Ir. Gael. truagK poor,
wretched; truaghan, a wretched
creature
W. trwc, what is round, a turn, a
truck; /nrca, a bowl; trwcwl, a
rundle
See Teal
W. tymmig (jy Eng. u), pulling,
twitching (Rich.) ; vellicatio
(Dav.); tymhiy, a twitch, a sting-
W. ticnip, a round mass, a knoll ;
Ir. tuimpe {tumpf), a hump ;
Manx, torn, a knob or boss, a hil-
lock ; Lat. tumba, a sepulchral
mound. See Thump
W. tujrnel, a tub, a vat
W. twys,& tuft ; iwysog, tufted {-oc
or -eg is also a dim. form); tieysg,
a mass, a heap
Ir. Gael, tut / W. tutt. id.; Ir. Gael.
tut, a stink ; tutach, stinking
Ir. Gael, tunthal (tutal), awkward,
boorish, clownisn; tuath, people,
country people
W. chmd, a ouick turn ; chwido, to
move quickly; chiridro, to re-
104
THE CELTIC ELEMENT
LANC. CELTIC.
Ttcig, to observe, to perceive, to
understand
Ud(/e, to shake or surge with
laughter
Urchin^ Urchon (B.), a hedge-hog ;
Fr. herisson / Lat. eHnaceun
Urledy stunted (starved with cold.
H. N.) (pinched with cold.
Craven)
Vampy to mend, to patch; x^amp up^
to revive old claims or pfrievances
Vlother^ Floiher, nonsensical talk
(p)
Waff^ a slight blast , a puff of wind
Wainty clever, dexterous
Waithy the apparition of a person
about to die, or recently dead
Wallas,^ to lap up greedily, as dogs
eat porridge
Wallow^ insipid, tasteless
Wap^ a blow; v., to beat, to flutter
the wings; adv., quickly, smartly
Warble, a swelling or tumour in
cattle caused by insects ; Pro v.
Sw. vapUij a swelling, a boil
Warish, to recover from sickness ;
Fr. gu4r\r, to heal
Warish, unsavoury (P.)
WELSH OK IRISH.
volve, to move giddily (ch=c and
•c=^t); Of. /tot^/=quill, tmlt==s
quilt, etc. (Hall)
Ir. Gael, tuig, to see, observe, un-
derstand ; tuigsij discernment ;
O. Ir., tuicci, int^elligit (Z 438);
Manx, totggal, to see, to under-
stand ; Hindust. toh (for tog f),
watching secretly
Ir. Gael, mlal, a shaking, a moving
to and fro ; Ir. udalach, waver-
ing, tottering ; W. nugiOy to
shake, to quiver ; Manx, udlan, a
swivel
Ir. Gael, uirch^an (urchen), a little
pig
W. oer, cold, oeri^ to grow cold ;
oerllgdj chilly
W. gwam, a tilt, a vamp ; Ir. Gael.
faime, a border, a hem
W,ffladru, to be foolish in speech ;
ffladvy foolish, doting; Arm. flntra,
to report what another has said,
to detract; Ir. Gael, hlad, the
mouth ; hladach, garrulous, abu-
sive ; hladair, a flatterer
W. chioaff, a quick gust
W. gwaint^ smart, brisk
W. gwedd (dd=soft th); Com. ireth,
a figure, a form
W. givallaiVy to pour, empty, ex-
haust ; Arm. goulloi, vider, oter
ce qu^il y a dans une chose, d6s-
emplir
W. gwallj defect, failing; gwallog,
defective, faulty; Ann. goular,
fade, insipide
W. chwapy wab, a blow ; chtcapio, to
strike smartly ; chu>ap, instantly,
at once
Arm, gwerbly a tumour, a boil ;
W. gioerbl, an acorn, a chestnut
(Jones, 1760)
W. gwaredy to save, deliver, remedy,
heal; Com. gioeres, to help, to
heal ; Arm. gwarezi, to procure
assistance or safety
W. gicdr, tame, mild, meek'
^ For the verbal suffix, -as, see Lammas,
« We may compare gwar with Hindust. tw,
patience.
time, delay, waiting.
IN THE LANCASHIKE DIALECT.
105
LANC. CELTIC.
WELSH OR IRISH.
WasheTj a round piece of leather W. gwasg^ pressure; gicat^gu^ to
which, when wetted, was pressed
upon a stone to draw it np^
press ; Arm. gwdsk, pressure,
compression; gwaskeii\ one who
presses or fastens; Ir. Gael./ai«<7,
a tie, a band, compression ; faa-
gatTj a keeper
Wassail^ a slender twig? *'as waik W. gioas^ a boy; prim., a branch ;
as a wa9$air\ a common simile Ir. Gael, gas, a stalk, a stem, a
vonng boy; (gwasell, a little
branch)
Week, to squeak, to whine, as a W. gtoich, a squeak, a squeal ;
pig (P.) gwichio, to squeak
Week, to kick (B.)
Welle, a grassy field, a plain ( Anturs
of Arthur, p. 2); Du. veld, a field
Welt, a doubling in a garment, a
hem (C); a ribbed knitting (P.)
Went, the top part of a knit stock-
ing C^-)'^ A separate part from
the rest, formerly made by a
thicker, ribbed knitting; Germ.
wende, the act of turning, a turn
We$9el, to beat
Whqf, a gust of wind
W.gwingo; Arm. gwiiiha, to kick,
to spurn
Com. gwel (toel), a field; W.
gwalas, a plain
W. gwald, a hem, a border; gwaltett,
a welt ; Ir. Gael, fa! tan, a belt, a
welt ; fal, a rim, a border
W. gwant, a mark, a division
Ir. Gael, gas, a branch, a bough ;
O. W. gwas, id.; (gtoasell, a little
branch=stick)
W. chtvaff, a quick gust
WhaUy to beat with a pliant stick Com. gwelen ; W. gwial, gioialen /
Arm. gicalen {gwal), a rod, a stick
Whap, a blow, to strike smartly. W.oAt^?a/), a sudden stroke ; c^tra/>io,
See Wap
to strike smartly
fTAarre, crabs, the crab-tree ; PTAetT, W. chwertv, sharp, bitter; Arm.
very sour (C.) ; Wkerled, soured,
said of milk (J.)
Whelk, a blow (P.)
chouero^ id. ; Ir. Gael, gear, sharp,
sour ; W. garto, sharp, sour
Ir. Gael. /ai/c, a blow. See Whale
Wherry, to laugh, to giggle
W. chwerthin, laughter, a laugh ; to
laugh ; Arm. choarz, laughter ;
choarzin, to laugh
Whew, a sudden transition orvanish- W. chwiw, a whirl, a quick turn
ing
Whewt, to whistle W. chwyth, a breath, a blast ; chipy-
thdl, a whistle ; chioyihellu, to
whistle ; Arm. chouitella, to
whistle, to play on the flute
* In mechanics, the washer is a ring of metal or leather used to secure
tightness of joints.
4tr sbr., tol. xiv. 8
106 THE CELTIC ELEMENT
LANC. CELTIC. WELSH OR IRISH.
Whiffy a glimpse ; whiffle^ to flut- W. chwif^ a (][aick, sadden move-
ter, to be unsteady, to speak ment, a whirl ; chwifio^ to fly, to
wildly; 0. N. veifa^ gyrare whirl, to wander
Whiff, a short puff W. chw'tff, a hiss, a whiff, a puff
Whig, butter- milk W. chicig, butter-milk ; adj., sour
Whig, a sweet cake or bun with W. chmog=chwigo, sweet cake-
currants; Low. Q.toeche, a wedge; bread, a cake, a manchet ; itrion^
week, a roll of bread (a cake made of sesame and
honey) (Dav.); W. chweg, sweet
Whin, furze W. chwyn, weeds
Wise, a stalk, a plant; wyzU^, pota- W. gwydd, trees, shrubs ; gwydden^
toe stalks Arm. guezen, a shrub
Wither, very strong, lusty TC); W. wMr, terrible, awful; Arm. ctofof,
witherin, large, powerful (B.); heuzuz, id.
also astounding
Wo, Woa, the carter^s cry to his W. too, id.; hoe, rest, quiet, cessation
horse, stop !
Wistey a large populous place, a W. gtoys, people, a peopled region
spacious place (C.)
Wraith, an apparition of a person W. rhith, a form, shape, figure, an
before or after death, a spectre appearance ; rhxthedd, semblance;
(an apparition in the likeness of Corn, roath, form, figure
a person supposed to be seen be-
fore or soon after death. Jam.)
Wyzles, stalks of potatoes, etc. See Wise
Yarry, harsh- fiavoured, acrid; Yar- W. garw, rough, harsh ; Ir. Gael.
mA, harsh in flavour; Fary, acrid geur, gear, sharp, sour; garg,
rough ; Sans, garja, a deep, harsh
sound, a rumbling
Yerk, Yarh, to strike hard with a W. terc {te=che) a jerk, a jolt ;
quick m.oiioTi=jerk tercu, to jerk, to jolt; taer, quick,
eager
Yeanlin, a lamb just yeaned; A.-S. W. oen ; Arm. oan; Com. oi¥i,oan;
eanian, to yean Ir. Gael, uan, a lamb ; W. oena
to bring forth lambs, to yean
This list has extended to so great a length that I
cannot venture to add any remarks on the social or other
conditions which it denotes, or to offer any classification
of the words. It reveals much that is interesting and
important ; but my main design has been to show that
the Celtic element in the Lancashire dialect is very
considerable; and this object has been accomplished by
the mere presentation of the Celtic words that are
found in it. These amount to more than seven hun-
dred ; and if to these we add the Celtic words which
are not found in this dialect, but appear in the dialects
of Cumberland on the north, and of Cheshire and Shrop-
shire on the south, we shall have fully a thousand
IX THE LANCASHIRE DIALECT. 107
Celtic words that are yet retained, or were retained
within this century, in a comparatively small part of the
English soil. There are also some words that are pro-
bably due to this source; but being found in other lan-
guages, it is not easy to determine from what quarter
they have been derived ; as badger^ a dealer in com,
Fr. hladier (cf. sojer from soldier)^ the Fr. word being
drawn from the Celtic blawd=bldd, meal ; and bruit,
to make a talk of ; bruited^ talked about ; Fr. bruits
noise, common tale, report; W. brud (for brut), a report,
a chronicle; Ir. bruidh-ean, noise, verbal quarrel. There
is also a curious blending of words, apparently Celtic,
in the Scandinavian languages, as Prof. Holmboe has
pointed out in his Norsk og Keltisk, and hence a
difficulty arises in assigning the derivation of some
Lancashire words. Thus bool means either a curved
handle or a child's hoop ; O. N; bdll-r, a round lump, a
globe ; W. bwl (bool), a rotundity ; Arm. boul, a round
body; 6ot^Z-a.9, a bud ; (Cf. Sans, bul-i, womb or matrice;
Hindust. bul-bul-a, a bubble ; bul-uk, a large prominent
eye). The word truss means a square mass of hay;
O. N. truss, a bag, baggage ; W. trwsa; Ir. trus, id. ;
Ir. trusach, a sheaf; Arm. trous; Fr. trousseau. In
these and other instances, we may assume that they
are from a Celtic source.
There can be no doubt that Cumberland and Lanca-
shire were inhabited by a Cymric race at the time of
the Saxon invasion. But there are many Celtic words
in the dialect that are not now found in the Welsh or
Breton languages. Are we to infer that these languages
have lost the words that are now found only in Irish or
Gkielic ? If the number of these words were small, we
might make this inference, but as it is of a large
amount, it seems more probable that there was a prior
occupation of the land by an earlier branch of the
Celtic stock. A race allied to the Irish or Gaelic
people seems to have made the first Celtic migration
into the land, probably from France or Holland, and
from the south-eastern parts gradually to have spread
8«
108 THE CELTIC ELEMENT, ETC.
themselves over the whole country ; one part going
westward to Ireland, and the other northward into
Scotland.
I subjoin some Lancashire words which, I think, are
not Teutonic or Scandinavian, on which I shall be glad
if your readers can throw some light.
Bummlin^ a blockhead. W. pwrnp^ a round mass?
Cam, a head ornament. W. camf
Chitty-haukf a small beam placed above the main beam. W. cytiOj to
cut, to diminish; cwta, short ?
ConiverSy the kidneys of a beast. 0. N. n^ra, a kidney ?
Coppet, a stool. Copt means convex. Is coppet so called from its form,
which was convex at the top ?
Cus?^ a cow without horns.
Divelin, the swift; said to be so named from its ugliness and screeching
note. W. dieflyrif a little devil or imp ?
Feagwe^ a £rty idle person.
Footer^ Fotre^ to take off the awn or beard of barley by an iron instru-
ment. Ir. Gael./oZ^, hair, a tail? Footer is for Folter,
Goveliny uneducated, rude.
Hankie^ to mar. Ir. axnghlim, to persecute ?
Kevely to sprawl^ to gambol. W. chwif, chwyf, a quick motion ?
Kizentj much dried.
Mollicroy, to twist. W. mwl and cnom f
Pine J to dry over-much.
Rallockj to romp. Eng. rollock f
Skear, a squirrel^s nest. W. caerf
Smouch, to take slily. W. mwciy a fog ; much, darkness ?
Terrilood, chased by a dog. W. tcier^ eager, swift ; e/u, to go ?
Wesron, the alimentary canal in beasts.
J. Davies.
CORRIGENDUM.
P. 4, last line, /or handle read hackle.
109
THE SURVEY AND PRESENTMENT OF THE
MANOR OF ROATH-KEYNSHAM
IN GLAMORGAN.
The parish of Roath, into which enters a part of the
manor of Roath-Keynsham, lies between Cardiff and
the lower part of the Rhymny river, and consequently
forms the south-eastern comer of the county of Glamor-
gan and of the Principality of Wales. The name occurs
in a charter of about 1102 as " Raz", Merrick says that
Jenkin ap Adam ap Cynaelthuy, great-grandsire of Sir
William ap Thomas, married Alice, daughter and heiress
of David Roth ; from which family the place may have
taken its name. But if, which is very doubtful, there
was such a family, they are more likely to have taken
their name from the place than to have given their
name to it; for Roath or Raz is not, like Sully or
Barry, an imported Dame.
The presentment is inscribed upon three skins of
parchment, each 2 feet 4 inches long by about 1 2 inches
broad, and stitched together with white silk thread.
The left, or commencing side, has been pared close, so
that one or sometimes two words are wanting all the
way down. Besides this, about 8 inches of the third
skin has been cut off, with probably at the least one
whole skin, as is shown by a comparison with the con-
tents of a survey of the same manor in 1703, of which
a copy of the part describing the boundaries (being the
part wanting in the roll) has been preserved, and is here
given. The remainder of the roll is in fair condition, save
that a part of the heading is stained and obscured. There
is no original endorisement ; but the roll is addressed,
in a later hand, to " Philip Lewis, Esq., Lanrumney."
The sixteen jurors are designated as " generosi'' or
gentlemen, a title then confined to the son of an esquire,
or to a landed proprietor above the rank of a yeoman,
110 SURVEY AND PRESENTMENT
and In the commission of the peace. Thirteen of them
are drawn from principal parishes in the manor : from
Llanedern, one ; Llanishen, eight ; Roath, four. Three
come from Lisvaen, which was not within the manor ;
and the other parishes, Cardiff, Llandaff, and Whit-
church, parts of which were comprised in the manor
(within which, no doubt, the jurors all held land), are
not represented at all upon the jury. One juror only,
Morris, has a name not distinctly Welsh. Of the other
names, Evan, Griffith, Howell, Jenkin, Meredith, Mor-
gan, and Rees, are exclusively Welsh ; Herbert is Welsh
by adoption ; and David,Edmund,Edward, James, John,
Lewis, Matho or Mathew, Thomas, and William, though
common in England, are common also in Wales as Chris-
tian names, and theif use as surnames isconfined to Wales.
These names show to what an extent the Welsh had
superseded the English settlers even in the immediate
neighbourhood of the chief residence of the foreign lord.
That this was not always so is evident from the presence
of such names as Adam s Croft, Barkeley s Croft, Foures'
Land, Leches Hill, Porter's Land in Adam's Down,
Rosse's Land, SpodelFs Land, and Stoge's Croft, which
occur in Roath in the reign of Henry VI.
The list also shows that though surnames were in
use, they were not exclusively so. Where more than
two names are given, they are those of the holder, his
father, and his father s father, though the connecting
•* ap ' is sometimes omitted. Only eight of the jurors
may be regarded as using surnames as in England ;
the other eight followed the Welsh fashion, and each
bore a diflferent name from his father, and transmitted
a different name to his son. Also, in the body of the
record nearly all the names are Welsh. The exceptions
are Basset, Grant, and Humberstone. Kemeys is de-
rived from a Welsh parish in Monmouthshire ; but it is
probable that those who bore the name were of Norman
origin.
The parish of Roath includes the whole or parts of
seven manors : — Roath-Dogfild, Roath - Tewkesbury,
OF THE MANOR OF ROATH-KEYNSHAM. Ill
Roath-Key nsham, White-Friars, Splot, Spittal, and Grif-
fithsmore. Unfortunately their boundaries have not
been laid down upon any map, and some of them have
not even been described in words.
Roath-Dogfild is supposed by Merrick to derive its
distinctive name from Beth-y-cy-dy, a place now un-
known. In the inquisition of Countess Isabel, 18
Henry VI, is a place called " Dogowyldescroft", which
may be the name under an English disguise. It was
probably the original manor of Roath, out of which the
others have been carved. Its manor-house, called " The
Court'*, was fortified, and its moat long remained. It
certainly extended into Uaniahen parish. Its tenures
are described as freehold, sergeanty, kitchenhold, and
bond-tenure. In it is Lloyn-y-Grant, so called from a
family of Grants, probably the same who succeeded the
Syggin family at Tre Syggin or Sygginston, who dwelt
there for four generations, and left an heiress, who died in
1727, aged eighty- two, having married Thomas Gibbon
of Scurla Castle. It was, no doubt, this original manor
that is entered as *' Rothe maner' extent*', " Roathe
maner* extent*', "Roche maner'*, "Roath Lordship", in
various inquisitions from 24 Edward I onwards, and
which was held by the lord of Glamorgan down to the
time of Jasper Tudor. It then came to the Earl of
Worcester, who sold it to Rowland Morgan of Machen,
whence it has come to Lord Tredegar.
Roath Tewkesbury was attached by an early grant
to that monastery, and no doubt then erected into a
manor or sub-manor, held under the lords of Roath-
Dogfild or of Cardiff. Probably the connection com-
menced by the gift of the mill of Raz to Tewkesbury
by Robert de Haia about 1102. {N. Mon., ii, 61.) It
included the Castle of Cardiff, the church of Roath, and
the White or Grey Friars. 33 Edward I, Roath and
Leek with are called members of the town and Castle of
Cardiff. At the Dissolution it was purchased by Sir
George Herbert (1546), and held in capite. It was
then described as a parcel of land, part of the late sup*
1 12 SURVEY AND PRESENTMENT
pressed monastery of Tewkesbuiy. It descended to
Sir William Herbert, who died childless, and whose
heirs were Sir William Dodington, William Herbert of
Cogan Pill, and William Herbert of Swansea. It seems
to have been purchased by Lord Bute.
White or Grey Friars was probably a sub-manor of
Roath-Tewkesbury. It was the seat of a religious house
which stood in Crockherbtown, and was attached to
St. Augustin's, Bristol. It was founded in 1280 by
Gilbert de Clare, and at the Dissolution purchased by
Sir George Herbert, who built with the materials of the
Friary the house of which the ruins remain. The manor
descended with those of Cogan and Leckwith, all which
were purchased by the late Lord Bute.
The Benedictines or Black Monks had a priory at
Cardiff, founded, 1147, by Robert Earl of Gloucester,
probably as a cell to Tewkesbury. It stood west of the
Castle, just beyond the Taff. In 1230-40 there were
canons and a prior. William de Deerhurst was appointed
Prior in 1262. {N. Mon., iv, 632.) If ever this house
had an appendant manor, all trace of it has long been lost.
37 Henry VIII, James Gunter of Abergavenny ap-
plied for a lease of the Friars Preachers and Friars
Minors at Cardiff, and with William Lewis for the farm
of the manor of Cardiff, late in Tewkesbury Monastery.
Spittal manor was attached to the Guest House or
Hospital called the Spittal, placed in Speed's map at
the end of Crockherbtown. The hospital was probably
attached to St. Peter's Gloucester, as its tithe was
afterwards held by the Dean of that Cathedral. The
manor is named in the Windsor settlement, and has
descended to Lord Bute.
Splot manor, or "Dominium", so called in the inquisi-
tion of Isabel Countess of Warwick, 18 Henry VI, is
described as a parcel of land holden of the Lord of
Llandaff. It paid suit to the Bishop s Court in Leland's
time. The property, and probably the manor, belonged
for several generations to the Bawdrip family of Pen-
mark Place, the last of whom, William Bawdrip, sold
OF THE MANOR OF ROATH-KKYNsnAM. llli
both estates, about 1625, to Sir Edward Lewis of Van,
in whose inquisition Splot is described as in the parishes
of St. Mary and Roath. It was probably purchased
by the Earls of Pembroke. The name is still preserved
in two farms, Upper and Lower Splot, between Roath
village and the sea. The manor is scheduled in the
Windsor settlement, and belongs to Lord Bute.
Griffithsmore, or -moor, is entered in the inquisitions
of 31 Edward I as composed of sixty acres '^terrae"
and sixteen acres "prati". It appears also 23 and 49
Edward III. In the schedule of Countess Isabel, 18
Henry VI, it is entered as " Griffithmore dominium
et 200 acre terre, 60 acre prati, et 40 acre pasture,
inter burgum de kaerdyf et aquam Sabrinam"; so that
it extended to the sea. It is also mentioned in the
Roath-Keynsham Survey of 1703 as abutting on the
Rhymny.
The remaining manor, Roath-Keynsham, is that
which gives occasion to this paper. It was so called
because granted by Robert Earl of Gloucester to his
Abbey of Keynsham. In the taxation list of Pope
Nicholas in 1291, the Abbot of Keynsham had a
carucate of land in Roath yielding £2 IHs. 4rf., and
certain rights, rents, and a water mill, yielding
£5 7s. id. At the dissolution it was purchased by Sir
Edward Lewis of Van, and held as church property, in
ccipite. The Lewises seem to have sold it to the Mor-
gans of Tredegar.
It is difficult, either from the present survey, or from
the later one in 1 703, to trace the boundaries of this
manor. It extended, as here stated, into the parishes
of Roath, Llanedem, Cardiff, Llandaff, and Whitchurch.
It probably included nearly or quite all Llanedem, and
but very little of either Llandaff or Whitchurch, which
were independent manors. The places named in the
two surveys as within it, are Blaen ffynon Bach, or
Abbot's Land, Cae-y-Cunrich, Cae-yr-Gwy-fil, Castell
Cefn-Mably, Cefn Poeth or Perth, Cefn Coed or
Kenkoed, Cwrt-bach, Craig-y-llwyn, Craig-y-Castell,
1 14 SURVEY AND PRESENTMENT
Coed-y-groes, Craig-maes-y-Gwynt, Kibur, Draynewa,
Dreiniog, the Dulais brook, Goose-lear,Ffos-lai8, Griffith-
more, Gwaun-Adam, Gwaun-y-Maillocke, Gwaun-y-
pentra, Gwaun-tre-Oda, Heol-y-Coed, Heol-y-Cefn-
Coed, Lloyn-y-Grant, Mynydd Bychan, Nant Mawr,
Nant-y-Gabele orBabill,Nant-y-Cymma, Pantbach, Pen-
gam, Plorin, Pont-Evan Quint, Pont-Lykie, Pedair-erw-
Twch, Pwll-duy, lialph-wartha, Rhyd-y-Billwhe or
Billwa, Roath Mill, Rhyd-y-Cooke or Kilodhe, Rhyd-
y-Watley, Rhyd-y-Minnerch, Saith Erwdeon, Stabell-
y-Cwn, Tir Caled, Tir-cwm-bach, Tir-Grono-yr-Uygad,
Tir-y-Capel, Tir-drwm (or Diom) bach, Tir-yr-ynis, Tir-
Howell-Cos, Ton-mawr, Wedal, Y-wann-dduy, and
Y-wann-Ddyrol, some of which are recorded on the
ordnance sheets for the district.
Of the persons mentioned, there is other record only
of the most considerable. William Lewis, lord of the
manor, was son of Sir Edward Lewis and Lady Ann
Sackville, whose fine altar-tomb at Edington, with effi-
gies of the knight and lady and their children, remains,
though much in need of repair. He married in 1648, two
years before the date of the Survey, Margaret Banastre,
heiress of Boarstall and Brill in Oxon and Bucks. He
died in 1661, leaving daughters only. His heir in the
male line was his brother, Richard Lewis, of the Van,
Edington, and Corsham, who appears as lord of the
manor in the Survey of 1703, and died in 1 706. Thomas
Lewis of Llanishen, before whom the Survey was held,
was the principal cadet of the family of Van. He was
Sheriff in 1629, and married Eleanor, daughter of
Thomas Johns of Abergavenny. Mrs. Grace Lewis,
who appears as a landowner in the survey of 1703, was
the widow of his son Gabriel, and the daughter of
Humphrey Wyndham of Danraven. She diea in the
year of the Survey, and bequeathed lands in Roath-
Keynsham and Llanvedw.
Sir Charles Kemeys of Cefn Mably married in 1678
Mary, a daughter and eventual co-heir of Philip, fourth
Lord Wharton, and their daughter Jane carried the
OF THE MANOR OP ROATH-KEYNSHAM. 115
estate to the Tynte family. William Miles of Cabalva
married Margaret daughter of Jenkin Thomas George
of Llanedern, and was related to the Davids, Gwyns,
and other of the lesser landed gentry of the district.
Their son Morgan Miles married Florence Basset of
Miscin. Agnes Howell was probably one of the
family of whom Sir George Howell of Roath married
a daughter of Sir Thomas Clarges. Their daughter
and heir Jane married Marmaduke Gwynne. Edmund
Thomas was son of William and grandson of Edmund
Thomas of Wenvoe. He married 1671 Mrs. Mary
Lewis of Penmarck Place, but probably died childless,
as his heir was his sister Elizabeth, heiress of Wenvoe
and Ruperra, whose second husband was Sir John
Thomas, Bart., who was of Wenvoe, and died 1 703.
Sir Lewis Morgan of Ruperra was a cadet of Tredegar.
Thomas Morgan of Llanrhymny was son of Thos. Mor-
gan and Mary daughter of Sir Nicholas Tynte of Cefn
Mably. Rowland Morgan was his rather remote ancestor.
The reply to the third article of the charge mentions
two courts, as usual ; the Court Leet held twice yearly,
about May and Michaelmas; and the Court Baron
every three weeks, with cognizance of actions between
parties where the debt or damage did not come up to
405., and with the usual and excellent proviso that the
charges of court or costs were not to exceed 2s. id.
Sufficient credit has not been given to the soundness
and good sense of the manorial system. The great
object was to bring justice within the reach and means
of everyone, and to secure, as far as possible, the inde-
pendence of the tribunal. The Court Baron, Curia
Baronis, the domestic Court of the Lord, to which free
tenants alone owed suit, that is of which they were
members, was formerly otten held in the Lord's hall,
and hence called sometimes the hall mote. It was a
civil court only, and not of record, and might be held
every three weeks. It took cognizance of misde-
meanours and nuisances, and of questions of landed
property within the manor, of debts and damages
116 SURVEY AND PRESENTMENT
under 40^., sei'vices, customs, heriots, chief rents, amerce-
ments, trespasses, the Lord's rights, and the like.
When there were copyholds it took cognizance of them
also. The steward of the manor presided.
The Court- Leet {Leody plebs), curia populi, probably a
much earlier institution, of which all resiants or commo-
rants, or residents within the manor were members, was
called also the Folk Mote, and was commonly held in the
open air, twice yearly, within a month after Easter and
Michaelmas. Its meetings were called "law days". It
tried criminal cases, and although the lord received the
profits and perquisites, it was regarded as the King's
court, and was a court of record. It ako took cognizance
of pleas of or above 405., and its verdicts were found by a
jury of the members, of not less than twelve nor above
twenty-three. The steward of the Leet presided. The
" suitors" of these courts were not, as might be sup-
posed, persons having suits before the court; they were
persons owing "suit" or service to the court, and bore
to it about the same relation that a Justice of the
Peace bears to the court of Quarter Sessions ; they
were members of the court. In some manors the
tenants elected three of their number, from whom
the lord selected one as the steward, and the bailiffs of
the court were in like manner selected by the steward
from tlie persons presented to him. The constitution
even of the Lord's court gave great weight to the
popular element.
"MANERIUM DE ROTH KENSAM.
"A Survey had and made of the said Lordshipp of Roth Kensam
on the seventh day of May in the yeare of our Lord God
one thousand six hundred and fiftye, before Thomas Lewis,
Esq., and John of the said Lordshipp and Jurors
as enquest to survey the same, videlicet,
Edwardus Moris de Lanedeme
Jacobus Edmund de Lisvaine
Huwellus Thomas de eadem
Jenkinus John Lewis de eadem I ^ •
Willimua Thomas Richard de eadem
Herbert us Lewis de Roth
Tliomas Meredith de eadem
levanas William Uarrie de eadem
Generosi.
OF THE MAHOR OF ROATH-KEYKSHAM. 117
Willimns Harrie de eadem
Johannes William Harrie de Lanissen
Morganna Lewis de eadem
Willimns Tho. David de eadem
Lodovicus Edward de eadem
Lodovicns Griff. Matho de eadem
Johannes Howell de eadem
Jenkinas John Meredith de eadem
Thomas Bees ap Evan de eadem J
Jnratores.
" The said Jurors having had in charge, to that intent and
purpose, the several Articles following (videlicet) :
" Imprimis you are to present William Lewis of the Vanne,
esq., to be lord of the said Manner or Lordshippe of Both Een-
sam.
*' Item you are to enquire and make true presentments of the
names of those that owe suite and service to this Manor.
" Item you are to present the Customes, Bents, and Services
of the Manor, and from whom they are due.
" Item you are to present what harriot or reliefs there are due
uppon the death or alienation of anie [freejholder within the
said Manor.
'' Item' you are to present the severall chiefe rents upon the
names of everie tenement in this Manor.
''Item you are to present the bounds and limitts of this
Manor, and within what parishes the same are contayned.
" In answeare to which Articles the said Jurors (on their oath)
doe say and present in forme following :
" Impbimis, to the first article of their charge they say and
present that the said William Lewis of the Vanne, esquier, is the
undoubted Lord of the Manor.
" Item to the second and fift articles of their charge they pre-
sent and say that the persons undernamed [doe] owe suite of
court to the court of the said Lord there heald [as Leate] twice
a yeare, when [they shall be] reasonably summoned thereto.
And that they hold the severall lands of their severall rentes
inserted, from the said Lord, in free and common Soccage tenure,
paying to the [said] Lord the severall summs of Moneys at their
Names appearing [as chief rent], at [Mi]chelmas or within fif-
teen dayes then next after, videlicet,
" Imprimis, Sir Charles Kemeys of Kevenmablie, Knight, for
lands purchased by [Edw]ard Kemeys of Kevenmablie, esquier,
late deceased, of John ap John David, [scit]uate and being in
the parish of Lanedem, and now holden by David Lewelin [of
the] said Sir Charles by lease, and in the tenure of David Jen-
kin as under tenant to the said David Lewelin. xvid.
118 SURVEY AND PRESENTMENT
" Item the same Sir Charles Kemeys, Knight, for the lands
late of the said Jenkin Williams, lieing in Kenkoed, within the
said parish of Lanederne, nowe in the tenure [of] Thomas Lewis,
clerke, and Edmund William of Pill duy. xvirf.
*' Item the same Sir Charles [Kemeys], Knight, for the lands
late of the said Jenkin William, [lie]ing and being hard by Dow-
lais, within the said parish of Lanederne, now in the [tenjure of
Eobert Watkin, and called by the name of Ka Sir Howell, iiijrf.
" Item the same Sir Charles Kemeys, Knight, for lands late in
the tenure of Edward weaver, scithence in the occupation of
John Thomas ap Owen, now in the [ten]ure of Edward John
his Sonne, which said lands are lieing and being at Kenkoed [i]n
the said parish of Lanederne. xnd,
" Item the same Sir Charles Kemeys for lands scituate neere
Kraig y Llonyn in Lanederne, an[d] late in tlie tenure of Kichard
David Howell, harper, and now in the occupation of William
Thomas William, ijd.
"Item the same Sir Charles Kemeys, Knight, for the lands late
of David John William, [bei]ng in Kenkoed in the said parish
of Lanederne, formerlie in the tenure of Wenllian [He]rbert, and
now in the tenure of William James and Thomas John Lewis,
xxijrf.
" Item the same Sir Charles Kemeys, Knight, for lands in
Kencoed, within the said parish of [Lane]derne, being parte of
the lands of Harrie William, scithence of James Harrie, and
[no]w in the tenure of Lewelin Morgan and John Richard,
xiiijrf. ob.
" Item the same Sir Charles Kemeys, Knight, for a meadow
scituate in the said parish of Lane[der]ne, ioyneing to Kraig
Elen and Kraig Maes y gwynt, which said meadowe was parte
[of] the lands late of Miles Lewis, then in the tenure of John
William, weaver; scithence [the] lands of William MUes of
Cabalva ; and after that the lands of Lewelin John [Nicjholas,
father to James Lewelin, now liveing; and now in the tenure of
John Roger ; [alsoe] for the severall parcells of lands thereto
adioyneing and scituate in Lanederne [afores]aid, called
Ka-yn-gwy-fil, Stabell-y-Cwm, and Y-wayn-dduy, alias Gwayn-
Adeon, [and] now in the tenure of Lewelin Morgan, weaver, j*.
" Item the same Sir Charles Kemeys, Knight, for part of the
land late of David William (alias Dio Wyll), scituate in Lane-
derne, neere a place called Kraig y Llwyn, [now] in the tenure
of Edward Humberston. ixd.
" Item the same Sir Charles for the lands late of Evan Lewis,
called Erw Varle, [be]ing neere the parke of Kevenmablie in
the said parish of Lanederne, and now in the occupation of Wil-
liam Vaughan. jrf. ob.
OP THE MANOR OF ROATH-KEYNSHAM. 119
"Item the same Sir Charles Kemeys, Knight, for another
parte of the lands of the [said] David William, scituate in Lan-
ederne aforesaid, and ioyneing with the rest of [the] said land
before mentioned, and now in the tenure of the said Edward
Humberstonne. jd. oh.
" Item the same Sir Charles Kemeys, Knight, for the landes
late of Harrie Edmund, scithence [of] Robert John Richard, lie-
ing by Dowleis, within the parish of Lanedeme aforesaid, [and
in] the tenure of Robert Watkin William, xijrf.
" Item the same Sir Charles Kemeys, Knight, for the lands
now in the tenure of Watkin [Wi]lliam Geoffrey, scituate in
Lanederne aforesaid, called Kraig Elen, being parte of [the]
lands late of Trehame Morgan, iijd."
End of the first skin.
•* Item the same Sir Charles Kemeys, Knight, for the lands
late of Thomas Morgan [of] Machen, esquier, now in the tenure
of the late wife and relict of Rowland Thomas, [lie]ing and being
in the parish of Lanedeme aforesaid, ijd. 6b.
" Item the same Sir Charles Kemeys, Knight, for the lands
late of Agnes Howell of dwy, heretofore in the tenure of
John Watkin, lieing neere the parke of Keven[ma]blie, within
the said parish of Lanedeme, and called and knowne by the
name [of] Tir Kadwgan. xrf.
" Item the same Sir Charles Kemeys, Knight, for the lands
late of Rees Dio Will, [scitu]at in the parish of Lanedeme afore-
said, and now in the tenure of John William Merricke. xrf. oh.
" Item the same Sir Charles Kemeys, Knight, for lands called
Kraig y Ilwyn, scituat [in] Lanedeme aforesaid, late in the
tenure of the relict of John Howell, now in the [occ]upation of
Jenkin John Richard, iijrf.
" Item Thomas Lewis of Lanishen, esquier, for the lands late
of John Lewis Dio, lieing at [Ken]koed in the said parish of
Lanederne, nowe in the tenure of James Morgan and [Lew]is ap
Owen, iiijs. iiijd. oh.
" Item the same Thomas Lewis, esquier, for parte of the lands
late of Harrie Williams, [lie]ing and being at Kenkoed in the
said parish of Lanedeme, and now in the tenure [of] the said
James Morgan and Lewis ap Owen. xxd.
" Item the same Thomas Lewis, esquier, for the lands late of
Morgan Lewis Evan, called [...]en Forth (alias Tir Diom bach),
scituate and lieing in the parish of Lanedeme, and [now] in the
tenure of Richard Edward, iiijrf.
" Item the same Thomas Lewis, esq., for the lands of William
Yaughan, lieing in [Lane]deme aforesaid, late in the tenure of
120 SURVEY AND PRESENTMENT
Jenkin y Gweltwr, and now in the tenure of Phillip Thomas
Jenkin, conteineing by estimation four acres of Welsh measure
[or t]here abouts. vjd.
" Item Edmund Thomas of Wenvo, gentleman (being grand-
child and heire to Edmund Thomas [of] Wenvo, esquier, late
deceased), for the lands late of James Edmund, lyeing in [Ken-
k]oed, in the parish of Lanederne aforesaid, and now in the
tenure of John Morgan [David] and William Watkin. ijs. xjd. 6b.
" Item the same Edmund Thomas, gentleman, for parte of the
lands late of Harrie [Will]iam, lieiug and being within the said
parish of Lanederne, and now in the tenure of Thomas Walter
and Evan John. ij/?. vjrf.
" Item Thomas Morgan, esquier, sonne and heire to Sir Lewis
Morgan of Rhiw-r-Perrey, [Knigjht, for parte of the lands late
of Treharne Morgan, scituate in Lanederne aforesaid, [and] now
in the tenure of Lewelin Morgan, xijd.
" Item William Vauchan for two tenements of lands called by
the name of Llwyn y [Grajnt ycha and Tir y Capell, scituate in
Lanederne aforesaid, and now in the tenure [of] Thomas Mathew
and Lewelin David, iiijs. vjrf.
"Item Edward Moris, gentleman, for the lands late of Miles
Lewis, then in the tenure of John Nicholas, the same being and
lieing in the said parish of Lanederne, and now [in] the tenure
of David Morgan Harrie. xxrf.
"Item Thomas Lewis, Gierke, Rector of Lanvigan in the
Countie of Brecknoche, for parte [of] the lands late of Evan Lew-
elin Dio GriflSth, scituate in Kenkoed, within the said parish [of]
Lanederne, which the said Thomas holdeth in right of his now
wife for terme of her l[ife], after whose decease the same is to
descend to David Lewelin, grandchild of the [said] Evan, for
ever.
" Item Marie Harrie, widow, for the rest of the lands of the
said levan Lewelin, scituate in [Kenk]oed, within the said parish
of Lanedern, which shee likewise holdeth for terme of her [life] ;
and after her decease the same is to descend to the said David
Lewelin in forme [aforejsaid. iijs. viijrf.
" Item the said Marie Harrie, widow, for one parcell of lands
(being her own freehold, containing by estimation one acre, of
Welsh measure, or thereabouts), formerlie the [land]s of John ap
John David, her grandfather, now in the tenure of her the said
Marie, [scitu]ate in the said parish of Lanederne. jd.
" Item James Lewelin for one parcell of the lands late of Tra-
hame Morgan, lieing in Llanederne aforesaid, and mearing
betweene a broke there, called Dowlais, and the mill [and lands]
of the said James, from that mill upward, and from the said mill
OF THB MANOR OF R0ATH-KEYN8HAM. 121
downewards, with [the] lands of David Leuelin-, and the lands of
the said James Leuelin, called Tir-yr-ynys, [and] an orchard of
the said James there unto adioyneing. jd.
LANEDERNE AND ROTH,
" Item the forenamed Sir Charles Kemeys, Knight, for lands
now in the tenure of widow than, lieing and being in the
severall parishes of Lanederne and Both, called Gwayne in
Ivors Moore, vjd.
"Item Thomas Morgan of Lan Rumney, esquier, for the
lands, formerlie the lands of Rowland Morgan, esq., whereof
one tenement called Tir Howell Kos, is scituate in Kenkoed,
and now is in the tenure of Meredith David ; one other tene-
ment theyreof is lieing in the severall parishes of Lanederne and
Roth, and now in the tenure of Rees Watkin. One other tene-
ment theyrof called Llwyn-y-Grant Kenol is lieing and being
in Roth, and now in the tenure of Morgan Williams. One
other tenement theyrof is scituate in Roth and now in the
tenure of [Harr]ie Basset, gentleman; two other tenements
theyrof called by the severall names of Ralf-wartha and Tir-
Kaled ; whereof the said tenement called Ralf-wartha is in the
tenure of [Thom]as Blethin and Robert John ; and the said tene-
ment thereof called Tir Caled is in the occupation of David
Rees ; and both the said tenements are lieing in Roth aforesaid ;
[also] foure acres of lands lieing neer Pont Likie in the said
parish of Roth, called Marthog, being now in the tenure
of the said Thomas Blethin and Robert John.
" And the said Jurors doe say and present that the tenant or
occupier for the time being [inha]biting or occupieing on
the said lands called Llwyn-y-6rant-Kenol, did yearllie pay
chiefe rents to the said Lord for these severall lands and tene-
ments, being in all, xiiij«.
End of second skin.
" [te] of the lands late of Rees Thomas, gentleman, now in the
tenure of David Lewis, id. ob.
" [The] lands of Joan Lewelin, and now in the tenure of
Thomas Eldrid vjrf. [par]te of the lands latelie sold by Edmund
Mathew, esq., called by the name of [Ton] Mawr, and now in
the tenure of George William Jones, jvd. ob.
" [Another] parte of the said Tonn Mawr, now in the tenure
of Morgan Lewis, ijrf. ob.
" [Item] lands late of Jenkin Lewis, now in the tenure of the
forenamed George Williams, xd.
^H 8B&., VOL. XIV. 9
122 SURVEY AND PRESENTMENT
** [Item] lands late of loan Lewelin, now in the tenure of
William Thomas David, yjd.
'' [Item] lands late in the tenure of Jenkin Thomas, now in
the occupation of John Evan. ijd.
" [Item] lands called Kraig-y-Castell, alias blaen-ffynon-
Denar, neere Draynen-kraig, now in the tenure of Robert
Elbrid. vjrf.
"[Item] parte of the lands late of Jenkin Morgan Gwyn,
and scithence of Rees gentleman, and now in the tenure
of Blanch Walter, widow, Lewis- Evan, and David Lewis.
iij^. qs.
" Item to the third article of [their] charge, they the said
Jurors doe present and say in forme foUowinge :
"[That] is to say that by custome of the said Lordship or
Manor, a Court Leet and Court Baron [are appendant] unto the
said Lordship or Manor, and are to be held and kept as here-
after by this expressed, f videlicet) the said Court Leet is
there to be holden twice [everie] year [in the] dayes about
May and Michelmas, as the said Lord or his steward or stewards
shall appoint (giveing a reasonable summons or notice thereof
to the said tenants). [Alsoe a] Court Baron everie three weekes
to [trie] betweene partis all maner of actions [where] the
debt or damadge does not exceede the summe of thirtie nine
shillings, and pence, and they say that the charges of
Court or cost of action there doe not exceede the summe of two
shillings four pence.
" [Al]so that the Lordship of the said Manor or Lordship hath
by the custome there all the wayes and ffelons goods to be found
within the said Lordship or Manor.
** Likewise that all the tenaunts of the said Manor on all [com-
mons throughout] the year have and may have had ffree com-
mon of pasture for all sorte of Cattell on the Heaths or [com-
mons] there called Mynydd Bychan, Y-wayn-ddyval, and Tre
Oda.
" Moreover they say and present that there is a Pinfold or
Pound belonging to the said Manor, [and] by the custome of the
said Manor, the Lord as often do neede shall require, is and
ought [at his] proper costs and charges to make up, re-
paire, and amende the same.
" Item to the sixth Article of their charge, they say and
present that the said Lordship or Manor is scituat or being in
the severall parishes of Lanederne, Roth, Cardiff, Landaph,
Whitchurch, and Lanissen, and that the meares^ limits, and
bounds thereof are as following :
" Item the said Lordshippe or Manor meareth in the upper
end of the parish of Lanederne [aforesai]d, in a place there
OF THE MANOR OF ROATH-KETNSHAM. 1 23
called Keven Poyth afToiesaid, with the boundaries of the
severall parishes of Lanederne and Lanvedow £ast and North,
untill it Cometh to a rivulet of water that [runneth] from the
parke of Kevenmablie to the house heretofore of David William
(alias Dio [Will]), scithence the house of Bees Dio Will, and
now the Mansion House of John William David, and soe to
the brooke called Dowlays. [It is] likewise meared in the upper
end of the said parish of Lknedeme Northward with a well
[which runn]eth between the lands of Thomas Lewis of Lanissen,
esquier, called Tir-cwm-bach and [Tir-grono] yr Ligaid, whereof
Tir-cwm-bach is within the said Lordshipp. And soe along that
[same] well, untill it cometh to a brook called Nant-y-Kybale,
which runneth close to the house of rd David Howell, the
harper, now the dwelling house of William Thomas William ...
side thereof; and from thence it is meared Eastward with
the bounds and markes betweene the markes [lands] that are
between the lands of Sir Charles Kemeys, Knight, pa
Lordshippe or Manor, now in the tenure of Edward Hunber-
stonne, within the parish of Lan and the lands of Sir
Charles Kemeys afforesaid in the tenure of Thomas John Owen
of Lisvaine, untill it cometh to a brooke that runneth
through a meadow called Y Ff in Lanederne (being the
lands of the said Sir Charles Kemeys), held by lease by Edward
Trehame, and now in the tenure of John Thomas ap Owen.
*' [Alsoe a] parcell of the said Lordship or Manor is likewise
meared on the East with a brooke [which runneth] from a place
called Rhud-y-bilooke, untill the same raeereth with a brooke
called Dowlais, [and] thence it is meared Eastwards by the said
brooke Dowlays, untill it cometh to the lands of Sir Charles
Kemeys, and the lands late of William Morgan James, now in
the tenure of Thomas who is married to the widow of
Thomas Morgan Gamage (which Thomas Morgan was said
William Morgan James) ; the said lands of the said Thomas
Mathew and of one William [being] landes holden in See
under theColledge of Sainct Austen on the Greene of Bristoll; [and
dqt^i thence] bound and meare the said Lordship or Manor on
the South and West, untill it [cometh to a] well or rivulet
which runneth betweene the said lands of the said William
Watkin [on the one side], and the lands of the forenamed
Thomas Lewis, Esq., called Kenkoed, in the tenure of
Morgan, and the lands of William Vauchan, called Tir Capel
(being parcells of the [said] Lordshippe) on the other side
thereof, and crosseth the hige way that leadeth from Cardiff,
and so running as meare ; and mearing the said Lordship East-
wards untill it cometh [to the] Biver Eumney untill
(csetera desunt).
9«
124 SURVEY AND PRESENTMENT
Continued and concluded from a Survey of the 25th May 1703,
commencing from the 6th Article of the earlier Survey,
" We say and present that this Lordship or Mannor meareth
in the upper part of Llanederne parish in a place called Keven-
poyth, with the bounds of the several parishes of Lledeme and
Llanvedw east and North, untill it cometh to a Riverlet of Water
that runneth from Kevanmably Parke to the house of David
William, al's Dio. Will., now the mansion House of Rowland
Lewis Rees, and thence downward along that Riverlett unto a
Brooke called Nant y Gumma, at a meadow called flFoeslaes vach,
within the parish of Lanederne aforesaid ; and this Mannor is
likewise meared in the upper end of Llanderne afs*d, northward,
with a well that runneth between the lands of Mrs. Grace
Lewis, widow, called Tyr Cwmbach, al's Kevenpoyth, within the
said Lordship, and the Lands called Tyr gronow yr Llygad,
within the Lordship of Sinhenidd and parish of Lanvedw, being
also the Land of the said Madam Grace Lewis, untill it cometh
to a Brooke called Nant y gabale, which runneth close by the
House of Edmond Richard, late of one William Thomas William,
on the west side thereof; and then, leaving the said Brook,
crosseth the Highway and runneth along the Bounds of the
several parishes of Llanederne and Lisvane, between the lands
of Sir Chas. Kemeys, Bart., now in the tenure of John Humber-
stone and Ralph Thomas, on the west, untill it cometh into the
Brooke of the ffoeslaes af sd, being the land of the said S*r Chas.
Kemeys, now in the tenure of Willm. Jones of Llanederne aPsd;
and one other parcel of the s'd Lordship or Mannor is likewise
meared on the East with a little Brooke called Rhyd y Billwhe,
nejir the House of Watkin Thomas of the Vaindry, now in the
tenure of Mary Watkin, Spinster,untill it meareth with a Brooke
called Dowlas ; and from thence it is meared with the said
Brook called Dowlais, untill that you come to the land of Wm.
Morgan of Coed y Gorras, Gent., with the land of the said Willm.
Morgan and the land of Sir John Thomas, Bart., now in tbe
Tenure of Wm. Morgan, being Lands holden in ffee under the
College of St. Austin on the Green in Bristol ; and doth from
thence bound or meare to the said Lordship or Mannor on the
South and west part untill it cometh to a Well or Riverlet
which runneth between the lands of the said Sir John Thomas
on the one side, and the lands of Thomas Lewis of Lanishen,
Esq., called Kevencoyd, now in the tenure of Edward Morrice,
and the land of the af'sd William Morgan, called Tyr y Chap-
pell, being parcel of this Lordship, on the other side thereof, and
OF THE MANOR OF ROATfl-KEYNSHAM. 125
BO crosseth the Highway below the said Chappell ; and so run-
neth mearing down a Hedge, by a Meadow called the Florin
untill that ye come to the river of Eumney ; and from thence it
is meared by the said Eiver Eumney untill it come to a Moore
called Griffiths' Moore, being the Lands of Thomas Morgan of
LlaniTunney, Esq., now in the tenure of John William and
others, on the one side ; and from thence it meareth southward
with a Ditch that severeth between the said Griffith's moore
and other Lands of the Countess Dowager of Pembroke, now in
the tenure of Will'm Eichards, of the one side, and the lands of
the said Thomas Morgan of Llan Eumney, Esq., called Lloyne
y Grant Kenol, on the other side, now in the tenure of John
William afsd and 9thers, untill it cometh to a Com Grist Mill
called Eoath mill, which said Mill the said Jurors do hereby
likewise present to be the Lords Alill, and situate within this
Lordship ; and from the said Mill to Eoath Bridge, being made
of stone, near the Church, about a Cottage and waste Ground
thereunto belonging, called Goose Lear, now in the tenure of
Edwd. Thomas, and being part of this Lordship, unto the meet-
ing of the two Brooks eastward, untill it comes to another
Bridge called Pont evan Quint Alsoe it is meared westward
with a Brook called Nantmawr, and from Pont Evan Quint unto
a Lane called Hewl y Keven-coyd westward, and thence along
that Lane to the Place called Ehybillwhe before mentioned.
" Item the said Jurors do hereby present and say that one
Tenement of the Lord's Jjand called Weddall ycha, being parcell
of this Lordship, is situate in the parish of Landafife, and now
held by Lease firom the said Lord of this Manor by Wm. Jones
of Cardiff, and is now in the tenure of Morgan Bobert his under-
ten't, and that it doth meare and bound into a Lane called Hewly
coyd on the east, the Mountain or Common called Mynyth by-
chan on the north and west, and the lands of S*r Chas. Kemeys,
Bart, called Weddall issa, now in the tenure of William Morris,
and a place called Kinthe bach on the south part thereof.
" Item we say and present that one other Tenement of the
said Lord of this Manner, now in the tenure of Alice William,
widow, being parcel of this Lo'pp, is situate in the parish of
Whichurch, meering and bounding to the Common called Myn-
yth bychan, and a Highway leading from a place called Pant-
bach to a place called Ehyd y watley on the east, and a tump or
bank or earth on the Common, called Wayntreoda, which tump
or bank adjoineth to the several Lordships of Landaffe, Llistaly-
bont, Senhenith, and to this Lo'pp on the west part thereof; the
lands of the widow Mathews of Cabalva being part of the Lord-
ship of Llistalybont on the south, and the lands of Captn.
126 SURVEY AND PRESENTMENT
Richard Jeakins, being port of the Lo'pp of Senhenith, now in
the tenure of Wm. Thomas and Henry Morgan, on the north part
thereof.
'* Item we say and present that one other Tenement of the
lands of the Lord of this Manor, situate in the parish of Whi-
church af sd, now in the tenure of Lewis Lewis, being alsoe par-
cel of this Lordship, and late the land of one Samuel Edwards,
doth bound and mear to the said Common, Mynith bychan, the
s'd place called Pantbach on the south, and the s'd way leading
to Ehyd y Watley on the west, and the lands of the s*d Lord of
this manor, now in the tenure of Thos. Morgan, being in the
Lo*pp of Senhenith, on the north part thereof. And from thence
the s*d Lo*pp is bounded with the mears that meareth between
the parish of Lanishen and Whichurch untill it cometh to a
Brooke called Cassen, in. a place where the s'd Brooke runneth
between a place called Kae y cunrick, parcel of the Lo'pp of
Senhenith, and the lands of Rich'd Lewis of Cansham [Corsham],
Esq., now in the tenure of Thos. William, being parcel of this
Lo'pp of Roath-Eensam; and from thence to the ruins of an Old
Castle near draynew Pen y graig, it is meared by the Brook
called Kastan, and on -a Hill called Graig Eibber on the north,
and Lands of S'r Chas. Kemeys, Bart., now in the tenure of Rees
John Mathew, and the brook that runneth between the lands of
the s*d Richard Lewis, Esq., called Tir y whit, and one other
Tenement of the s'd Richard Lewis, Esq., now in the tenure of
Wm. David Lewis, untill it cometh to the stone Bridge on the
Highway, by Uanisthen Church. And from thence, by Rhyd y
mincoch, to a place called Gwain y pentra, hard by the Common
called Munith bychan, it is meared by the Highway southward;
and from thence, hereinbefore mentioned, to the lands of Lewis
Lewis, as aforesaid, it is meared on the south part thereof with
a mount or wake there raised, and now extant.
" Item we say and present that one other Tenement of the
Lord of this Manor, situate in the parish of Roath af sd, called
by the name of Courtbach, now in the tenure of Joseph Mere-
dith, is mearing and bounding unto the Highway leading from
Roath Village unto Roath Bridge, the Brook that cometh from
Roath mill, the customary Land of the Lord of this Manner,
now in .the tenure of Joseph Meredith ; the lands of George
Howells, Esq., now in his own tenure, on all parts and sides
thereof, and it is part of the said Lordship.
** Item we present and say that one other Tenement of Land
of the Lord of this Manner is situate in the said Parish of Roath,
and called by the name of Pengam, now in the tenure of Ed-
mond Meredith, meared and bounded with the River Rumney,
OF THE MANOR OF BOATH-KETKSHAM. 127
the lands of Bobert Harvey^ Esq., and George Howells, Esq. ;
and on the southwest with the lands of the Lord of the Friars,
and a mead called Gwain y maillocke, in the tenure of Wm.
Harry; the Lands of Sir Humphrey Mackworth, called Saith
erw deon, now in the Tenure of the said Sir Humphrey, and
being parcel of this Lordship.
" Item we say and present that there are two other parcels of
the Lord's Lands, being likewise part of this Lordship, situate
in Boath moore, and now in the Tenure of the said Edmond
Meredith, as lands belonging to the aforementioned tenement
called Pengam, whereof one is called by the name of the Back,
al's Abbotsland, contain'g by estimation 8 acres or thereabouts ;
and the other is called Pedair erw Twch, cont'g by estimation
four acres or thereabouts.
''Item we say and present that the land called Saith erw
deon, being the lands of the said Sir Humphrey Mackworth, and
now in his own Tenure, doth join with the Land of the Lord of
this Manner, and now in the tenure of the aforenamed Edmond
Meredith as part of Pengam ffarm, and is parcell of this Lord-
ship, and contains by estimation Seven Acres or thereabouts."
SEPULCHRAL RECUMBENT EFFIGY IN
BETTWS Y COED CHURCH,
NORTH WALES.
Those of the sepulchral effigies in Wales, of the four-
teenth century, represented in armour, wiU ofttimes be
found to differ in detail from those of the same period
in England. I am not, however, about to enter mto a
general comparison, but shall content myself with ob-
serving upon a single e&.gy only, that represented in
the annexed engraving, one of a most interesting de-
scription, preserved in the little church of Bettws y
Coed, not far from Llanrwst, a spot well known to
tourists of North Wales. In the north wall of the
chancel of this little church is a plain, pointed, sepul-
chral arch, the quarter-round mouldings of which clearly
indicate it to be of, or about, the middle of the four-
teenth century.
128 RECUMBENT EFFIGY
Beneath this arch is deposited a recumbent eflSgy of
a warrior clad in the defensive armour of the fourteenth
century, of a rare description ; peculiar, I think, or
nearly so, to Wales. The head of this eflSgy reposes,
in a not unusual manner, on a tilting-helm of the de-
scription worn in tournaments ; the crest on which, of
a large size, is that of a bird's head and beak. On the
head of this eflfigy appears the basinet or war-helmet,
the top of which has been broken. On either side of
the basinet is a leaf of four foils. Attached by cor-
dons within loops on either side of the lower border
of the basinet, is a camail, or tippet of mail, of that
kind often described as of rings set edgewise ; the
links of which are very perfect, and five-eighths of an
inch in diameter. The camail covers the chin and
breast, and over the upper lip is worn the moustache.
The shoulders are protected by epauliferes of overlap-:
ping plates, and gussets of mail cover the armpits. In
front of the shoulders are roundels of plate, 3^ inches
in diameter, each bearing a cinquefoiled rosette. Like-
shaped roundels appear also at the bending of the
elbows. The upper arms, from the shoulders to the
elbows, are enclosed within defensive plates of armour
called brassarts or rerebraces ; the elbows are protected
by coudes, — armour so called ; the lower arms are en-
cased within vam braces. Both the rere and vam braces
are studded with button-like protuberances, three-
eighths to half an inch in diameter, four rows of which
are apparent on the rerebraces. Gauntlets of plate, with
articulated finger-joints, protect the hands, which are
conjoined on the breast as in prayer; and between
which a heart is held, — a by no means unusual repre-
sentation. Over the breastplate the short and sleeve-
less, close-fitting surcoat called the jupon is worn. This
is heraldically emblazoned with a chevron and two
oak-leaves in chief; and the skirts of the jupon are
bordered by a row of oak-leaves. Round the loins, and
encircling the jupon horizontally, appears the bawdrick,
an ornamental oelt of some width. In front of the
i
1 1
IN BETTWS Y COED CHURCH. 129
bawdrick is a small angular-sliaped shield, 3^ inches in
length by 2 J inches in width. The heraldic bearing on
this is similar to that emblazoned on the jupon, viz., a
chevron and two oak-leaves in relief in chief. Over tlie
upper part of the thighs, and between them, seemingly
attached to the breastplate, and appearing below the
jupon, is a horizontal skirt or apron of mail Cuisses
protect the thighs, and are covered with two horizontal
rows of studs. The genouillferes, or knee-caps, of plate
are also studded. These cover the fronts and outside
of the knees only, and are attached by means of straps.
The front and exterior of the legs, from the knees to
the insteps, are protected by jambs; the defensive
armour, so GsJled, studded in front. These are fastened
to the legs by five straps. The inner portions and
calves of the legs appear unprotected by defensive
armour. The soUerets which cover the feet are ex-
tremely curious. They are composed of lamincB, or over-
lapping plates, cut Vandyke-wise. These lamiruB are
studded, and the sollerets pointed at the toes. Attached
to the ankles are rowelled spurs, and the feet rest
against a lion. The legs are straight, and not crossed.
Suspended by a lace or cordon from the bawdrick, on
the right hip, is an anelace or dagger, 16| inches in
length. On the left side, the swora, of which a small
portion only remains, appears to have been fastened to
the bawdrick. In raised letters along the front or
south verge of the slab on which the effigy reposes, is
the following inscription : +HIC : iacet: orvfyd : ap :
DAVTD : COCH I AONVS : DEI : MiSERE : ME. The misere ab-
breviated for miserere.
A notice of this effigy, very similar to the above, will
be found in vol. v of the 4th Series, p. 128, but without
the accompanying illustration.
M. H. B.
130
HISTORICAL MSS. COMMISSION.
{Continued from p. 83.)
MSS. IN THB REPOSITORT OF THE HOUSE OF LORDS.
1668, April 22. Herbert v, Lloyd. — Eeport from the Com-
mittee to whom was referred the petition of William Herbert
and the answer of Sir Charles Iloyd, that the petitioner is not
relievable in the Courts of Westminster Hall, and ought, there-
fore, to have a hearing at the bar. (L. J., xii, 228.) In extenso.
See also Pet. Book, 14 ApriL
Annexed : 1. — 17 March 1667-8. Petition of William Herbert
for the reversal of a decree in Chancery pronounced against him
in 1652 by Commissioners Keeble and Lisle in his suit against
Thomas Bynion respecting the right of redemption of an estate
in the county of Montgomery, mortgaged by petitioner's father,
Bichard Herbert, to William Bynion, father of Thomas Bynion.
[The matter appears, by the statements in the petition, to have
been in litigation since 1638.] Petitioner prays that Sir Charles
Lloyd, who bought the premises for a very small consideration,
and who had notice of petitioner's suit, and was afterwards
desired not to proceed in the purchase, may be ordered to appear
and answer.
2. Answer of Sir Charles Lloyd. Is a mere stranger to most
of the matters mentioned in Herbert's petition. He is questioned
for an estate of which he became a purchaser upon a valuable
consideration, and prays that a convenient time may be granted
him to answer. Having no habitation in London, his writings
concerning the matter are in the country, one hundred and
twenty miles from hence, where he and his family have resided
since the late dreadful fire.
3. Plea and answer of Sir Charles Lloyd, Baronet. The lands
in question were absolutely conveyed by the petitioner's father
to William Bynion in fee simple, and not under any condition
of redemption, trust, or mortgage whatsoever. Eespondent gave
full value. He positively denies that at the time of the purchase
he had any notice of the petitioner's suit, Bynion at the time
having been for two years in peaceable possession.
MANUSCRIPTS IN THE POSSESSION OF REGINALD CHOLMONDELEY,
ESQ., OF CONDOVER HALL, SHROPSHIRE, RELATING
TO CHESTER AND WALES.
A deed dated 1528, August 18. Thomas [Wolsey], Cardinal-
Priest of the title of St Cecily, Archbishop of York, Primate of
HISTORICAL MSS. OOMMiSSIOK. 131
England, and Chancellor, and Legate de Latere of the Apostolic
See, to Bichard Bromeley, monk of the monastery of Ysde Cm-
cis, of the [Cistercian] Order, in the diocese of St Asaph, a priest,
having professed a regular life. Absolves him from the guilt, if
any, of apostacy incurred by him by the not wearing his habit,
and from all ecclesiastical penalties hitherto incurred, and from
all excesses (except those reserved to the Holy See) hitherto by
him committed ; and gives him permission, because of his weak*
ness of body, to use Imen next his skin, and long leggings (cali-
gis) of a decent colour ; also under his hood during divine
service, as well in the choir as in the cloister ; and to talk in a
low voice in the dormitory and elsewhere ; and in his chamber,
after to eat and drink moderately, and on a journey ; to
choose a fit confessor^ secular or regular ; and to hear confessions
from those who should come to confess to him, and to absolve
them from all excesses not reserved to the Holy See ; and to be
elected abbot of any monastery of the said order, or to take any
other claustral dignity which he can conscientiously assume
Dated from his house near Westminster. Oval seal of red
wax, about 5 inches by 3 inches, in case. Figures of SS.
Peter and Paul in niches, under a Soman pediment. Under-
neath is the coat of arms of Wolsey surmounted by a cardinal's
hat. The legend is '' Sigillum Thome Archiep. £b[or.], Legati
de latere, ad dispensationes." Portions of the inscription and
coat of arms are lost At the foot (left comer) is the name of
John Hughes ; and (right comer) the name of Claibun the
Datary. The document states Bromeley to be son of a monk by
an xmmarried woman. (Latin.)
Folio, paper, seventeenth century, 240 pp. Copies of the case
and arguments temp. Car. I, where the jurisdiction of the
Marches Court over the four shires of Gloucester, Worcester,
Hereford, and Salop, was debated at length.
P. 45. A.D. 1641. Arguments proving the jurisdiction used
by the President and Council in the Marches of Wales over the
counties of Gloucester, Worcester, Hereford, and Salop, to be
illegal and injurious, and a mere encroachment beyond their
appointed limits.
P. 49, Eecords; p, 66, Eeports, in French, of arguments in Par-
liament (17 Car. I) ; p. 74, the effect of the first argument of
the Swing's Solicitor-Gteneral, Sir Francis Bacon, in maintaining
of the Council of the Marches over the four shires ; p. 82, the
effect of what was spoken by Mr. Sergeant Hutton ; p. 86, the
reply of the King's Solicitor ; p. 97, the third and last argument
of the King's Solicitor in reply to Sergeant Harris.
In this volume are also the following letters and papers :
132 HISTORICAL MSS. COMMISSION.
1661, March 14, Ludlow Castle. " Carbery, Lord President of
the Marches, to the High Sheriff and Justices of the Peace of
the county of Gloucester." He notices the bad state of the roads
in that county, and calls upon them to put in force the statutes
relating thereto.
1662, March 25. Draft of a declaration by the Justices of the
Peace alluding to Lord Carbery's letter, and denying that the
county of Gloucester was within the Marches of Wales or within
the power or jurisdiction of his Lordship's commission. It has
the autograph signatures of twenty-one Justices of the Peace.
Copy of a presentment by the Grand Jury to Lord that
processes were issued out of the Court of the Marches of Wales
against some inhabitants of the county of Gloucester for matters
arising within that county ; and that the Lord President had
sent the letter noticed above, and praying him to present the
matter to the King, that redress might be had.
Form of a bill in the Court of Marches.
Small 4to, paper, 206 pp., end of seventeenth century. Fair
copies of letters between Ant. Pagi and William lioyd, Bishop
of St Asaph, on Eoman consular chronology. These end on
p. 123. The remainder of the volume contains letters on the
same subject between Father Noria and the Bishop, with the
interpolation, at pp. 145-156, of a letter by Henry Dodwell (at
Cookham) to the Bishop. All the letters, except Dodwell's, are
in Latin, and are dated in the years 1686 and 1687.
Small 4to, paper, seventeenth century, 123 leaves. "A Bre-
viary, or Collections of the most anchant Cittie of Chester, re-
duced into these chapters following, by the Reverend Mr. Ro.
Rogers, Bachelor in Divinity, Archdeacon of Chester, and one of
the prebends (sic) of the Cathedral Church in Chester ; written
anew by his sonne, D. R., a well wisher to that anchant Cittie."
The tenth (and last) chapter is headed, " Certain commendable
deeds done for the wealth and estimation of the Citti of Chester
by certain that have bene maiores of Chester, by some others
that have bene borne there, and other good men dwellinge
there."
Folio, paper, sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. 1. "Visita-
tion of Cheshire, taken by William Flower, alias Norroy King
of Arms, and with hym Robert Glover, Somerset Herald, his
Marshall, a.d. 1580." 97 leaves. The arms are well tricked, and
there are copies of deeds and their seals, which evidence the
pedigrees and arms. There are some additions, supposed to be
made by Wm. Smith of Old Haugh, Rouge Dragon, Pursuivant-
at-Arms in 1609. Leaves 74-80 are nearly blank. The leaves
90-96 have arms only, " taken out of a Book in the Office, writ-
t<3n temp. Hen. V."
HISTORICAL MSS. COMMISSION. 133
2. Paper of a larger size. Visitation for Cheshire, temp. Eliza-
beth, by Somerset Herald. Leaves 31b-39 and 55-62 are in a
different hand. After 64 the leaves are blank, except fonr pages
of arms copied out of churches and houses in Yorkshire, 1584.
Folio, 1760, 44 leaves, interleaved. By Dr. Cowper. Collec-
tions for Broxton Hundred. Such as are extracts from Daniel
King's Itinerary (published in Vale Eoyal of England, 1656) are
in inverted commas. More than two hundred arms are blazoned.
At the end is an index of names.
In the margin of the following tract of 25 leaves is this note :
" Malbon's account of Nampwyche, co.Cest., from 1642 to 1655."
The tract is headed, "A brief and true relacion of all such pass-
ages and things as happened and were done in and about
Namptwich, in the county of Chester, and in other places of the
same county, together with some of the things in other counties
by some of the commanding officers and soldiers of the
said town of Namptwich, after the same was made a garrison for
King and Parliament, since the 10th of August 1642 ; so truly
as the writer hereof could come by the knowledge of the same,
viz., upon or about the 11th day of August 1642. Sir William
Brereton and the Deputy Lieutenants for the said county of
Chester." Ends (after the surrender of Beaumaris in 1648),
"there were not above 20 on the Parliament side slain and
wounded; but of the other parties a great number. Per me,
Thomas Malbon, 1651." After this the last page and a half con-
tain notices for the years 1651, -2, -3, and -5.
Folio, paper, seventeenth century. Fo. 1, oaths of the Mayor,
Recorder, and Sheriffs of Chester. A collection of the mayors
who have governed the city of Chester.
Fo. 6. Divers collections by the worthy and grave citizen
William Aldersay the elder.
Fo. 8b. "Abridgment of my collections gathered by Bobert
Rogers, Archdeacon of Chester, divided into 7 chapters" (only
four here). Then names of mayors from 24 Henry III. There
are columns for the years and the twelve months, the names
of the mayors are put in their proper places, and there are some
notes of the events. The original hand ends with 19 Charles I;
thence the tables are continued to 1701; then come notes of
proceedings at Assembly, and notes of charitable gifts (several
pages).
Folio, paper, seventeenth century, about 100 leaves. A long
description of Chester CathedraL — Description of several hun-
dreds in Cheshire — Account of the Earls of Chester — Copy of
the charter of 21 Henry VII to the city of Chester — Deaths of
the plague in Chester, between June 1647 and April 1648, —
particulars : total number of deaths, 2,099.
134 HISTORICAL MSS. COMMISSION.
*' Collectanea Devana", 2 vols., folio. (These are from various
authors ; a list of them is on p. 1.)
VoL i, 330 pp. Collections for the City of Chester down to
1757. The Earls of Chester down to 1648. Part II begins at
p. 123. It consists of fragments s^d lists and notes of Mayors,
SheriflFs, etc. VoL ii, pages 1 to 49, are occupied with the
Sheriffs down to 1755, and additions down to 1802. A new
paging (1 to 41), contains " a collection of certain passages and
occurrences in the Civil War, began A.D. 1642, concerning
Chester and other places, mostly within the distance of a day's
journey from that city." It ends with a letter (6 pp.), dated
Pulford, 17th March 1642, signed by Thomas Aston (the con-
tents certified by ten other signatures) about the conduct of
Aston in the affair of Middlewich. It is addressed to Earl
Rivers and Viscounts Cholmondeley and Kilmurrey, and others.
Quarto, paper, eighteenth century. "Villare Com. Cestri.",
342 pp., besides tables at the end. It is headed, " Dr. William-
son's Collections from Holme's MSS., with some additions and
annotations." The names of places are in alphabetical order,
one name to each page. The last date is 1701, when the book
was compiled. (It is said to be "out of the library of Dr.
William Cowper, of Chester/')
Folio, paper, eighteenth century. " Statuta Ecclesias Cathe-
dralis, Cestr.", 54 pp., and one page of index to the Statutes.
The I^tin text is on one page, and an English translation on the
opposite page.
A square folio, written A.D. 1764, 38 pp. An account of the
si^e of the City of Chester, 1645 — begins, "1642, the war
between the King and the Parliament being now begun, it was
thought necessary to fortify Chester"; ends, with an account of
the demolitions during the siege, " to the full sum of £200,000."
A folio volume, bound, with the arms of Cholmondeley on
the sides. It is lettered on the back " Dr. Williamson's Collec-
tion of Cheshire Evidences". MSS. by William Cowper, of
Glutton, ludimagister.
A thin folio volume of 54 pp., contains official extracts
(signed by J. Cayley, Keeper of Eecords), from ministers'
accounts, 32 Henry VIII, for Vale Royal Abbey, preceded by
extracts from Tanner's Notitia Monastica.
Folio, 212 leaves, preceded by a copious Index of Names.
Extracts from InquisUionea 'post mortem, for Cheshire, from
1 Henry VIII to 12 James I.
Folio, unbound, 62 pp. The antiquity of the most ancient
and famous City of Chester, collected by the learned and ex-
perienced authors of great antiquity, being here bom and
HISTORICAL MS8. COMiaSSION. 135
laboured much in this work in their timesL And first of the
names of the City of Chester, 1 Neomagos (11 in all)." Ends
with a chapter on the antiquity of the Gabele Bent
A paper-covered folio, wrongly labelled ''A Visitation of
Cheshire by Glover^'. It contains notices of the Antiquities of
Chester : Foundation of the Abbey of Vale Boyal : Abstracts
of the Chronicles of the Earls of Chester: Extracts from
Domesday and the Bed Book of the Exchequer: Abstracts of
Charters in Latin and English, with arms neatly tricked in the
margins: Grentlemen of Cheshire knighted by the Earl of
Hertford at Leith : Pedigrees from Inquisitions and Charters :
Names of persons disclaimed by Bichard St Greoige, Norroy.
Index of Names (1| pp. in 2 columns), 1613.
A quarto volume of about 80 leaves. History of Chester and
lists of the Mayors and Sheriffs. It begins temp. Edward III,
A.D. 1335.
A quarto volume, 31 leaves, deals with the Bishops, Earls,
Mayors, and Sheriffs of Chester.
A quarto volume of 87 leaves, contains some collections
relating to the Ecclesiastical affairs of Chester. The last date
is 1422, at p. 87. It deals with Bishops, Prebendaries, Deans,
and Archdeacons.
A quarto volume of 68 leaves seems to be a continuation of
the last volume. The last 18 leaves contain an Account of the
Abbey of St Werburgh.
A quarto volume contains Account of the Mayors and Sheriffs
of Chester.
A quarto volume of 89 pp. contains Collections concerning
the City of Chester, and ends with the death of Charles II.
Another quarto of only 6 leaves contains an account of the
Streets of Chester.
A quarto volume contains a List of Gentlemen who appeared
at Chester in the Grosvenor interest at the Election of George
Johnson to be Mayor in 1732.
Bishop Lloyd's letter to Thomas Price of Llanfyllin, concern-
ing Jeffery of Monmouth's history (12^ pp., 4to.)
Chester.
1 Henry VIII. The award between John, Abbot of the
Monastery of St Werburg, and the Mayor and Citizens of the
City of Chester, made anno 1 Henry VIII. This is an epitome,
in 19 items, of the award. Following, in another hand, is a copy
of Henry Vllth's charter to the city of Chester. (Sixteenth cen-
tury, 3 pp.)
1 Henry VIII, August 7th. A full copy of the award, made
136 HISTORICAL M8S. COMMISSION.
by Charles Booth, Sir William Uvedale, and George Bromley,
three of the King's Commissioners, and Anthony Fitzherbert,
Sergeant-at-Law, and William Eudall, the Queen's Attorney.
(It is about St. Werburg's fair and other liberties, 8 pp.) Six-
teenth century.
Memorandum that the 9tli day of January, 31 Henry VIII,
Eaffe Wryne, then being Recorder of this citie, was made Clarke
of the Pentice of the same citie, and the 5th day of October,
32 Henry VIII, the particular fees following were ordered to be
paid unto him. And the same have ever since been challenged
and received by the recorders of this city successively as inci-
dent to the office of recorder. And the Clarke of the Pentice,
who by himself and his servants executed all the business, had
notwithstanding noe part thereof. This is followed by list of
fees on 4 pages. (Sixteenth century.)
Memoranda or notes referring to the privileges of the Mayor
and Citizens of Chester, and the Encroachments of the Dean
and Chapter. And notes of passages in two of the Dean's
Sermons, in which he attacked the Mayor (IJ pp., sixteenth
century).
1569, May 14, from the Court E. (Earl of) Leycester to Sir
Hugh Cholmondeley, V. P. of Wales ; Sir John Throckmorton,
Justice of Chester ; William Gerrard and Richard Pates, Esqrs.,
requesting them to repaire to the City of Chester for trial,
whether the same were decayed or not, and the cause of such
decay. (Contemporary copy.)
1602, May 26. — Court at Greenwich. Copy of Council
Letter to the Mayor of Chester, and the rest of the Commis-
sioners, for viewing of the souldiers at that port; about the
raising and keeping together soldiers and their embarkation from
Liverpool [to Ireland].
1607, April 7. — Attested cotemporary copy of award in a
dispute between the Mayor and Citizens of Chester on the one
part; and Peter Sharpe, B.D., and Eoger Bavenscroft, M.A.,
prebendaries of the Cathedral Church of Chester, on behalf of
the Dean and Chapter, of the other part. The Mayor and
Citizens were to be at liberty to pass and repass through the
great west door of the church at the time of any funeral or
attendance upon any corpse to be buried in the said church ;
and as often as the Mayor repaired to the church to hear divine
service or sermon, or upon any just occasion, he was to be at
liberty to have the sword of the city borne before him with the
point upwards.
137
CARTULARIUxM PRIOR ATUS S. JOHANNIS
EVANG. DE BRECON.
(Continued from p, 49.^
Peter, Bishop of St. David's, gives to the Church of St. John and
monks of Brecon the Church of Llanddeivi y Cwm, in Builih, taith
a saving of episcopal authority :
" Prima Carta Petri^ Menevensis EpiscopL — Petnis Dei gratia
Menevensis Episcopus omnibus Archidiaconis suis Decanis per-
sonis et vicarijs et universis fidelibus sancte ecclesie salutem
gratiam et benedictionem Noverit universitas vestra me dedisse
et concessisse et hac carta mea et episcopali auctoritate confir-
masse Deo et Sancto Johanni et monachis de Brechonia in per-
petuam elemosinam ecclesiam Sancti Davidis de Cum in Buelt
cum omnibus pertinentijs suis salva dignitate Episcopali et con-
suetudine Testibus hijs Ricardo abbate de alba landa,* Ricardo,
Simone et Roberto canonicis de Sancto Davide, Johanne capel-
lano Episcopi, Magistro Rogero, Waltero clerico Episcopi, David
Deoano de Brechonia, David Presbitero, et multis alijs."
Peter, Bishop of St. Davidis, at the instance of the Prior, confirms
the donations of Bernard Newmarch, Roger Earl of Hereford and
his brothers, and of William de Braose and their followers, in the
district of Brecon or BuUth, or elsewhere in the diocese :
" Secunda Carta Petri Menevensis Episcopi. — Petrus dei gra-
tia Menevensis Episcopus omnibus Sancte matris ecclesie filijs
ad quos presens scriptum pervenerit salutem in domino Quo-
niam justis petitionibus justum tenemur prebere assensum ideo
dignum videtur nobis ad instanciam et petitionem karissimoruni
filiorum nostrorum prioris et monachorum de Brechonia eis
auctoritate qua fungimur confirmare omnes donationes elemosi-
narum que Deo et ecclesie Sancti Johannis de Brechonia et
supra memoratis monachis ibidem Deo servientibus a patronis
predicte ecclesie scilicet Bernardo de Novo Mercato et Romero
Comite Herefordiensi et fratribus suis Waltero, Henrico et Wil-
lelmo de Braiosa domino de Brechonia et sepedicte ecclesie
patrono pijssimo sive hominibus eorum seu a ceteris fidelibus
caritatis intuitu collate sunt canonice vel in posterum conferen-
tur in. provincia de Brechonia sive de Buelth vel alibi in tota
1 PekT de Leia, 1176-98. - Whitland.
4th sbr., vol. XIV. 10
138 CARTULARIUM PRIORATUS
diocesi nostra tarn in ecclesijs et capellis et ecclesiasticis benefi-
ces quam in terns et pratis et pascuis et molendinis et aquis et
piscationibus et ceteris omnibus possessionibus et libertatibus
sicut habere debet ecclesia Sancti Johannis supradicta ex se vel
ex dignitate sue matris ecclesie Sancti Martini de Bello secun-
dum quod carta domini regis Henrici et antecessorum suorum
testatur Hanc autem confirmationem prememoratis monachis
eo libentius fecimus quod venerabiles antecessores nostros Domi-
num Bemardum et dominum David merite recordacionis vivos
omnia supradicta eis confinnasse cognovimus et ut hec confir-
matio nostra in perpetuum rata permaneat et inconcussa earn
sigilli nostri munimine corroboravimus omnibus etiam sepedic-
tam ecclesiam Sancti Johannis de Brechonia diligentibus et
manutenentibus aut in aliquo promoventibus communione bene-
ficiorum ecclesie nostre de Sancto David et totius diocesis nostre
concessimus et Dei benedictionem optavimus. Siqui vero hanc
confirmationem nostram temere temptaverint infringere sciant
se proculdubio iram Dei incursuros tanquam Sanctuarij sui dis-
sipatores Teste capitulo de Brechonia valeat"
Oeoffrey Bishop of St David's, on the petition of William de
Braose and Maud his wife , confirms to the Church of St. John the
Churches of Hay, Llanigon, Talgarth, and Llangorse, saving
episcopal authority and the benefices of the then incumbents,
Befm-e 1208 :
"Carta Domini G. Menevensis EpiscopL — Omnibus Sancte
matris ecclesie filijs ad quos presens scriptum pervenerit G.^
divina permissione Menevensis Episcopus salutem in Domino
Noverit universitas vestra nos de communi assensu capituli nos-
tri ad petitionem domini Willelmi de Braosa et domine Matildis
de Sancto Walerico uxoris sue divini amoris intuitu concessisse
et presenti scripto confirmasse ecclesie Sancti Johannis evange-
liste de Brekenia et monachis ibidem Deo servientibus et servi-
turis in perpetuum ecclesiam de Haya, ecclesiam de Sancto
Egion, ecclesiam de Talgard, ecclesiam de Mara in usus proprios
ad sustentacionem fratrum et hospitalitatem et elemosinam sus-
tinendam cum omnibus ad eas pertinentibus pro anima prefati
W. et uxoris sue et antecessorum et heredum suorum salvis in
omnibus consuetudinibus ad episcopum et suos pertinentibus
salvis q\ioque beneficijs canon ice adeptis Thome clerici in eccle-
sia de Haya, Hugonis capellani in ecclesia de Sancto Egion,
Walteri clerici in ecclesia de Talgarth, Willelmi capellani in ec-
clesia de Mara quamdiu vixerint salvis etiam honestis sustenta-
^ Gcofirey de Hcnelawe, consecrated 1203, oh. 1214.
S. JOHANNIS EVANG. DE BRECON. 139
tionibus vicarioriim in predictis ecclesijs canonice assignandis
ut autem hec concessio et contiriiiatio perpetuam finnitatem op-
tineat Sigillum nostrum una cum sigillo capituli nostri present!
scripto duximus apponendura/'
Geoffrey Bishop of St. David's confirms to the Church of St.
John the Ohurch of Llangorse, saving the right of William of
Llangorse in the same for life, and after his death a vicar dge of
100«. to be received by the vicar :
"Carta domini G. Menevensis Episcopi. — Omnibus sancte
matris ecclesie filijs ad quos presens scriptum pervenerit G.divina
permissione Menevensis Episcopus salutem in Domino Universi-
tati vestre volumus notum fieri nos de consensu capituli nostri
caritatis intuitu confirmasse Deo et ecclesie Sancti Johannis
Evangeliste de Brekenia et monachis ibidem Deo servientibus et
servituris ad sustentacionem et hospitum susceptionem et solatia
pauperum ecclesiam suam de Mara cum pertinentijs suis in usus
proprios convertendam salvo jure Willelmi de Mtira presbiteri
in eiEidem ecclesia quoad vixerit Salva etiam post decessum ejus
vicaria centum solidorum assignanda et a vicario ejusdem eccle-
sie percipienda Idem vero vicarius prefate ecclesie in propria
])ersona ministrabit et episcopo et officialibus suis plene respon-
debit et ut hec indulgentia nostra rata permaneat et firma earn
presenti scripto cum sigilli appositione corroboravimus Teste
capitulo nostro."
Oeoffrey Bishop of St. David's confirms to the Ohurch of St.
John the Ohurch of Hay, with a saving of the right of Thomas de
Hay, clerk, therein for his life ; and after his death a vicarage
of ten marcs to be received by the vicar :
"Carta Domini G. Menevensis Episcopi. — Omnibus Sancte
matris ecclesie filijs ad quos presens scriptum pervenerit G.
divina permissione Menevensis Episcopus salutem in domino
Universitati vestre volumus notum fieri nos de consensu capituli
nostri caritatis intuitu confirmasse Deo et ecclesie Sancte Johan-
nis evangeliste de Brechonia et monachis ibidem Deo servienti-
bus et servituris ad sustentacionem fratrum et hospitum sus-
ceptionem et solatia pauperum ecclesiam suam de Haja cum
pertinentijs suis in usus proprios convertendam salvo jure
Thome de Haya clerici nostri in eadem ecclesia quoad vixerit
Salva etiam post decessum ejus vicaria decem marcarum assig-
nanda et a vicario ejusdem ecclesie percipienda Idem vero
vicarius prefate ecclesie in propria persona ministrabit et Epis-
copo et officialibus suis in omnibus plene respondebit et ut hec
1G»
140 CARTULARIUM PRIORATUS
indulgentia nostra rata permaneat et finna earn present! scripto
cum sigilli nostri appositione corroboravimus Teste capitulo
nostro/'
After this document Bishop Tanner notes several
documents omitted in Carte MS., as follows :
" Carta G. Menev. Episcopi de Ecclesia de Talgarth."
" Carta Gervasii^ Menev. Episcopi confirmans Mon. Brecon,
cartam G. predecessoris de appropriatione ecclesiarum de Haya,
S. Egion, T^lgard et Mara."
"Carta D. Gervasii Menev. Episcopi confirmans Prioratui
Brech. potestatem ordinandi et amovendi capellanos in ecclesiis
S. Joh. Brek. de veteri villa, de S. Editha et de Bello post mor-
tem Eic. Dc^cani Breken. Testibus H. Menev. Archidiacono,
G. Decano."
" Carta Gervasii Menev. Episcopi de ordinatione vicariaa in
Ecclesia de Talgard. Testibus G. Archidiacono de Breken., Ma-
gistro Martine, Domino Pentecosto et Johanne filio Aser Canoni-
cis Menev."
" Carta Gervasii Menev. Episcopi confirmans compositionem
inter Abbatem et Conventum Glocestr. et monachos Brechin, de
decimis de Talgard factam per Eobertum Episcopum Hereford."
"Carta Gervasii Menev. Episc. de institutione Willelmi de
Brecon, in Vicariam Ecclesie de Mara et de ord. ejusdem Vica-
rie. Testibus Domino Hugone Archidiacono Menev., Magistris
Mathia et Waltero Canonicis Menev."
" Carta Gervasii Men. Episcopi de institutione H. de Cluna
Archd. Menev. in Vicariam de Talgard per presentationem Jo-
hannis Prioris Brechon. Testibus David Domino Menev. capel-
lano, Alano mon. Brechon."
" Carta Dom.* A. Episcopi Menev. de institutione Johannis
clerici ad ecclesiam de Talgard post mortem Hugonis Archidia-
coni Menev."
" Carta ejusdem A. Episc. Menev. confirmans jurisdictionem
Prioris Brech. in capellis sibi appropriatis juxta tenorem carte
predecessoris sui Gervasii. Actum apud Lando. Testibus Ma-
gistro Johanne de Feratyn Domini Pape subdiacono et capellano
Norwic. Archid., Magistro Jordano de tribus montibus Menev.
Archid., Magistro Eicardo Lumbardo, Willelmo de Porlot, canon-
icis Menev., Willelmo capellano nostro, Eicardo de Lantefey et
aliis pluribus. A.D. 1235 nonas Octobr.^'
" Tertia carta A. Menev. Episcopi de ordinatione Vicarie de
Lanegwan juxta HayanL Testibus Magistro H. Archidiacono
Menev., Magistris M. de Abrinc et E. de Penbroc Canonicis
* lorwertb, consecrated in 1215, died in 1229.
' Anselm le Gros, consecrated in 12^0, died in 1247.
8. JOHANNIS EVANG. DE BRECON. 141
Menev., W. Canon, Haverford, capellano nostro, L. oflSc. de
Brecon., R de Lantesiea," &c.
" Quarta Carta A. Menev. Episcopi confinnans appropriationem
ecclesie de Haya monach. Brecon. Testibus G. Priore de Haver-
ford, J. Priore de Penbroc, Fratre H. de ordine Predic."
" Quinta carta A. Menev. Episc. de institutione Nicholai de
Bosco ad vicariam de Haya. Testibus Dominis Johanne et Gal-
fredo Prioribus de Pembroc et Haverford, Domino Willelmo
Priore de Langenid, Eicardo Lantesey clerico."
•
Bernard Newmarch, with the consent of King Henrys gives to
Battle Abbey his church ai Brecon dedicated to St, John the
Evangelist A bout 1 1 00 :
" Carta Bernardi de Novo Mercato. — Sciant omnes presentes
et futuri quod ego Bemardus de Novo Mercato concessu domini
mei Henrici Eegis testimonioque barouum suorum dedi ecclesie
Sancti Martini de Bello quandam ecclesiam meam apud castrum
meum quod est situm in Walis in Brechenio quam ego dedicari
feci in honorem Sancti Johannis Evangeliste pro salute et anima
ejusdem domini mei Henrici et pro anima Willelmi regis patris
ejus et matris et pro salute anime mee et uxoris et filiorum filia-
rumque et omnium parentum nostrorum vivorum et defuncto-
rum Autem sunt que ego eidem Ecclesie dedi concedentibus ux-
ore mea et tilijs. Dedi enim eidem Ecclesie super flumen quod
dicitur^ Uscha molendinuni unum et duas partes alterius molen-
dini super flumen Hothenei* et quinque Burgenses in Castro
meo et terram ad unam camicam juxta Castrum meum et duas
alias terras quarum una vocatur Landwem' altera costiuio*
cum ceteris terris circumadjacentibus partem quarum dedi Ec-
clesie pro escambio de Lan Mihangel* alteram partem pro anima
Pbilippi filij mei Preter hec dedi quandam vastam civitatem
que vocatur Camois et circa eam unam carucatam terre et deci-
mam denariorum thelonei et molendinorum meorum et deci-
mam panis mei. Hec omnia que nominavi sunt in Walis. In
Anglia vero dedi quatuor Ecclesias cum omnibus terris et deci-
mis ad easdem pertinentibus scilicet Ecclesiam de Patingeham,
Ecclesiam de Bodeham, Ecclesiam de Burchulle, Ecclesiam de
Hardintona^ et decimam de Brunesbope. Agnes vero uxor mea
^ Usk. ' Honddn. * Llanywem.
* From N. French costeins^ " neighbouring thereto". In the same
sense, Cosientin, or Cdtentin of Normandy. Mr. Macray records a
verb costiare, to touch at the side. (Muniments of Magd. OolL, p. 138.)
^ Llanvihangel Tal y Hyn.
^ The charch of Hardinton (dioc. Bath and Wells) was at a later
period, with the consent of the Abbot of Battle, given np by the
142 CARTULARIUM PRIORATDS
me concedente dedit unum manerium quod vocatur Beruntona.^
Item in Gualis dedi Ecclesie Sancti Johannis Ecclesiam meam
de Talgarth et Ecclesiam de Langors et capellam meam. Uec
sunt autem que homines mei dederunt. Picardus' dedit tres
carucatas terre et decimam suam de annona et de omnibus ani-
malibus in Wallia Bicardus Genomannicus^ unam carucatam
terre, Haroldus unam carucatam terre, Walterus de Cropus deci-
mam suam de Lansefred^ et in Anglia Ecclesiam de CUberia^ et
quicquid ad cam pertinet. Wlgerus decimam suam rectam in
Gualis, Walterius de Linehalla* unum Burgensem, Bogerus de
Baschevilla unum Burgensem, Willelmus filius Giraldi unum
Burgensem, Bobertus de Eurois^ unum Burgensem, Bicardus
filius Badulphi dedit eisdem monacbis terram Firmini et terram
Eadulphi Comuti. Hec omnia que hie continentur scripta con-
firmo ego Bemardus et concede ut ecclesia teneat et Monachi
ita bene et quiete et honorifice cum omnibus consuetudinibus
sicuti ego de domino meo Henrico rege teneo."®
'* Secunda Carta Bemardi de Novo Mercato.
** Domini mei videlicet Henrici Eegis Anglie consensu atque
nutu testimonioque Principum suorum dedi ego Bemardus de
Novo Mercato pro sui salute et mei et pro animabus Eegis patris
sui et matris Sancte Trinitati Sanctoque Martino de Bello in
Gualia Ecclesiam quandam in honore beati Johannis Evangeliste
dedicatam sitamque in Hodeni Castro meo uxore mea conce-
dente. Duas etiam Ecclesias illam scilicet de Talgar et illam de
Langors que sunt in eadem patria huic predicte Ecclesie dele-
gavi et capellam meam. Super quodque flumen quod dicitur
Usca dedi molendinum unum et in prenominato etiam Castro
quinque Burgenses et terram ante portam ejusdem Castri dua-
bis carucis sufficientem et duas villas quarum una vocatur Lan-
wem altera Lan Mihangel^cum triben rigrid^® ex aqua Nanttroi-
monks of Brecon to the monks of Qaarrer, or Arreton, in the Isle
of Wight, on payment of fifteen marks of silver bj the latter, to
whom it was then granted by Oeofirej de Mandeville. (Jones, His'
tory of Brecktwckskire^ vol. i, p. 96, referring to Madox, Form, Ang-
2tc., p. 255.)
^ Berrington, near Tenbnry.
^ See the subsequent Pichard charters. * Of Le Mans.
* Llansantfre^d juzta Usk.
* Cleobury North, archdeaconry of Salop.
* Lenhale, now LyoDshall. ^ D'Evreux.
^ This charter is printed in Dugdale's Mon,, tome i, p. 316.
* By this charter Llanvihangel is expressly given.
^® It is difficult to say what " triben rigrid" is, if it is correctly
written.
S. JOHAMMIS EVAMG. DE BRECON. 143
gros^ usque ad Carlihaxnau^ ex utraque parte Hodeni et super
littus prefati fluminis quod Usca dicitur tres arripennos* prato-
rum. Hec omnia que actenus nominavi sunt in Wallia et de
meis proprijs. In Anglia tres ecclesias illam scilicet de Burchull
et de Bodeham et de Hardintune cum terris et decimis et omni-
bus que sibi pertinent prefate Ecclesie dedi et decimam de Ber-
rintune et de Bruneshope. Quidam ex meis hominibus nomine
Ficardus eidem Ecclesie dedit in Wallia terram trium carruca-
rum et rectam decimam de omnibus que possidet in eadem pa-
tria.^ Et alius quidam nomine Ricardus Cenomannicus terram
unius carruce. Similiter quidam nomine Walterius de Cropuz
dedit omnem decimam suam de Wallia. Haroldus quidam no-
mine dedit similiter terram imius carruce. Bobertus filius Gui-
ardi unum Burgensem in HodenL Hugo cognomine Guafra^
rectam decimam totius terre sue de Hantune.
" Signum t Regis Henrici, t Rodberti filij Hamon, f Eogerij
filij Ricardi, f Walterij fratris ejus, t Valdrici® cancellarij."
" Carta Rogeri comitis Herefordie,
"Sciant presentes et futuri quod ego Rogerus comes Here-
fordie^ pro anima patris mei et matris mee et omnium anteces-
sorum meorum et pro salute mea et meorum dono et concedo
Ecclesie Sancti Johannis Apostoli et Evangeliste de Brechenion
^ Nantygroes, a brook which runs into the river Hondda, about
two miles north of Llandevaeloj^.
^ Theoph. Jones says that Caerbannan is on an eminence, now
cormptly called Benni, about two miles north-west of Brecon, and
about a mile and a half from the conflnence of the river Escir with
Usk. He suggests that its proper name was Caer Van. Near this
camp, and nearer to Aberescir, the Romans erected a station which
they called Bannium, whence Bemii; softened, according to Welsh
rule, into Venni. (Vol. i, p. 27.)
• "Arvipenninm, areponnis (Gallice, arpent), a land-measure,
which some call an acre, others a stadium.*' (Spelman's Glossary,)
* Ystradwy. * Wafre.
^ WaldricuB was Chancellor about 1108, 3 Henry I. (Spelman's
Glossary.)
7 Roger Earl of Hereford was the eldest son of Milo Earl of Here-
ford, Constable of England, by Sybil, daughter of Bernard New-
march. Of this marriage there were four younger sons, Walter,
Henry, Mael, and William, who, after the death of Roger, each (Have
William) in his turn held the office of Constable, and were lords of
Brecon, all dying without issue ; and three daughters, — Margery,
who married Humphrey de Bohun; Bertha, the wife of Philip de
Braose ; and Lucy, the wife of Herbert Fitz Herbert. Earl Roger
succeeded his father in 1143, and died in 1154.
144 CARTULARIUM PRIORATUS
et monachis ibidem Deo servientibus in elemosinam perpetu6
liberi et quiete possidenda molendinum videlicet meum situm
super Hodeni sub pede mote Castelli cum tota multura sicuti
melius in meo dominio tenui ita ut nulli alio liceat aliud
molendinum facere vel habere in parochia ejusdem Ecclesie nisi
ipsis monachis et decimam totius panis et potus mei et de Cas-
tello de Brechenion et de castello de Haya' et de toto Honore
totius Brechonie de meo dominio sive assim sive an absim et
decimam piscium et piscationem in Mara per duos dies in ebdo-
mada (at) que decimam omnium placitorum et dononim meonim
per totum honorem totius Brechenion et in denarijs et in dena-
riatis. Dono eis etiam carrucatam terre circa capellam Sancti
Peulini de Mara et molendinum de Langors cum tota multura
et terram totam Osmundi de Traveile et Hospitium* unum in
castro de Haia' quietum et ab omni consuetudine et servicio
terreno liberum. Similiter illam terram concede eisdem mona-
chis que jacet ante portam ejusdem ecclesie Sancti Johannis
usque ad portas* de baillio castelli. Preterea dono eis et concedo
omnium rerum decimas quas adquisiero in Walis preter terras
que mee erunt et legitime libereque dari poterunt concedo in-
super eis ecclesiam de Haya et ecclesiam de Lansefrei et eccle-
siam Sancti Wenarch de Herchenefeld"^ et omnes ecclesias que
mei juris sunt in Wallia sive in Anglia quas neque canonici ne-
que monachi possident. Quicquid eciam Avus mens Bernardus
de Novo Mercato et homines ejus eidem ecclesie Sancti Johan-
nis dederunt in hominibus in terris in ecclesijs in decimis sive
in ceteris possessionibus sicut carta ipsius Bemardi testatur et
carta Kegis Henrici confirmatur ita liberS et quietfe ab orani ser-
vicio terrene consuetudinis concedo et preseuti carta confirmo
sicut res ecclesie possideri debent eo tenore et condicione ut in
eadem ecclesia Sancti Johannis conventus sextem® monachorum
* The King to Engelram de Cygony. " Let the Prior of Brecon
have the tithes of onr caRtles of the honor of Brecon, as he had
them before the diBagreement between U8 and onr clergy of Eng-
land." (15 John, 1213 ; Close Bolh, p. 148.)
^ Gaest-honse or room in Hay Castle.
* This charter is copied at full length in a subsequent part of the
Gnrte transcript, so the conclusion is here supplied. A note, as fol-
lows, *'Hic deBciunt 2 Carted Bogeri Cotnitis Herefordias", here
occurs in the Carte MS.
* Gates of the Castle bailey, afterwards Old Port Superior.
* Llansaintfread and St. Weonards of Archenfield.
^ It is quite uncertain whether this is "sextem" or "septom", as
the word is almost illegible. Bishop Tanner, in his Notitia Monas-
tica, says there were only six monks in the Priory, without reference
to his authority.
S. JOHANNIS EVANG. DE BRECON. 145
ad minus teneatur de monachis Sancti Martini de bello ad quam
predicta ecclesia Sancti Johannis pertinet et cui subjecta est
Hijs testibus."^
it
Seeunda Oarta^ Rogeri Comitis Herefordie.
" Notum, sit presentibus et f uturis quod ego Eogerus Comes
Herefordie dedi et hac carta confirmavi monachis de Brekenia
pro salute anime mee et omnium antecessorum meorum et suc-
cessorum Lanwem usque Maislidin* et usque Heileye et Kaer a
flumine Eskir usque Gleudi et inde usque Kilunuc (et) terram
que fuit Walkelini* Vis de Lu de PentenaueP usque ad castel-
lum WeynardL* Et terram Eicardi Gulafre de Traueleya usque
Wenniterfin et inde usque ad Lantewerchin^ et quadraginta
acras quas Stephanus de Benni me presente els dedit liberas et
quietas ab omni exactione et terreno servicio Concedo eciam
dictis monachis decimas reddituum et placitorum et donorum
meorum et liberam pasturam animalibus suis in forestis meis et
decimas porcorum de pannagio meo et vaccarum de donis Walen-
sium^ apud Talgarth et apud Brekeniam et decimas molendino-
rum meorum et omnium lucrorum per totum honorem de Bre-
kenia Concedo eciam eis liberam curiam suam cum omnibus
libertatibus quas habet ecclesia Sancti Martini de bello sicut
carta domini mei Eegis Henrici testatur.* Et precipio omnibus
fidelibus meis quod habeant omnes res et possessiones suas ita
libere et quiete et honorifice sicut ego terras meas teneo et ut
omnia rata sint huic carte sigillum meum appono teste curia de
Brechonia."
^ Bishop Tanner notes here : " Cartaa 2da et 3ia excises stmt."
^ This second nharter is written towards the end of the Carte MS.,
afler the charter immediately preceding. It is now restored to its
proper place, and is one of the two charters supposed to be wanting.
^ Maesljdan, Broadfield. (Theoph. Jones.)
* Trewalkin, on the old road from Talgarth to Genfford. The name
of Umfiidus "Via de Lu (St. Lo ?) occurs in Close Rolls (vol. ii, p,
212), 11 Henry III.
^ Pentanavel, near Gam y Castell. (Ordnance Survey.)
^ Garn y Castell is prpbably the site of Weynards Castle. Com-
pare this description with that in the charter of Walter of Hereford,
*'*' inter Maram et Castellnm Wainardi", with a reference to Ordnance
Survey.
7 Lattewrechin. (Dngd.)
® The tithes of pannage and Welsh,cow-yield.
* This is printed in Dugdale (^Mon,, tome i, p. 322) as the fourth
charter, with the omission of the last sentence.
146 CARTULARIUM PRIORATUS
" Quarta Oarta Bogeri Oomitis Herefordie.
" Sciant presentes et futuri quod ego Eogerus Comes Here-
fordie dedi et concessi Deo et Ecclesie Sancti Johannis de Bre-
chonia et monachis ibidem Deo servientibus pro salute anime
mee et omnium antecessorum et successorum meorum impri-
mis hanc libertatem ut Prior et conventus habeant curiam suam
per omnia et omnes libertates quas habere debent ex dignitate
sue matris Ecclesie. Dono etiam eis totam terram Sancti Peu-
lini apud Maram et in Mara piscationem per tres dies singulis
septimanis et singulis diebus in Adventu et in Quadragesima
libere et quiete sine alicujus impedimento vel contradictiona
Dono etiam predictis monachis omnes decimas pullanorum meo-
rum et vitulorum et agnorum et caseorum et lane et lini et om-
nium rerum unde decime pervenire poterunt de omnibus forestis
meis per totum honorem totius Brechonie et totam decimam
totius ville mee de Brechonia et decimam totius expense in
dominicis meis sive assim sive absim et decimam lardarii^ de
Haya. Dono etiam ad augmentum donorum meorum decimam
omnium vaccarum de donis Walensium et decimam predarum
quas super inimicos meos accipere potero^ et conmiunem pastu-
ram per totam terram de Brechonia. Omnes etiam donationes
quas Bemardus de Novo Mercato eidem Ecclesie contulit con-
cede et hac presenti carta confirmo scilicet molendinum unum
situm super fiumen quod dicitur Husca et duas partes alterius
molendini super flumen Hotheni. Preter hec quandam vastam
civitatem que vocatur Chaer cum omnibus ad eam pertinenti-
bus in bosco et in piano in pratis in pascuis in vijs in semitis in
aquis et in piscationibus a fiumine Heskir usque ad Gleudi^ per
magnam viam* que tendit versus Brechoniam et inde sicut
Gleudi descendit in moram et amnem qui ex altera parte descen-
dit in moram de subtus per medium cacumen mentis usque ad
sursam alterius rivi qui est in latere mentis versus Huscam et
inde sicut idem rivus descendit in Huscam^ et duas carucatas
^ The tithes of the meat- market of Hay.
* Tithes of the Welsh cow-yield, aod of the booty to be received
from his enemies.
^ Gleudi (Ordnance Survey). * Henheol.
^ It is difficult to make out which is the river which descends into
Usk, unless it be Honddu. The tract of land between the rivers
Eskir and Honddu, granted by Bernard Newmarch to Battle Abbey,
seems to have extended from Abereskir and Henheol along the left
bank of the Eskir, including the parish of Battle and the tenements
of Battle End, Battle vawr, and Battle vach, to the brook called
Nantygroes, which runs into Honddu. (See Ordnance Survey.)
S. JOBANNIS EVANO. DE BRECON. 147
terre cum bosco ad earn pertinente et Ecclesiam de Bodeham et
Ecclesiam de Patingeham et Ecclesiam de Talgar et Ecclesiam
de Mara et onmes alias donationes quas eidem Bernardus avus
mens predicte ecclesie donavit in hominibus in terns in ecclesijs
et in ceteris possessionibus sigilli mei et Baronum meorum tes-
timonio confirmo. Hijs testibus Waltero fratre meo Jordano
Archidiacono, Davide Decano, Bauderun, Waltero de Clifford,
Eoberto de Candos, Humfredo filio Odonis, Hugone Forestario,
Sadulfo de Baschevilla et Roberto Fratre ejus, Rogero de Chin-
let, Olivero de Bruneshope^ [Eeginaldo de Weldebef, Thurstano
Bret et Eoberto fratre ejus Seer Hagurner]", etc.*
"OaHa sexta Rogeri Comitis Herefordte,
" Notum sit omnibus presentibus et posteris quod ego Bogerus
comes Herefordie concede et hac mea carta confirmo pro salute
anime mee et patris mei et matris mee et omnium antecessonmi
et successorum meonmi Ecclesie Sancti Johannis de Brechonia
et monachis ibidem Deo servientibus in perpetuum liberam
curiam suam in omnibus cum quadam vasta civitate que vocatur
Carnois^ scilicet de Aberescir usque Kilinoc* et Lanwem usque
Maislidin. Preterea concede eis omnia molendina de pa-
rochia de Brechonia cum tota moltura et cum omnibus con-
suetudinibus et libertatibus et pertinentijs suis tenendum et
habendum liberfe et quiets sicut ego ea unquam liberius et me-
lius in meo dominio habui et ita scilicet quod non liceat alicui
molendinum facere vel habere infra fines dicte parochie nisi
ipsis monachis. Concede etiam eis terram Osmundi de Trave-
leia totam et juxta iUam imam aliam terram que fait Ricardi
Gulafre totam scilicet usque Wenniterfin et totam terram que
vocatur Toui et terram illam que fuit Walkelini Vis de lu scili-
cet de Pentanavel usque ad castellum Weinardi in bosco et
piano et omnibus ad eas pertinentibus. Dono insuper dictis
monachis has Ecclesias scilicet ecclesiam de Talgar et Ecclesiam
* The following note is written here by the transcriber : " Mae'n
debygol vod dalen yng boll ymma." Translation : *' It is probable
tbat a leaf is lost here/' Bishop Tanner notes : ^ Deest etiam carta
6ta"
* Printed in Dagdale's Monasticon^ tome i, p. 321, from which
names of witnesses, in brackets, are added.
' Carneys in Dngdale.
^ Theoph. Jones says this is Cilieni, a river which falls into the
Usk on the north, aboat seven miles above Brecon, and foar or five
above Aber Eskir ; but the description in the several charters does
not support his notion.
148 C ARTULARIUM PRIOR ATUS
de Mara et Ecclesiam de Haya et illam de Sancto Egion et
Ecclesiam de Langeleu^ et illam de Kethedin que omnes sunt in
Wallia. In Anglia vero dedi eis ecclesiam de Patingham et
illam de Bodeham et illam de BurchuUe et illam de Hardintona
cum omnibus pertinentijs suis. Et decimas omnium proventuum
placitorum tholnetorum donorum lucrorum et reddituum meo-
rum et totius panis et potus et totius expense de castello Bre-
chonie et de Haya et de ceteris Dominijs meis per totum hono-
rem Brechonie sive assim sive absim et decimam omnium rerum
quas adquisiero in Wallia. Et piscationem trium dierum in
Mara per ebdomadam et omnibus diebus in Adventu et Quadra-
gesima et liberam pasturam omnibus animalibus suis in Forestis
meis per totam Brechoniam et decimas vaccarum de donis Wal-
lensium. Has et omnes donationes et concessiones que in hac
carta et in alijs cartis meis vel antecessorum meorum continen-
tur eis concedo liber^ et quiete in puram et perpetuam elemosi-
nam. Testibus Francigenis, Anglicis, et Wallicis Curie mee de
Brechonia/'*
" VII. — Carta Rogeri Comitis.
" Notum sit omnibus quod ego Eogerus comes Herefordie pro
salute anime mee et antecessorum meorum concessi et hac me&
carta confirmavi monachis meis de Brechonia curiam suam de
hominibus suis et terris et possessionibus et omnibus rebus suis
liberam et quietam decimas totius panis et potfts et totius expense
de castello Brechonia et de Haya et de cet€ris Domiuijs meis per
totam Brechoniam. Et si pro subtractione vel dilatione minis-
trorum meorum melius solverint, loco predicte decime concedo
eis decimam totius bladi mei ad ostiagrangiarum apud castellum
de Brechonia et apud Talgar et Hayam et omnium leguminum
post primam decimationem que ecclesijs quibus prius data
fuerat, in pace firma remaneat et sique terra vel Maneria de
honore de Brechonia in meum dominium aliquo casu devenerint
hoc idem in eis monachi mei predicti habeant Si vero sum-
magium portatum fuerit in terram meam de Brechonia de
Dominijs meis ab Anglia decimam habeant inde undecunque
fuerit Preterea dono et concedo sepedictis monachis meis has
ecclesias, scilicet, ecclesiam de Talgar et ecclesiam de Mara et eccle-
siam de Haya et ecclesiam de Sancto Egion et Ecclesiam de Lan-
geleu et illam de Ketliedin* que omnes sunt Wallias. In Anglia
^ Llanelieu.
' This is printed in Da^dale, Mon,^ tome i, p. 821, as the third
charter, and styled in Br. MS., " Carta sexta*'.
' Kathedin.
S. JOHANNIS EVANG. DE BRECON. 149
vero dedi eisdem monachis meis quatuor ecclesias scilicet illam
de Patingeham et illam de Burchull et illam de Hardintuna cum
omnibus ad omnes predictas ecclesias pertinentibus. Dono etiam
eis omnes decinias omnium placitorum tholnetorum, donorum,
lucrorum, reddituum de Brechonia proventuum et omnium
rerum. et bonorum que ego adquisiero in Wallia et piscationem
trium dierum in Mara per Ebdomadam et omnibus diebus in
Adventu et Quadragesima. Concedo etiam dictis monachis
meis liberam pasturam omnibus animalibus suis in Forestis
meis per totum Honorem de Brechonia et decimas vaccarum de
donis Walensium similiter cum omnibus libertatibus et liberis
donationibus et liberis consuetadinibus quas antecessores mei
eis dederunt, cum omnibus etiam (?) libertatibus quas habet
ecclesia Sancti Martini de Bello, in omnibus rebus sicut carta
Domini mei Eegis Henrici testatur. Hijs Testibus Waltero
fratre Comitis, Waltero de Clifford, Radulfo et Eoberto de
Baskevilla, Osberto filio Hugonis, Willelmo de Bealchamp,
Eeginaldo de Oldebef, Rogero de Burchulla, Hugone de Hesla,
Waltero de Fema, Willelmo clerico, Jestin Trahern et multis
aHjs."i
«
VIII. — Carta Rogeri Coinitia,
*' Notum sit omnibus tam presentibus quam futuris Francis
Anglis et Walensibus quod ego Eogerus Comes Herefordie pro
salute mea et pro anima patris mei et matris mee et omnium
antecessorum et successorum meorum concedo et hac presenti
carta confirmo, in puram et perpetuam elemosinam ecclesie
Sancti Johannis de Brechonia et monachis ibidem Deo servien-
tibus ecclesiam de Humbre cum omnibus pertinentijs suis quam
Walterus del Mans et uxor ejus Agnes ecclesie Sancti Johannis
de Brechonia et dilectis monachis meis ibidem existentibus in
perpetuam elemosinam coram Domino Gilberto Herefordensi
episcopo, pro salute animarum eorum dederunt. Preterea con-
cedo et confirmo sepe dictis monachis de Brechonia quadra-
ginta acras de Benni quas donavit Stephanus de Puhei^ eis in
perpetuam elemosinam dedit Ut autem omnia predicta in per-
petuum permaneant et inconcussa presentis scripti attestatione,
et sigilli mei appositione ea confirmo et corroboro. Hijs testibus
Waltero fratre meo, Waltero de Cliffordia, Hugone Forestario,
Eoberto de Chandos, Eadulfo de Baskervilla, Eeginaldo de
Weldeboef, Olivero de Merlemunt, Willelmo de Mineres, Wil-
lelmo Torel, et multis alijs."
^ This is printed in Dagdale, J/of/., immediately before the pre-
ceding charter.
^ In a preceding charter called Stepb. de Benni.
150 CARTXJLARIQM PRIORATUS
" Nona Carta Rogeri comitis Herefordie.
" Notum sit omnibus presentibus et futuris quod ego Rogerus
comes Herefordie pro anima patris mei et antecessorum meorum
et J)ro salute mea dono Ecclesie Sancti Johannis de Brechonia
per manum Episcopi Gilberti Herefordensis^, molendinum de
Burchella cum terra et piscatione cum tota secta^ molture, et
cum omnibus consuetudinibus que ad illud pertinent et molen-
dinum superius de Coure?^ cum terra et consuetudinibus suis ita
liber^ et quiete in perpetuum sicuti fuerunt in meo dominio et
antecessorum meorum et hec tali conditione dono ut calumpnia
que erat inter monachos ejusdem Ecclesie Sancti Johannis de
Brechonia et canonicos Lantonienses de Ecclesia de BurchuUe*
tota dimittatur et in perpetuum remaneat. Teste ipso Episcopo
et capitulo Herefordie, et Waltero Fratre meo, et Balderun de
Munemue,* Waltero de Clifford, Alano filio, Waltero de Bello
campo, Mauricio Hereveo." (Date 1148 to 1154.)
"Carta dedma^ Rogeri Comitis Rerefordie.
" Sciant omnes tam presentes quam futuri quod ego Rogerus
Comes Herefordie pro salute anime mee et antecessorum meorum
concede et confirmo Deo et ecclesie Sancti Johannis de Brechonia
et monachis ibidem Deo servientibus in perpetuam elemosinam
terram quam Osmundus de Traveleia et uxor ejus dederunt
predicte Ecclesie eadem conventione que inter eos et predictos
monachos fuit scilicet totam terram de Traveleia ultra fontem
et Burgagium in Brechonia et acram extra Barram libere et
quiete ab omni terreno servitio. Hijs Testibus Reginaldo de
1 Gilbert Foliott, 1148 ; translated to London, 24 March, 1162-3.
' The suit at the mill, or the dutj of the lord's tenants to have
their corn ground at his mill.
• B. Newmarch in 1088 gave to the church of St. Peter, Gloaces-
ter, ihe church and tithes of Coure (Cowame), with Glasbuiy and
other possessions. (Cart, Man, 8. Petri Gl., vol. i, p. 314, Rolls
Series.)
^ Milo Earl of Gloncester gave the charch of Bnrghill and its
emoluments to the canons of the charch of Llanthonj. (Dngd.,
Mon.^ tome ii, p. 70.)
^ Referred to aa an ancestor bj John of Monmouth in his charter
to the Priory.
^ The numbers of the charters of Earl Roger are printed as they
occur in the Carte MS. Theophilns Jones mentions that this last
charter is included in the ImtpeximtM charter of Henry IV. (Hist.
Breckv.f vol. i, p. 108.) It stands as the tenth in Brewster MS.
S. JOHANNIS EVANG. DE BRECON. 151
Weldeboef, et Turstano Bret. Seerio Hagurner, Eoberto filio
Gunteri, Roberto de Traueleye, Mahelo capellano et multia
aUJ8."i
Hem/ry of Hereford's OrarU of the Churches of Hay and Llan^
igoriy 05 William the priest of Hay held them; and establishment of
a Vicarage there :
" Carta Henrici de Herefordia constabularij. — Omnibus notum
sit tain clericis quam Laicis presentibus et futuris, quod ego
Henricus de Hereford constabularius Regis pro salute anime
mee et pro anim& patris mei et matris raee et fratrum et ante-
cessorum meorum dono et concedo ecclesie Sancti Johannis de
Brechonia inprimis Ecclesiam de Haya et illam de Sancto
Egion cum omnibus rebus eidem Ecclesie pertinentibus, in
capellis, in decimis, in terris, in bosco, in piano in hominibus et
in ceteris pertinentijs sicut ea Willelmus presbyter de Haya,
melius et liberius unquam tenuit, absque omni terreno servitio
sicut relique ecclesie teneri debent. Prior autem et conventus
ejusdem Ecclesie Sancti Johannis precibus meis et voluntati
obtemperantes, primum vicarium suscipiant in hijs ecclesijs
serviendum quamdiu vixerit et eis fidem tenuerit ; ita ut singulis
annis inde monachis Sancti Johannis de Brechonia quinque
marcas argenti reddat. Post ilium vero quemcumque voluerint
suscipiant idoneum ecclesijs et sibi serviendum. Preterea con-
cedo et hac presenti carta confirmo quicquid Bemardus de Novo
Mercato avus mens et homines ipsius eidem ecclesie contulerunt
et que Milo comes pater mens dedit, et quicquid Fratres mei
Rogerus Comes et Walterus Constabularius et homines eorum
eidem Ecclesie concesserunt et decimam de proventu placitorum
et donorum meoriim et omnium lucrorum et reddituum meorum
de Brechonia, piscationem vero trium dierum in Mara per ebdo-
madam ex proprio dono similiter concedo. Cetera omnia que
ipsi Fratres mei Ecclesie Sancti Johannis et monachis ibidem
Deo servientibus concesserunt et suis cartis confirmaverunt, in
Ecclesijs, in decimis, in terris, in hominibus in molendinis in
aquis, in bosco et piano, in libertatibus et liberis consuetudi-
nibus, et ego concedo et hac mea carta confirmo a me et heredi-
bus meis libere et quiete perpetuo jure possidenda. Teste
imprimis Fratre meo Maielo concedente et confirmante ; et hijs
alijs testibus; Jordano Archidiacono,^ Maihelo capellano et
^ Read here the charters of Walter of Hereford, which follow
those of his brother Henry. The Brewster MS. agrees with Carte
MS. as regards the order in which these charters occur.
^ Archdeacon of Brecon ; resigned 1175.
152 CARTULARIUM PRIORATUS
Eadulpho presbytero, Hugone Diacono, Bernardo diacono,
Magistro Ricuardo, Bernardo Clerico ; Radulfo Presbytero de
Lando,^ Dauit de Lando et multis alijs Clericis. De Laicis
Ricardo Turco, Osbumo filio Hugonis, Waltero de ClifiFord,
Radulfo de boscavilla, Rogero de Burchull*, Willelmo de Furcis,
Roberto filio Gunteri Waltero de Mans, et Maihelo filio ejus,
Willelmo de Hesla, Reinnardo Crozun, Willelmo de Loemer,
Radulfo de van, Ricardo de Becheford, Ricardo de Haya,
Willelmo Picart, Willelmo Oldebof, Luca, Roberto de Furcis,
henrico Loureuc, Willelmo Banastra; Riadulfo filio Ernulfi,
Rogero de Camera, Nicholao Rogero diapensario, Bernardo
coco, Gregorio, Ricardp Portario, Traier filio Ennio, Waltero
filio ejus, Ithel, Radulfo Fratre ejus, Traier filio Geffre de
Burgensibus, Nicholao preposito, Osbemo preposito, Ricardo
clerico, hugone filio Edwardi, et Laurentio Filio, Reinnaldo filio
Godit, Waltero canut, Lamberto Benedicto, Willelmo, Lamberto
Monetario, et multis alijs Francis, Walensibus et Anglis."
Graivt of 3s. yearly to keep up the light of the church of St,
John, in addition to 2s. given by Earl Milo, on Godfrey the cook
being received as a Monk :
" Carta ejusdem Henrici. — Sciant omnes quod ego Henricus
de Herefordia Constabularius regis concede Ecclesie Sancti
Johannis de Brechonia tres solidos de redditibus meis singulis
anm's in perpetuum ad festum Sancti Johaanis Baptiste ad
lumen Ecclesie emendum; ita quod cum illis duobus solidis
quos pater meus Milo comes ad luminare ejusdem Ecclesie
similiter dedit, sint quinque et similiter reddantur. Et hoc
facio pro Godefrido coco faciendo monacho, qui mihi et ante*
cessoribus meis honorifice servivit usque ad monachatum.
Hujus donationis Testes sunt Jordanus Archidiaconus, Maihel
Capellanus, Radulfus capellanus, Dauit de Lando, Waltero de
Cliffort, Radulfo de Baschavilla, Rogero de BurchuU, Reinnaldo
Crochun, Roberto filio Gunteri, Willebnus de Hesla et plures alij."
Walter, constabh, confirms the gifts of Bernard Newmarch and
Earl Milo, and of Eoger Earl of Hereford:
" Walterus. — Notum sit omnibus tam posteris quam presen-
tibus quod ego Walterus constabularius pro salute anime mee et
antecessorum meorum concede Ecclesie Sancti Johannis de
Brechonia quicquid avus meus Bernardus de Novo Mercato
Fundator ipsius Ecclesie et homines Bernardi eidem ecclesie
contulerunt. Concedo etiam que pater meus dedit De donis
^ Llanddewi.
S. JOHANNIS EVANG. D£ BRECON. 153
autem Fratris mei Eogeri comitis Herefordie concede monachis
ibidem Deo servientibus tiiolendinxim sub pede casielli cum
tota multura et libertate sua, ita ut nuUi liceat aliud molendiuum
facere vel habere in parochia Ecclesie nisi ipsis monachis et
terram ante portam Sancti Johannis usque ad portas de Hailio
Castelli et Terram Osmundi de Traueleia totam et Ricardi
Gulafre et Terram Turstani Bret juxta viridarium Ecclesie et
carrucatam terre apud Sanctum Peulinum de Mara et totam
Terram Walkelini Vis de lu inter Maram et castellum Wainardi
in bosco in piano in pascuis in pratis et omnibus ad eandem
Terram pertinentibus, et omnes istas terras liberas et quietas ab
omni consuetudine et terrene servitio Et si forte aliquas istarum
justitia cogente monachis ut patronus tueri non possum vel a
me vel herede meo excambio ad valens pacabuntur. Concede eis
similiter Ecclesiam de Haya cum capellis suis et decimis et
pertinentijs, et unum hespitium^ apud Hayam cum homine sue
in eodem manente liberum et quietum ab orani consuetudine et
terrene servitio et decimam panis et petus et piscis in dominijs
meis de Honore de Brechonia sive assim sive absim. Similiter
concede eis molendinum de Schelfwicha cum libertate sua et
molendinum de Coure superius que data fuerant monachis in
cempositione pro Ecclesia de BurchuUa quam Canonici de
Lantheni tenent* Hec omnia supradicta concede et hac pre-
senti carta confinno Ecclesie Sancti Johannis perpetue libere et
quietd possidenda et de omni querela quam adversus me habe-
bant, liberum me clament et quietum. Hujus rei Testes sunt
Henricus frater mens, Walterius de Clififort et ceteri."
Walter, constable, makes a grant to the mme effect as his pre-
ceding one :
" Walterus. — Notum sit omnibus tam posteris quam presenti-
bus quod ego Walterus constabularius pro salute anime mee et
antecessorum meerum concede Ecclesie Sancti Johannis de
Brechonia quicquid avus mens Bemardus de Novo Mercate
Fundator ipsius Ecclesie et homines Bemardi eidem Ecclesie
contulerunt. Concede etiam que pater mens dedit. De donis
autem fratris mei Begeri comitis Herefordie concede monachis
ibidem Deo servientibus molendinum sub pede Castelli cum
tota multura et libertate sua ita ut nuUi liceat aliud molendinum
facere vel habere in parochia Ecclesie nisi ipsis monachis, et
terram ante portam Sancti Johannis usque ad portas de baillio
castelli et terram Osmundi de Traveleia totam et Nicholai Gulafre
^ A gnest honse at Hay.
^ See Earl Roger's " carta nona*', ante.
4th BEB., vol. XIV. 11
154 CARTULARIDM PRIORATUS
et terram Turstani Bret juxta pomerium monachorum et carru-
catam terre apud Sanctum Peulinum de Mara et Pentenavel et
totam teiranj Walkelini Vis de lu inter Maram et fossatum
Walkelini et inde usque ad castellum Weinardi in bosco, in
piano in pascuis, in pratis et omnibus rebus ad eandem terram
pertinentibus et omnes istas terras liberas et quietas ab omni
eonsuetudine et terreno servitio. Et si forte aliquas istarum
terrarum justitia cogente monachis ut patronus tueri non
possum vel a me vel ab heredibus meis excambio ad valens
pacabuntur. Concedo eis similiter Ecclesiam de Haya et Eccle-
siam de Sancto Egion cum omnibus pertinentijs suis. Hujus
rei testes sunt Henricus Frater mens, Walterus de Cliffort,
Radulfus de Baskvill&, Walterus de bello campo, Eadulfus
Auenel, Eogerus de BurchuM, Hugo de Turbervilla, Willel-
mus de Hesla, et multi alij."
Walter, constable, grants to the convent of Brecon a right of
fishing two days weekly in Llangorse lake :
"Walterus. — Sciant presentes et posteri quod ego Walterus
de Herefordia Constabularius concedo et firmiter do in perpetuam
elemosinam conventui meo monachorum de Brechonia piscatio-
nem duorum dierum in septimanis singulis in Lacu meo de Mara
pro animS. patris mei Milonis Comitis et matris mee Sybille et
fratris mei Rogeri Comitis Herefordie et omnium antecessorum
meorum, et pro salute corporis et anime mee. Teste Gileberto
de Laci et Fratre Hugone de Barris et Eeginaldo filio Urlic et
ceteris."
Mahel de Hereford confirms the gifts of his ancestors to the
church of St. John, Brecon :
"Maihelus. — Notum sit omnibus tarn Clericis quam Laicis
presentibus et futuris quod ego Maihelus^ de Herefordia pro
salute anime mee et animarum patris mei et matris mee et fra-
trura et antecessorum meorum dono et concedo Ecclesie Sancti
Johannis de Brechonia et monachis ibidem Deo servientibus et
hac presenti Carta confirmo quicquid Bernardus de Novo Mer-
cato avus mens et homines ipsius eidem Ecclesie contulerunt et
que Milo pater mens dedit et quicquid fratres mei Eogerus
^ Mahel, the last of the brothers, was killed before the end of the
first year of his succeBsion by a stone which fell from the principal
tower of Brynllys Castle on the occasion of a fire, while he was on a
visit to Walter de Clifibrd. Giraldus {Itin, Cambrice, lib. i, chap. 2)
speaks of him as a cruel persecutor of David Bishop of St. David's.
MaheFs death occurred about 1165.
S. JOHANNIS EVANG. DE BRECON. 155
Comes et Walterus constabularius et Henricus et homines
eorniu eidem Ecclesie concesserunt et cartis siiis confirmaverunt
in Ecclesijs in decimis in terris in hominibus in molendinis in
aquis in bosco et piano in libertatibus et liberis consuetudinibus
que omnia confirmavi cum sigilli mei munimine in carta Henrici
fratris mei Preterea concedo eidem Ecclesie capellam^de Castello
Brechoni^ quam avus mens Bernardus primus eis concessit, cum
donis illis et dignitatibus que pater mens Milo Comes eidem
capelle dedit in dedicatione ipsius videlicet ties solidos ad lumi-
nare in capella et corredium^ capellani cum clerico suo et scolam*
de Brechonia que proprie pertinet matri Ecclesie et insuper tres
solidos de feria annuatim ad Festum Sancti Johannis Baptiste
ad lumen Ecclesie emendum ita quod cum illis duobus solidis
quos pater mens Milo Comes ad luminare ejusdem Ecclesie
similiter dedit, sint quinque et hoc pro Godefrido Coco quem
Henricus Frater mens fecit monachum qui nostris antecessoribus
honorifice servivit usque ad monachatum. Hujus concessionis
Testes sunt Thomas Prior de Lanthoeni de Ewias et Eadulfus
cellararius, Humfridus de Buhun, (nepos mens,* Walterus de
Clifford, Eadulfus de Basche\^la, Eogerus dapifer de Burchall,
Willelmus de Miniers, Willielmus Torell, Eeinaldus Crocun,
Eobertus de Baschevill, Willielmus Loemer, Eadulfus de Vatin,
Eogerus Bret, Will. Picart, Will. Weldeboef, etc.")
William de Braose and Maud his wife confirm grant of
churches of Hay, Zlanigon, and Zlangorse, and make provision
for the service of those churches:
" Willelmus de Breosa. — Sciant presentes et futuri quod ego
Willelmus de Breosa et Domina Matildis de Sancto Walerico
uxor mea ex consensu et voluntate Willelmi filij nostri heredis
et omnium filiorum nostrorum dedimus et concessimus et hac
presenti carta nostra confirmavimus in perpetuam et puram
elemosinam coram Domino G. Menevensi Episcopo Deo et
beate Marie et Ecclesie Sancti Johannis de Brechonia et raonachis
ibidem Deo servientibus in proprios usus cum corporibus nostris
Ecclesiam de Haya et Ecclesiam de Sancto Egion et Ecclesiam
de Talgard et Ecclesiam de Mara cum omnibus rebus, eisdem
^ Dedicated to St. Nicholas. See Itln, KamhricB, lib. i, cap. 2.
* Conredium^ a corrody.
' It is interesting to find that a school was thus early established
at Brecon in connection with the Convent.
^ The names of witnesses, within brackets, are added from Dag-
dale's Mon,^ tome i, p. 322, where this charter is printed.
11«
156 CARTULARIUM PRIORATUS
Ecclesijs pertinentibus, in capellis in decimis, in bosco, in piano
in hominibus et in ceteris pertinentijs suis sicut unquam aliqui
melius et liberius tenuerunt, absque omni terreno servitio sicut
res ecclesiastice teneri debent. Hec autem omnia dictis mona-
chis ex proprio dono nostro cum corporibus nostris contulimus
pro remissione peccatorum nostrorum, et pro salute animarum
nostrarum et antecessorum et successorum nostrorum ita quod
nos vel heredes nostri in predictis Ecclesijs aliquid jus presenta-
tionis sive donationis aliquo modo vindicare non poterimus Sed
quatuor nominatas Ecclesias pro amore Dei et beate Marie et
Sancti Jobannis Apostoli et Evangeliste Priori et conventui
nostro de Brechonia ad ipsos sustenendos tam liber^ tam plenari^
tam pacific^ tenendas babendas et in perpetuum concedendas
dedimus et concessimus et confirmavimus : sicut liberius
melius et plenarius dare, concedere vel confirmare debuimus
scivimus vel potuimus banc spem apud nos retinentes quod in
extreme judicio consequi mereamur a Deo remunerationem.
Prior vero et conventus idoneos capellanos ad serviendum dictis
Ecclesijs invenient scilicet ad Hayam duos, ad Lan Egion unum,
ad Talgard duos ad Maram unum et ad propriam mensam suam
illos retinebunt. Et ne aliquis heredum vel successorum contra
concessionem vel donum nostrum venire possit sive confirma-
tionem nostram tam solempniter factam infringere acceptaverunt
cartam^ nostram sigillorum nostrorum impressione roboratam
quam eis dedimus in testimonium. Hijs testibus domino G.^
Menevensi Episcopo, domino E.^ Herefordie Episcopo, domino
H.^ Landavensi Episcopo, Magistro Hugone decano* Herefordensi,
Magistro G. de Barri,* G. Archidiacono de Brechonia, C. Arclii-
diacono de Kaermerdin ; liicardo decano Brechonie et multis
aUjs." (Date 1203 to 1208.)
William de Braose gives his body to the church of St. John, and
confirms the donations of his ancestors :
" Willelmus de Breosa. — Sciant presentes et futuri quod ego
Willelmus de Braiosa® pro salute anime mee et antecessorum
meoriun imprimis do Ecclesie Sancti Jobannis Apostoli et evan-
geliste de Brechonie [corpus meumjquocunque loco sive inAnglia
1 Geoffrey, 1203 ; ob. 1214.
' Giles de Braose, consecrated 1200 ; ob. 13 Nov. 1216.
* Henry, Prior of Abergavenny, consecrated ante 1196 ; ob. Nov.
1218.
* Probably Hngh de Mapenore, promoted to the bishopric in 1216.
^ Giraldus Gambrensis and his nephew, Archdeacon of Brecon.
^ William de Braose died in exile, and was baried in the Abbey
of St. Victor, Paris, about 1210.
8. JOHANNiS EVANG. DE BRECON. 157
sive in Wallia Deo disponente finiero quia hec est Ecclesia quam
pre ceteris diligo et in Sanctum Jobannem post Deum et Sanctam
Mariam majorem fiduciam habeo cum donatione corporis mei
concedo eidem Ecdesie Sancti Johannis et monachis ibidem Deo
servientibus quicquid antecessores mei Bemardus de Novo
Mercato Fundator ipsius Ecclesie et homines ejus et Milo
Comes, et avunculi mei Eogerus Comes Herefordie, Walterus,
Henricus, Maihelus et homines eorum huic Ecclesie Sancti
Johannis dederunt et cartis suis confirmaverunt in Ecclesijs et
pertinentijs earum in decimis in terris in hominibus in posses-
sionibus in bosco et in piano, in molendinis in piscationibus in
libertatibus omnibus et in liberis consuetudinibiis quas ex se
debet habere vel ex dignitate sue matris Ecclesie secundum
cartam domini nostri Regis Henrici et antecessorum suorum.
Hec omnia Ecclesie Sancti Johannis et conventui ipsius concedo
et perpetuo jure sibi possidenda hac carta confirmo ; et ipsani
cartam sic confirmatam multis testibus tam clericis quam
laicis cum corpore meo super altare Sancti Johannis represento,
et ejus custodie me vivum et mortuum fiducialiter ex hac hora
committo. Unde omnes rogo qui mihi fidem debent et amorem
ut banc Ecclesiam libentius diligant et manuteneant et rebus
ipsius ubique pro Dei amore consilio ex auxilio diligentius sub-
veniant. Et notum sit omnibus quod ex proprio dono concedo
cum corpore meo banc libertatem quod omnes homines Ecclesie
Sancti Johannis, tam Burgenses quam alij/ sint liberi el quieti
de sciris et de hundredis et placitis et omnibus querelis et si
aliquis deprehensus fuerit latrocinio vel aliquo modo convictus,
catella ipsius sint Ecclesie et monachis, et sola justitia mortis et
membrorum sit mihi et ministris meis. Testibus hijs Waltero
de Clifford, Willelmo de Wellebuf, Rodberto de Baschavilla et
multis alijs/'*
William de Braose gives 5s, of his rents of Brecon yearly for
lighting the church at the Mass on the feast of the PuriJUxUion of
the Virgin Mary :
" Willelmus de Breosa. — Sciant presentes et futuri quod ego
Willelmus de Breosa dedi et concessi in perpetuam et puram
elemosinam Ecclesie Sancti Johannis de Brechonia et monachis
ibidem Deo servientibus v. solidos de redditibus meis in villa de
Brechonia ad luminare emendum ad missam Sancte Marie
honorofic^ celebrandam reddendos singulis annis ad puriGca-
tionem Sancte Marie. Et ut hec donatio mea rata et incon-
^ Grant of liberties to the men of the charch of St. John, as well
burgesses as others.
' This charter is also printed in Dugdale^s Mon,^ tome i, p. 322.
158 CARTULARIUM PRIORATUS
cussa pennaneat cartam meam sigilli mei impressione roboratam
eis dedimus in testimonium. Hijs testibus Willehno de Bur-
chulla, Eodberto Fratre ejus, Willelmo de Weldebef, Eicardo
Capellano, Hugone Capellano et multis alijs."
William de Braose, as Lord of Brecon^ confirms tJie gift of
Ratph de Baskervile of the mill of Trosdref:
" Willelmus de Breosa. — Sciant presentes et futuri quod ego
Willelmus dominus de Brechouia concessi et hac mea carta con-
firmavi Deo et Ecclesie Sancti Johannis Evangeliste in Brechonia
et monachis ibidem Deo servientibus omne donum quod Badulfus
de Baskevil, in feudo nieo illis dedit scilicet molendinum de
Trostbref et giirgitem suum in Leveni^ et quia hoc ratum incon-
cussum esse volo, hac presenti carta et sigilli mei attestatione
eisdem confinno. Hijs testibus Matilde uxore mea, Willelmo
filio meo, et Philippo filio meo, Willelmo de Weldebof, Willelmo
de BurchuUa, Roberto de BurchuUa tunc constf^bidarijs, Nicholao
de Danraartin, Waltero de Travelege, Ricardo Capellano meo et
multis alijs."
Reginald de Braose lonfirms the donations of his ancestors:
"Reginaldus. — Sciant presentes et futuri quod ego Regi-
naldus de Breosa^ pro salute anime mee et antecessorum meorum
et successorum meorum dono et concedo et hac presenti carta
confirmo Deo et beate Marie et Ecclesie Sancti Johannis de
Brechonia et monachis meis ibidem Deo servientibus et servi-
turis quecunque antecessores mei scilicet Bemardus de Novo
Mercato, fundator ipsius Ecclesie et Milo Comes et Rogerus
Comes Herefordie, Walterus, Henricus, Maihelus, et homines
eorum et dominus Willelmus de Breosa pater mens et
homines ejus dederunt illis, et cartis suis confirmaverunt in
Ecclesijs et pertinentijs earum in decimis in terris et in
hominibus, in burgagijs et in Burgensibus, in bosco, in piano,
in molendinis in piscationibus, et in omnibus libertatibus et
liberis consuetudinibus tenenda et habenda libere et quiets ab
omni servitio terreno ; sicut carta domini Willelrai de Breosa
patris mei et carte antecessorum meorum testantur. Et ut hec
mea donatio et concessio rata sit et inconcussa, eam sigilli mei
1 Llyfni.
* He saccecded his brother Giles, Bishop of Hereford, in 1215,
and died in 1222. He was buried in the church of St. John. His
son William, who was lianged by Llywelyn, Prince of North Wales,
in 1230, succeeded In'm as lord of Brecon.
S. J0HANN18 EVANG. DE BRECON. 159
muniniine roboravi. Hijs Testibus G.^ Archidiacono Brechonie
et Ricardo decano Brechonie, Eoberto le Wafre, Ricardo Britone,*
Willelnio Havard, Pagano de BurchuU, Iloelo tilio Traeri et nml-
tis alijs."
Beginald de Braose gives 5s. of his rents of Brecon for
lighting the church on the daily celebration of the Mass of the
Virgin Mary :
" Reginaldus. — Sciant presentes et futuri quod ego Reginaldus
de Braiosa dedi et concessi et hac present! carta confinnavi pro
salute anime mee et animarum Patris niei et matris mee et
omnium antecessorum meorum, Deo et Sancte Marie et Ecclesie
Sancti Johannis de Brechouia et mouachis ibidem Deo servienti-
bus et servituris quinque solidos de redditibus meis de villa de
Brechonia ad luminare emendum ad missam Sancte Marie
honorific^ cotidi^ celebrandam reddendos singulis annis ad
Festum Sancti Johannis Baptiste. £t ut hec mea donatio rata
et inconcussa permaneat ; cartam istain sigilli mei impressioue
roboratam eis dedi in testimonium. Hijs testibus G. Archidia-
cono Brechonie, Ricardo decano de Brechonia, Magistro W. de
Capella, Rotberto le Wafre, Pagano de Burchull, Ricardo le
Bret, Willelmo Havard, Radulfo Janitore.et multis alijs."
Peter Fiiz Herbert conflnns tlie right of fishing in Llangorse
Lake :
" Petrus. — Sciant presentes et futuri quod ego Petrus, filius
Herberti de concensu heredum meorum intuitu karitatis et pro
salute anime mee et antecessorum et heredum meorum dedi et
concessi et hac presenti carta mea confirmavi^ in propriam et
perpetuam elemosinam Deo et Ecclesie Sancti Johannis Evange-
listede Brechonia etmonach is ibidem Deo servientibus piscationem
in Mara* tribus diebus in Ebdomada et cotidie in Quadragesima et
cotidie in Adventu cum una cimba. Concessi etiam terram Sancti
Peulini que annuatim eisdem monachis unam marcam reddere
solebat et pasturam terre juxta villam Walkelini^ quam ijdem
monachi assartaverunt liberas et quietas unde fuit dissentio.
Preterea dedi et concessi eisdem monachis redditum quinque
marcarum in duobus molendinis meis videlicet in Molendino de
Sancto Egwino et molendino quod Walterus Threstan tenuit
quam Trahern filius ejusdem Walteri Threstan et heredes sui
* Gerald the nephew. « Willelmo Havard (B. MS.).
* See charter of Herbert Fitz- Peter, Arch, Cumb,, vol. xiii, 4th
Series, p. 300.
* It will be observed that this is a more limited right of fishing
than was granted by Roger Earl of Hereford.
^ Trewalkin, which the monks cleared.
160 CARTULARIUM PRIORATUS
tenent et tenebunt de me et heredibus meis ad perpetuam
firiuam feudalem que quinque marce a predictis monacbis per
manus dicti Trahem vel hereduia suorum apud Prioratum de
Brechonia sunt percipieude ad tres terminos anni scilicet ad
Festuni Sancti Michaelis xx solidos iii deuar. ad Privicarnium
xxii sol. et iii d. et ad Festiun Sancti Ethelberti xxii sol. et ii d.
Et si predictus Trahem vel heredes sui a solutione dictarum
quinque marcarum in toto vel in parte ad dictos tres terminos
cessaverint de consensu proprio penam excommunicationis
incurrent ; et ego et heredes mei dictam concessionem et assigna-
tionem contra omnes homines et omnes feminas warantizare
debemus. Et si aliquo casu contigerit quod predicta molendina
pro defectu heredum vel aliquo alio modo in manus meas vel
heredum meorum redierint, spontanea voluntate me& concede
quod Baillivus in partibus meis de Brechonia quicunque ille
fuerit; absque omni contradictione eandem penam excommunica-
tionis quam predictus Trahernus incurrat, si a solutione dictarum
quinque marcarum ad predictos tres terminos cessaverit Et ut
hec concessio et assignatio rata et inconcussa in perpetuum
permaneat presentem cartam sigilli mei appositione corroboravi
Hijs testibus Nobilibus viris W. de Laci, W. de Cliflford,
Johanne Pichard, et multis alijs."
Rohert de Baskerville, with the consent of his wife Miseiit,
grants on their son James heiTig a mo7ik, the land which Tudor
Cymci'druc held of him, and gives other land in exchange for a
previous donation, with consent of his L&i'd, Ralph de Baskerville:
" Eodbertus. — Sciant l^esentes et futuri quod ego Bodbertus
de Baskevilla^ concensu mee uxoris Elisent nomine, et heredum
^ As the early pedigree of the Baskerville family is nnauthenti-
cated and miRatisfactory (Robinson's MuhmIoiu of Herefordshire^
** Eardisley"), it appears desirable to collect any mention of its
members from early records, and, as far as maybe, identify the
donors to Brecon Priory. Roger de Baskerville is mentioned in
B. Newmarch's charter as donor of a burgage tenement. In 1109
Robert de Baskerville, on his return from Jerusalem, gave to the
church of St. Peter, Gloucester, a hide of land without the walls of
that city, where the monks' garden was. (Cart, Man, 8. Petri OL^
vol. i, p. 81.) Bernard de Baskerville, on becoming a monk, gave
to the same church a hide of land in Combe (Cumba), Gloucester-
shire ; his brothers Walter and Robert confirming his gifl in the
time of Haraelin, Abbot, about 1148. Robert in 1157 acknowledged
that ho held the same land of the church of St. Peter at a yearly
rent of 12«. (Ibid., pp. 70, 237.) Ralph and Robert are witnesses
to two of the charters of Earl Roger to Brecon Priory. The same
8. JOHANNIS EVANO. DE BREOOK. 161
meorum dedi et concessi Deo et Ecclesie Sancti Johannis de
Brechonia et monachis ibidem servientibus totam terrain quam
Theodoricus Cumerdruc tenuit de me tam in bosco quam in
piano in parrochia prefate Ecclesie juxta furcas,^ cum filio meo
Jacobo facto monacho in eadem ecclesia et quoniam ante istam
donationem tres acras de hac predicts terr& hospitalensibus dedi,
tres alias acras eisdem hospitalensibus ex alter^ parte de mea
terra excambio istam terram, de concensu domini mei Eadulfi de
Baskevilla et heredum suonmi liberam et quietam s^h omni
terreno servitio quam etiam ipse Hadulfus super Altare Sancti
Johannis coram Fratribus posuit et ibi sic concessit;, et si ita
contigisset quod ego nee heredes mei warantizare non possem
sicuti terram que pro meo servitio mihi et heredibus meis data
Ralph and Payne de Baskerville were donors to Merivale Abbey in
the time of Henry II. (Dngd., Mon.^ tome i, p. 830.) Balph de
Baskeryille, the donor to Brecon Priory, also gave to the monks of
Dore Abbey all the land above his park at Bredwardine, describing
it, with wood, fishing in Wye, and liberty to grind at his mill.
{Ibid.^ p. 865.) Ralph de Baskerville, probably his son, granted to
Llanthony Abbey the tithes and church of Eardisley. (Charter Eolls^
1 John, p. 7.) In 1210 Thomas de Baskerville appealed against
Roger, son of William, for craftily, and by night, killing his father,
Ralph de Baskerville, in his house, and a trial by duel was adjudged.
{Abbrev. Placit., p. 67,) Walter de Baskerville died about 1215. In
1218 Isolds, his widow, had the land of Gumb assigned to her as
part of her dowry. (Charter EoUs^ pp. 286, 289.) Walter, probably
his son, had license to marry Susanna, daughter of Andrew de Can-
cell, in 1214. A fair and market were granted to the same Walter
at his manor of Eardisley in 1225. (Close Bolls, vol. ii, pp. 49, 74.)
In 28 Henry III (1243) the King received the homage of Walter
Baskerville for the lands in the county of Hereford which his father
Walter held in chief of the King. In the beginning of the reign of
Edward, Walter was outlawed for the part which he took in the
murder of Henry of Alemaine at Viterbo by Simon and Guy de
Montfort, and afterwards sought for a reversal of his outlawry on
the ground that the act complained of was done in foreign parts.
In 5 Edward, Theobald de Verdon entered into recognizances to
restore Walter, then on service in Wales, the prices of any of four
horses which he might lose there ; and in the following year Walter
recovered, by judgment of the King's Council (according to the
Edict of Kenilworth), all his lands in Eardisley, Yazor, Stretton,
Orcop, and Taradon (Tarrington), co. Hereford ; Combe and Wyke,
CO. Gloucester ; and Greenslade, co. Essex, — against Roger de Clif-
ford ; Roger to hold the lands for his life, and afterwards to revert
to Walter de Baskerville. (Abbrev. PladL, pp. 188, 193, 195, 264.)
^ " Furcas*' here probably means a fork-like junction of roads, or
it may be the place of execution.
162 CARTULARIUM PRIORATUS
fuit; ego do et concedo quinque solidatas^ terre de maritagio
uxoris mee in civitate Wigomie quam tenent de me Osbertus
filius Gunnori et ejus successor quatuor videlicet solidatas et
Brichinus tegulator xii nummatas* et hec terra prefata concessa
est in elemosinam monachis in perpetuura tenenda. Et scien-
dum est quod ego et uxor mea suscepimus fititemitatem illius
Ecclesie in capitulo suo et in die obitus nostri corpora nostra
cum substantia quam sequi debet ibidem sepelienda ubicunque
in comitatu Herefordie vel in provincia Brechonie hoc nobis
contingatur. Hujus donationis testes sunt imprimis Willelmus
de Braiosa dominus de Brechonia et Matildis uxor ejus qui pro
dicto Filio faciendo monacho intercesserunt et Jordanus Arclii-
diaconus et multi alij."
(Date prior to 1175 when Jordan resigned his archdeaconry.)
Balj)h de Baskerville confirms to the church of St. John, Brecon,
the boundary between his tenement of Trosdref and the monM
lands, and Robert Baskerville' s donation :
" Eadulfus. — Sciant presentes et futuri quod ego Eadulfus de
Baskevilla concedo et hac mea carta confirmo Deo et Ecclesie
Sancti Johannis de Brechonia et monachis ibidem Deo servienti-
bus divisas inter tenementum meum de Trosdrefe^ et inter terras
predictorum monachorum sicut Eogerus Capellanus de Sancto
Michaele* et Eobertus clericus cum multis alijs per preceptum
domini mei Willelmi de Breosa rationabiliter ostenderunt Et
ne aliqua contentio aliquando inde inter monachos et me vel
heredes meos possit evenire ad notitiam omnium volo pervenire
quod hendefda^ (est) infra terminos monachorum ; et monachi jus
quod habere dicebant in henlepe mihi quietum clamaverunt
scilicet meislidin® in divisis utriusque terre est et utrumque
tenementum dividit scilicet, tenementum de Trosdref et tene-
mentum monachorum. Concedo insuper et hac etiam Carta
confirmo sepe dictis monachis quinque solidatas terre liberas et
quietas ab omni exactione et teneno servitio, scilicet totam
^ A term apph'ed to the valne or rent of land rather than its
quantity : thus, in the present case, of the value of 5«.
2 See preceding note, "nummi et denarii idem sunt" {Lexicon^
Med, et Ivfrnc^ Lat.^ Mignc), and Spelman*s Qlossary^ *Udem qaod
denariatus terr»".
^ Trosdref is probably now Tre waiter.
♦ St. Michael, Ystradwy.
* Probably for ** hen-ddefodau", the old customs or old recognised
boundary.
® Maeslydan.
S. JOHANNIS EVANG. DE BRECON. 163
terram in bosco et in piano juxta furcas prope teiTam mona-
chorum sicut earn Teodoricns habuit, de magna via contra
montem usque ad fossam veteris Castellarij,* quam Eobertus de
Baskevilla me concedente pro Jacobo filio suo faciendo monacho,
illis in perpetuam et puram elemosinam dedit et Carta sua con-
firmavit. Et ut omnia predicta rata semper et stabilita pre-
sentem cartam sigilli mei attestatione confirmo. Hijs testibus
Domino meo Willelmo de Breosa, Willelmo de Oildeboef tunc
constabulario Brechonie, Willelmo de Burchulla et multis alijs."
Ralph de Baskerville gives the messuage of Semert, the gardener,
with other lands on Wyneside in Bredwardine, Iferefordshire,
with right to dead wood in his parky and free passage over the Wye
in his hoot :
"Eadulfus. — Sciant omnes presentes et futuri quod ego
Eadulfus de Baschavilla pro amore Dei et pro salute Anime mee
et pro animabus patris mei et matris mee et uxoris mee et pa-
reutum meorum concessi et dedi Ecclesie Sancti Johannis in
Brechonia et monachis ibidem Deo servientibus in perpetuam
elemosinam totum masagium Semert hortolani in Bredewerthin
cum gardino et horto quod est sub semita^ que ducit ad Waiam
contra vineam* et gardinum meum. Et preter hoc dedi eis
totam terram que jacet inter pratum meum et Waiam secundum
terminos quos ego cum hominibus meis previdi et secundum
fossam quam Theobaldus Prior* fieri fecit cum toto cremento
quod Waia in perpetuum faciet. Dedi etiam eis tres acras de
terra arabili in Lavilede juxta terram Dogge pistoris super
lacam Similiter dedi eis in parco meo et in omni bosco meo
apud Bredewerthin mortuum boscum ad focum eorum. Con-
cessi prseterea eisdem et omnibus hominibus eorum liberum
transitum ultra Waiam in navi me&. Hec omnia dedi Deo et
monachis Sancti Johannis de Brechonia liberfe et quiets sine
omni servitio terreno in peipetuum habenda. Et ut hec mea
donatio rata et inconcussa permaneat cum sigilli mei appositione
^ From the highway np the ascent, to the ditch of the old castle,
perhaps the site of au earlier one.
* Footpath.
' The Rev. John Webb mentions the prevalence of vineyards in
Herefordshire and other counties, in favourable situations, at this
peiiod, and gives as an instance the fact that Bishop Swinfield, in
the autumn of 1289, made seven pipes of white wine from a vine-
yard at Ledbury which Bishop Cantilupe had planted. (Household
Roll of Bishop Swinfield, Camden Society, xliv.)
* Theobald, probably Prior of Brecon.
164 CARTULARIUM PRIORATCJS
confirmo : Hijs testibus Willekno de Breosa iuvene^ et multis
alijs."«
Ralph de BaskervUlej with the coTisent of his son Balph, confirms
the grant of the mill of Trosdref and the pool on Llyfni :
" Eadulfaa. — Sciant presentes et futuri quod ego Eadulfus de
Baschevilla, consensu Radulfi Filij mei et heredis dedi et con-
cessi et hac present! cart§. me& confirmavi Deo et Ecclesie Sancti
Johanuis de Brechonia et monachis ibidem servientibus molen-
dinum de Trosdref cum tota moltura ad ipsum pertinente et
gurgitem meum situm super Leveni in perpetuam et puram
elemosinam pro salute anime mee et omnium antecessorum et
successorum meorum ita liberfe et quiete ab omni servitio
terreno, et ab omni exactione, sicut ego et antecessores mei pre-
dicttmi molendinum et gurgitem liberius et melius tenuimus de
dominis de Brechonia ita etiam quod non liceat heredibus meis
vel aliquibus alijs aliud molendinum facere vel habere in tene-
mento de Trosdref vel gurgitem alium firmare preter gurgitem
monachorum vnde elemosina mea aliquatenus minuatur. £t ut
hec mea donatio rata et inconcussa in perpetuiim permaneat
presentemcartam sigilli mei impressione roboratam coram domino
Petro Menevensi' Episcopo in capitulo de Brechonia presentavi
et legere feci: et preterea eandem cartam coram domino
Willelmo de Breosa et multis alijs Francis et Anglis et Walen-
sibus et Clericis et Laicis super altare Sancti Johannis obtuli.
Hijs testibus Willelmo de Breosa et multis alijs."
Salph de Baskervillc, the son, gives a wood called Ridgemore in
Bredwardine, and confirms his former donations:
" Eadulfus. — Universis Sancte matris Ecclesie filijs ad quos
presens scripta pervenerit Eadulfus de Baschervilla eternam in
domino salutem. Noverit universitas vestra quod ego Eadulfus
de Baschervilla pro amore Dei, anime mee, et pro animabus
patris mei et matris mee et uxoris mee et parentum meorum et
omnium fidelium defunctorum, concessi et dedi ecclesie Sancti
Johannis in Brechonia et monachis ibidem Deo servientibus in
perpetuam elemosinam in Bredewerdin boscum quod dicitur
^ Their eldest son, who was starved to death, with his mother, at
Windsor by King John.
' This is set ont in the /n^peximiM charter, 13 Henry IV, f. 1, m. 5.
The witnesses are there stated to be " W. de Braosa ; Mat., axore
saa ; W. de Braiosa, juvene ; Claro, sacerdote ; Rogero de Basche-
villa, Willelmo de Roldebouef, Roberto de Baschevilla, Waltero Thi-
tel, Hagone, capellano, et multis aliis."
3 Peter deLeia, 1176-08.
S. JOHANKIS EVANG. D£ BRECON. 165
Bughemore usque viam que est inter Fildeiuore et Bughemore
cum quodam seillone^ proximo rivulo qui dicitur lembegge ad
habendum viam in predictum boscum; et sex acras tres in
veteri villa super ridd,* et tres in Werefurlanc,' libere et quiete
et sine omni terreno servitio ; et omnes donationes meas quas
predictis monachis feci vel facturus sum hac presenti carta con-
firmo. Ut autem hec mea donatio rata permaneat et incon-
cussa, presentis scripti attestatione et Sigilli mei appositione,-
earn corroboravi. Hijs testibus Domino W. de Braiosa et
Domina Matilda uxore me&, Domino Badulfo Abbate de Wige-
more et multis alijs."
Balpk de BaskervUle {the son T) gives all the land of Semer, the
gardener, and other lands in Bredwardine :
"Badulfus. — Sciant omnes tam presentes quamfuturi quod ego
Badulfus de Bascberevilla pro amore Dei at pro salute anime
mee^ et pro animabus Patris mei et matris mee et parentum
meorum concessi et dedi Ecclesie Sancti Jobannis de Brechonia
et monachis ibidem Deo servientibus in perpetuam elemosinam
totam terram Semeri Hortolani cum pomerio et horto in Bred-
wethin que sunt sub semita^ que ducit ad Waiam contra vineam
et pomerium meum. Ita tamen quod Inclusa^ de Bradewrthin
habebit medietatem de pomerio quamdiu vixerit et preter hoc
dedi eisdem monachis duas acras de prato proximas de la steure^
similiter et tres acras de terr& arabili in la vilede juxta viam
que ducit ad pratum. Concessi etiam monachis et omnibus
hominibus eorum liberum transitum ultra Waiam in navi mea.
Hec omnia dedi Deo et monachis Sancti Johannis de Brechonia
libere et quiete et sine omni terreno servitio in perpetuum
habenda. Et ut hec mea donatio rata et inconcussa permaneat,
earn Sigilli mei appositione confirmo ; hijs testibus Luca sacer-
dote. Henrico de Croc et multis alijs/'
Robert le Wafre, with the consent of Alice his wife, eldest
daughter of Roger de BaskervUle, confirms the mill of Trosdref:
"Eobertus. — Sciant presentes et futuri quod ego Bobertus
Le Wafre consensu et voluntate Alice uxoris mee primogenite
* " Pro sellione", about twenty perches.
2 Perhaps ** rhyd", the ford. » Weirfurlong (?).
^ Footpath.
^ '* Inclasa", the anchoress. For a very interesting acooant of
reclases and their abodes, see Blozam's Gothic Architecivre^ vol. ii,
p. 163 et seq.
• "Steure"; perhaps "stire", the storehouse, or "steye", the
ascent. (Halliwell, Did, Arch. Wordg )
166 CARTULARIUM PRIORATUS
Rogeri de Baskevile et herediiin meorum concessi et hac pre-
sent! carta mea confirmavi Deo et Ecclesie bedti Johannis de
Brekenia et monachis ibidem Deo servientibus, molendinum et
gurgitem de Landevaillauc^ cum pertinentijs suis que scilicet
Radulfus de Baskevile eis in puram et perpetuam elemosinam
dedit et carta suA confirmavit. Et ut hec mea concessio et con-
finnatio rata et stabilis permaneat presenti scripto sigillum
meum apposui. Hijs testibus domino Reginaldo de Breusia,
Ricardo Le Bret, Johanne de Weldebeof, Willelmo Pictaviensi,
Luelino Filio Madoc, Willelmo de Burchulle, Radulfo Janitore
et multis aUjs." (Date 1215 to 1222.)
The dispute between Peter Fitz Herbert and John of Wcdlingford
his derky and the convent of Brecon^ was settled by the former re^
noundng all right to the churches of Talgarth and Llangorse, and
tlie Convent all claim to the churcties of Catliedin and Llanelieu :
"Compositio facta inter dominum Petrura Filium Herberti
et Monachos Breconie Omnibus Christi Fidelibus presentes
literas inspecturis Decanus Wintonie et Magister Nichol de
Viana Subdelegatus Archidiaconi Wintonie salutem in domino.
Noverit universitas vestra quod cum lis mota esset coram nobis
auctoritate domini Pape super ecclesiam de Talgard cum perti-
nentijs inter nobilem virum Petrum filium Herberti et Magis-
trum Johannem de Walingeford clericum suum ex una parte et
Priorem et conventum Breclionie ex alterft, tandem lis in hac
forma conquievit scilicet quod dominus Petrus de consensu
domine Ysabelle^ uxoris sue et domini Herberti heredis sui et
dictus Magister Johannes renunciaverint pro se et pro successi-
oribus suis omne jus quod clamabant habere in Ecclesia de
Talgard et in Ecclesia de la Mara in perpetuum. Renunciave-
runt etiam omnibus actionibus motis tunc temporis ab eisdem
contra dictos monachos auctoritate literarum domini Pape
quarumcunque ; et dictas ecclesias possideant dicti Prior et Con-
ventus libere et quiete et pacific^ sine aliquo impedimento sui
et suorum imperpetuum. Prior vero et conventus predicti re-
nunciaverunt omnia jura quod habebant in Ecclesijs de Kathedyn
et de Langelew, et concesserunt dicto nobili et heredibus suis
dictas ecclesias conferendas cuicunque voluerint sine aliquo re-
tenemento et impedimento sui vel suorum. Item dictus Prior*
1 Llandevaelog, Tre 'r Graig.
3 One of the daughters of the ]ast William do Braose.
* Prior to receive as monks two fit clerks, on Peter's presentation,
to celebrate offices for Peter and his family. See charter of John,
son of Reginald Fitz- Peter, Arch, Camh,, vol. xiii, 4th Series, p. 297.
8. JOHANNIS EVANG. DE BRECON. 1G7
et conventus duos clericos idoueos presentatos a dicto nobili et
heredibus suis recipere debent in Fratres et Monachos qui pro
dicto domino Petro et domina Yzabella uxore su&, et domino
Herberto herede suo et antecessoribus suis et successoribus
officia divina ministrabunt tam pro vivis quam pro defunctis ; et
illis monachis defunctis vel ex justa causa de domo sua ejectis,
alios clericos idoneos presentatos ab eisdem sine contradictione
dicti prior et conventus admittent. Et ad ista fideliter tenenda
et observanda bon& fide obligavit utraque pars juramento cor-
poraliter prestito, pro se et successoribus suis et subjecit se
jurisdictioni Decani et ejus successonim et Magistri Nichol de
Viana et post decessum ejus Archidiaconi Wintonie et suc-
cessorum suorum quicunque fuerint ita quod predicti judices
potestatem habeant in perpetuum omni appellatione et cavilla-
tione remotis, compellendi partem contradicentem per censuram
ecclesiasticam ad observationem hujus compositionis. Et ad
majorem hujus rei securitatem, dicti Judices presenti scripto
sigilla sua apposuerunt una cum sigillis partium. Hijs Testi-
bus domino Herberto Filio Petri, domino Hugone de Mortuo
mari, domino Emerico de Lacy, domino Eogero de Meriey,
Magistro Waltero de Partico ponte, Magistro Hugone de Cluna
Archidiacono Menevensi, Magistro Clemente de Landaf, Waltero
vicario de Mara, et multis alijs/'^ (Date 1216 to 1230.)
Rogeri Fitz Pichard grants two parts of all his tithes of
Ystradwy, and two parts of tithes of lordship of lAansaidffread
juxta Usk, as Walter Cropus granted them :
" Carta Rogeri filii Picardi. — Sciant omnes presentes et futuri
quod Ego Eogerus filius Picardi concede in elemosinam Ecclesie
Sancti Johannis de Brechenio et monachis ibidem Deo servien-
tibus duas partes totius decime mee de Stradewi, sicut pater
mens prius dedicavit^ et sicut carta eorum testatur. De omni-
bus rebus scilicet de dominio meo pro anima patris mei et matris
mee et pro anima mea et uxoris mee et filiorum meorum simi-
liter concede eidem ecclesie duas partes totius decime mee de
dominio meo de Lan San Freid sicut Walterus de Cropuz primus
dederat et sicut carta eorum testatur. Hij sunt Testes ex
utraque parte ; Maihel capellanus, Radulfus Presbiter, Walterus
^ It seems well to add here Bishop Tanner's abstract of a charter
wanting. (Brewster MS., fo. 96.) " Carta S. Archiepiscopi Can-
tnar. et Cardinalis recitans conventionem inter Petrnm filinm Her-
bert! et monachos Brecon de qnibusdam averiis et hominibus mona-
chornm de Brechon de villa Walkelini captis. Dat* Maij 1228."
^ See Bernard Newmarch's first charter, p. 140.
168 GARTULARIUM PRIORATUS
de Travelia, Turstanus Seiher, Radulfus de Mans, Eobertus de
Cerefi, Hugo de Turbevilla et plures alij."
John Pichard gives a rent of 1 2d. from land, which Vincewt
the Dean holds, to maintain the lighting of the church, {Date,
early part of the thirteenth century.
" Carta Johannis Pichard. — Sciant presentes et futuri quod
ego Johannes Pichard pro salute anime mee et Hawys uxoris
mee et antecessorum et successorum meorum in puram et per-
petuam elemosynam dedi et concessi et hac presenti carta me4
confirmavi Deo et Ecclesie Sancti Johannis de Brechonia et
monachis ibidem Deo servientibus redditum xii denariorum de
terra quam Vincentius Le Deyne tenet ad sustentationem
luminariorum predicte Ecclesie. Et ut hec mea donatio rata
maneat et inconcussa huic scripto sigillum meum apposuL
Hijs testibus Matheo le Bret, Magistro H. de Cluna, Boberto
Clerico et multis alijs."
John Pichard confirms ail the donations of his grandfather
and of Soger his father, viz., land and two parts of tithes of
Ystradwy and Llansaintfread, and 8 a^cres at Eliveha :
" Carta Johannis Picard. — Sciant presentes et futuri quod ego
Johannes Picard concessi Deo et Ecclesie Sancti Johannis Evan-
geliste in Brechonia et monachis ibidem Deo servientibus omnes
donationes quas Picardus avus mens et Eogerus pater mens eidem
Ecclesie dederunt in terris et decimis scilicet terram unam in
villa Stradewi secundum terminos ab avo meo eis assignatos et
duas partes decimarum totius dominij mei in Stradewi et in Lan-
cefreit scilicet de annona,^ de fabis, de pisis de equorum pullis de
vitulis de agnis, de porcellis de caseis de lana et lino et de
pomis. Similiter concessi et confirmavi eidem ecclesie Sancti
Johannis in Brechonia octo acras apud Sanctam Eliveham^ quas
homines mei eidem Ecclesie dederunt scilicet quatuor acras
quas Hugo filius Edwardi dedit.* Et quatuor acras cum parvo
prato eis adiacente quas Gillebertus filius predicti Hugonis
dedit sepedicte Ecclesie pro animabus patris et matris eorum.
Et quia hoc ratum et inconcussum esse volo sigilli mei apposi-
tione illud confirmo. Hijs testibus Eadulfo de Baschavilla, Wil-
lelmo de Eoil de boeuf, Willelmo Francigena, Maelo, Waltero
Cano, Waltero filio Llewini, Gregorio clerico, et multis alijs."
1 Grain. « The Chapel of St. Elived.
' This charter is set ont in the Inspeximtu charter, 13 Henry IV,
with the addition here of "in conpecratione cimiterii Sancte Ehvehe.*'
169
s
We regret to announce the death of the Rev. James Davies, an old
member of our Association, and for some years a member of the
Committee. Mr. Davies, who was the second son of Mr. Richard
Banks of Kington, was bom on the 29th May 1820 ; he received
his education at Repton School during the head-mastership of the
Rev. John Macanlay, a ripe classical scholar ; he afterwards entered
the University of Oxford, where he soon obtained an open scholar-
ship at Lincoln College. He graduated in 1844, and proceeded in
due course to his B.A. and M.A. degrees. In the following year he
was ordained by the Bishop of Gloucester, and in 1847 he was
appointed to the perpetual curacy of Christ Church, in the Forest
of Dean ; there he remained until 1852, when he was chosen head
master of the grammar-school of Eling Edward YI at Ludlow^ an
appointment which he held until he succeeded, under the will of his
CTeat-uncle, Mr. Davies, in 1857 to the Moor Court estate, near
Kington, shortly aflerwards assuming, under the will, the surname
of Davies. He there zealously fulfilled the duties, public and
private, of a landowner, and provided for the welfare of his imme*
diate neighbours by the erection of a chapel of ease, in which he
officiated regularly until he was disabled by illness. In 1875 he
was appointed a Prebendary of Hereford Cathedral. In addition
to active duties in the diocese and attention to county business, he
occupied himself with an ever increasing interest in literary pur-
suits, and was a frequent contributor to the Quarterly, Contemporary
and Saturday Reviews, and author or editor of several works. He
was elected a member of our Society at the Monmouth meeting in
1857, and always took a great interest in its success, notably in
making arrangements for the meeting at Kington in 1863, and by
frequent attendance at the yearly meetings. It is a matter for
regret that his contributions to the Journal were few, when we
refer to his valuable paper on Wapley Camp with reference to the
last battle of Caractacus. Those who attended the Church Stretton
Meeting in August 1881, will remember that his altered appearance
was the subject of remark and anxiety on the part of his friends,
although he was able to join in each day's excursion. In the fol-
lowing month he had a paralytic seizure, from which he never
recovered ; his decline was gradual and peaceful, with mental powers
only lessened, until his death on the 11th of March.
4th bbr., vol. XIV. 12
170
Correfi;pontimce.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE ABCHiBOLOaiA CAHBBENSIS*
BWLCHYDDAUFAEN INSCRIBED STONR
Sib, — There is a well-known road leading from the village of
Aber (Carnarvonshire) through a pass in the moantain range
between Llanfairfechan and Aber, and the valley of the Conway
Biver, which pass is called " Bwlch y ddaafaen". This road has
always been considered to have been an old Roman road, bat I
have not hitherto seen or heard any direct evidence that it was
formed or nsed by the Romans.
But now, about ten days ago, a remarkably fine stone has been
found in a field adjoining a branch road which runs into the before-
mentioned " Old Roman Road" at a distance of about two miles
from Aber ; which clearly connects the road with the Romans. The
field was being cleared by the owner of boulder and other stones,
when the labourers came in contact with the fine Roman milestone,
which I will describe. Fortunately for its preservation, it was
entirely buried in the earth, with the exception of a small bos at the
base of the stone which stood above the surface of the land. It
has been very carefully and nicely exhumed. The inscription on
the stone is as follows : —
IMP . CABS . TBAI-
-AKYS . HADBIANVS .
AVG . P.M. TB . P.
P.P. cos . Ill .
A . KANOVIO .
M . P . VUI .
The interpretation seems to be —
Imperator Cassar,
Trajanus Hadrianus,
Augustus, Pontifex Maximus,
Tribunicia Potestate,
Pater PatrisB Consul in.
A Canovio
Mille passuura viii.
which is the true distance to or from the Roman quadrangle, close
to Caerhun Church, and the west bank of the River Conway, and
called Canovium, as shown upon the map of the Ordnance Survey.
The foregoing interpretation may not be in every particular
correct, and I shall be mnch obliged if any of your members or
CORRESPONDENCE. 171
correspondents, skilled in Latin inscriptions, would make such cor-
rections as may appear to them to be a truer interpretation.
I send you a slight sketch of the stone, drawn to a scale of 1 inch
to a foot ; the form is cylindrical, and slightly tapering. Its entire
length is 6 feet 9 inches ; diameter near the base, 19^ inches ; at
the summit, which is not entirely circular, 17^ and 16^ inches ;
the circumference at or near the base is 5 feet, and at the top,
4 feet 7 inches. The letters are from 2^ to 2^ inches long, and the
whole of the inscription is within 16 inches of the top ; and it would
appear that the base, for 16 inches, had been originally sunk in the
ground.
The stone is conglomerate, or millstone grit, as also are the two
stones in " Bwlch y ddaufaen." That kind of stone is not, I think,
to be found in this neighbourhood.
Richard Luck.
Llanfairfechan, 2nd March 1883.
Sir, — In the first volume of the ArchcBologia Oamhrensis (1846,
p. 70) there is an account of an exploring expedition made by Mr.
Liongueville Jones, Mr. Dearden, and the Rev. Dr. Jones of Beau-
maris, in search of the Roman road from Gonovium (Caerhun) to-
wards Aber, to Segontium ; on which occasion they succeeded in
identifying its course for some distance. But this in no way dimin-
ishes the interest or the value of the present discovery, inasmuch
as, till the present time, no Roman inscription, or distinctly Roman
relic, has been found in this section.
The date npon the stone, the third year of the consulship of Tra-
janus Hadrianus, corresponding with a.d. 119, and u.c. 872 (Urbis
Condi tse — ^from the foundation of Rome), is most interesting, as it
coincides with the year of the Emperor's visit to Britain. It would
be entirely in accord with his known ability and energy, that he
should have inspected the station of Kanovium, as well as others
where the Roman legions were settled ; and it is not improbable
that this milestone may indicate his visit. The following year we
know he went northwards, and began the great Wall which still
bands down his name, on the Northumbrian border.
The form of the name " Kanovium", here given, as compared
with the more usual, not to say universal, Gonovium, is noteworthy,
because it shows by its contemporary and local witness (for the
material is the local stone) that Kanwy or Canwy is an older form
than Gonwy ; and in this it is also supported by the name of the
earlier fortress of Deganwy, which Edward's beautiful castle so com-
pletely eclipsed and superseded.
Our thanks are due to Mr. Luck for sending so full and clear an
account of the find ; and it is to be hoped that he will keep a keen
look out on the sites of the other mileages along the line, for other
stones of similar character.
March 5, 1883. D. R. T.
172
iHtscfllaneous j^ottcts.
(Browne Willis, MS, 27, /o/. 186.)
" Norwich, Nov. 16, 1719.
"My good friend ! To what yon were told at St. David's now
of an old chest of Records destroy'd by a Floud, yon may add what
I fonnd since I writ last in a letter from ... Ned Llwyd to me, dated
from Tenby in Pembrokeshire, Apr. 12, 1698 : * Great part of our
writings (meaning MSS. of British authors, which I had writ to him
about) have, without doubt, been long since bnm'd and destroyed,
and many of them of late years ; for one Mr. Roberts, a Clergyman
in this country, tells me he saw heaps of parchments, Books and
Rolls, burn'd at St. David's during the late Civil Wars, and did him-
self, being then a schoolboy there, carry several out of the Library
for the sake of the guilt letters.' (Notes on the Archdns. of
Brecon, &c.)
"Your ... faith'll Serv't,
"To Browne Willis, Esq. Thom. Tanner."
Kerry Church, Montgomeryshire. — This church must once have
had a south aisle. When the south wall of the nave was taken
down last December, the remains of three circular pillars, correspond-
ing to those of the arcade, between the nave and north aisle, were
discovered embedded in the wall.
A Society called " The Pipe Roll Society" has been formed. Its
object is the printing of all the earliest Pipe Rolls, more particularly
those belonging to the reign of Henry II, which stand alone as evi-
dence of this early period. These Rolls contain the accounts of the
revenues of the Crown, arranged under the heads of the several
counties, and so afford most valuable information on a variety of
subjects. Those who have availed themselves of the few volumes of
the Patent, Close, and Charter Rolls, which were printed by the
Record Commission, will readily estimate how much trouble and ex-
pense will be saved by the printing of the Pipe Rolls, and the ready
reference which an index will afford to their contents. Mr. James
Greenstreet, 16, Montpelier Road, Peckham, S.E., the Honorary
Secretary, will be happy to receive the names of any who are willing
to become members at a yearly subscription of one guinea.
It is proposed to establish a Society for the purpose of preserving
copies of all our ancient seals. Arrangements have been made by
which it would be possible to produce, for one hundred guineas, an
annual volume containing from twenty-five to thirty autotype plates,
with facsimiles of about four or five hundred seals. These would
appear with descriptive letter-press. Mr. Walford D. Selby, Public
Record Office, will gladly receive the names of those who would be
willing to support the scheme.
^n:hae0l00ia Cam&wnsii
FOURTH SERIES,— VOL. XIV, NO, LV
JULY 1883.
THE EARLY HISTORY OF HAY AND
ITS LORDSHIP.
A FULLER account of the border-town of Hay and its
lordship than has yet appeared seems desirable, as well
on account of its situation as of the important part
which its successive owners played in the affairs of
the kingdom. On the completion of the Domesday Sur-
vey, the little brook called Dulas, which runs into the
river Wye at the entrance of the town of Hay from
Herefordshire, defined the boundary there of Wales as
a principality, if not a kingdom, owing an allegiance
little more than nominal to England. Twenty years
before, Leofgar, the warlike Bishop of Hereford, had
attempted to extend the borders of his county on the
right bank of the Wye, and had died in battle, at Glas-
bury, in the attempt. There is no record or trace of
any Norman aggression in the same direction until
the closing years of the Conqueror's reign. It is un-
certain when the Norman invasion of the province of
Brecheiniog first began ; but it appears that in the
second year of the reign of William Rufus, Bernard
Newmarch was in possession of Glasbury, and with the
assent of his sovereign gave it and the tithes of his
lordship there to the church of St. Peter, Gloucester.*
It may, therefore, be safely assumed that he had pre-
viously acquired the lordship of Hay, which lies between
Glasbury and the border.
* Cart, S. Teiri Glor.., vol. i, p. HI i, Rolls Series.
4th «er.» vol. xtv. 13
1 74 EARLY HISTORY OF HAY
Of the early history of Bernard Newmarch we have
no account. His name appears as one of the witnesses
to both of the Conqueror's charters to the Abbey of
St. Martin of Battle. In the insurrection promoted by
Odo Bishop of Bayeux, in favour of the King's elder
brother, Count Robert, in the spring after the accession
to the throne of William Rufus, Bernard espoused the
cause of Count Robert, and associated himself with
Roger de Lacy, who had previously invaded Hereford-
shire, and Ralph de Mortimer, at the head of a large
army composed of English, Normans, and Welsh, in the
invasion of Worcestershire, and in an unsuccessful
attempt to take the city of Worcester.
We may conclude, therefore, that Bernard had already
assumed the position of one of those chieftains, who
one after the other established themselves, under a
roving commission, as lords marchers on Welsh terri-
tory, in a state of semi-independence of their sovereign.
What may have been the extent of his Breconshire
territory at this period is uncertain. In a few years
afterwards he was master of the three cantreds of
Brecheiniog, comprising the whole of the present county
of Brecknock, with the exception of the hundred of
Builth. We may hazard a conjecture that the battle
in 1093, in which Rhys ap Tewdwr, Prince of South
Wales, was killed near the Castle of Brecon,* was the
crowning victory which placed Bernard in the undis-
puted possession of the three cantreds.
It appears to have been a part of the policy of the
Norman invaders of Wales to strengthen their position
by alliances of marriage with the Welsh, and so blend
their diifering nationalities into one. As Gerald of
Windsor, the Constable of Pembroke, allied himself
with Nest, the daughter of Rhys ap Tewdwr, so Ber-
nard selected as his wife. Nest, the grand-daughter of
Gruffyth ap Lly welyn, the North Wales Prince, who had
so actively repressed the onward progress of the Sax-
ons in Edward the Confessor s reign.
1 liin, KamhricBy p. 89, Rolls Scrios ; Flor. IT/V/., vol. ii, p. Jil ;
Annates Cambricv^ p. 20.
AND ITS LORDSHIP. 175
Bernard further strengthened his position by allot-
ting to his followers, as a reward for their services, por-
tions of the conquered territory, retaining the position
of over-lord. Hay fell to the lot of William Re veil,
who, with the assent, and in the presence, of Bernard
Newmarch, endowed the church of Hay, on its dedica-
tion by Bernard Bishop of St. David's, with the tithes
of the land within what is now its parish. Bernard, or
his successor, probably resumed possession of the lands
granted to William Revell, for William is the last re-
corded tenant ; thereafter the successive lords of Brecon
received the emoluments of the town and manorial
lands, and retained in their hands the demesne lands.
The date of Bernard Newmarch's death is unknown.
It probably happened within a few years after 1115, the
date of the consecration by Bishop Bernard.
The name Hay, or, as it was rendered in Latin, -ffaia,
bespeaks at once its Norman origin, Aaie, a hedged or
fenced enclosure, of which many instances occur in the
county of Hereford, as the Haywood, Kington ; Ey wood,
Titley ; the Highwood, Croft ; the Haywood, near
Ludlow ; and the royal Haye of Hereford. But the
application of the word as an indication of the boundary
of a parish is rare. It may be that the singularly
straight line which defines the extent of the lordship of
Hay, as against Glasbury, from Capel y Ffyn in a
north-westerly direction to the river Wye (supplying
the want of a natural boundary), served as a rough and
ready demarcation of Bernard s first acquisition of the
land of Breconshire, and suggested the use of the word
haie. The territory included Hay proper, styled at a
later period "Anglicana", and "Haia Wallensis", now
known as Llanigon, from its church dedicated to St.
Eigion, a saint of the sixth century.
The town of Hay, or The Hay, as it is more com-
monly called, sprang up under the shelter of its castle
at the entrance of the lordship from England, on the
great highway westward along the valley of the Wye.
*'Haia Anglicana" seems to have been, like other towns
13*
176 EARLY HISTORY OF HAY
of the lords marchers, a military settlement of mixed
nationalities, in which Normans and English predomi-
nated over the Welsh in number as well as in rule,
regulated by the law and customs of England, so far as
a lord marcher recognised them ; while in '*Haia Wal-
lensis", the laws, tenure, and customs, of Wales were
either recognised or tacitly allowed to continue in force-
It may suffice to say, without entering into the de-
tails of the story told by Giraldus, that Bernard's mar-
riage with Nest was an unhappy one, and that on his
death she took the unusual course of approaching the
court of King Henry, and assuring the King, on her
oath, that Bernard was not the father of her son Mahel.
Henry, influenced by his wish rather than a love of
justice, availed himself of the opportunity to deprive
Mahel of his right, and give Sybil, the eldest daughter
of Bernard and Nest, in marriage to a young and dis-
tinguished soldier of his court, Milo, son of Walter,
Constable of Gloucester, with the Honor of Brecon as
her dowry.* Milo was created, by the Empress Maud,
Earl of Hereford in 1140.
Nothing is recorded of him, as lord of Brecon, further
than that he was a donor to the Priory founded by his
father-in-law. He died in 1143, leaving by his wife,
Sybil, five sons and three daughters. Roger, the eldest
son, succeeded him in the Honor of Brecon, and received
a grant, by way of confirmation, from King Henry II,
of the earldom of Hereford, with all the fee of Earl
Milo his father, and aU the fee of Bernard Newmarch,
wherever it might be.*
Although there is no record of the fact, it is probable
that Bernard, following the course adopted by the
other Norman invaders of Wales, built a castle as a
defence of his town of Hay, either on the mote or
mound, to the west, near the Parish church, or on the
site where the tower of a ruined castle still stands ; for
mention is made in one of the many grants of Earl
^ Jttn. Kuwhria^ Rolls Series, p. 29.
-^ Charter Roll'^, p. (>13 ; anfe^ vol. xii, p. 332.
AND ITS LORDSHIP. 177
Roger to Brecon Priory of his castle at Hay and of a
guest room for one man within it. In exercise of his
right as a Lord Marcher, Earl Roger probably granted
a charter to Hay with the usual liberty of a borough
town, for thencemrward it is styled a borough.^ Earl
Roger died in 1154 without issue. Each of his younger
brothers, Walter, Henry, and Mahel, succeeded in his
turn to the lordships of Brecon and Hay for a short
period, with the title or office of constable, and all died
without issue — Mahel meeting his death at the castle
of Bronllys before 1176 from a stone, which fell from
the tower on the occasion of a fire, while he was on a
visit to Walter de Clifford, who had acquired, in addi-
tion to Bronllys, the adjoining manor of Glasbury, by
an exchange with the Prior of Gloucester. On the
death of Mahel of Hereford his three sisters, Margaret,
Bertha, and Lucy succeeded to his lordships and estates
as co-heiresses. On a division of their inheritance, the
lordships of Brecknock and Hay fell to the lot of Bertha
the wife of Philip de Braose, and on his death descended,
together with the kingdom of Limerick and large
estates in Devonshire, derived from Johel de Toteneys,
to their eldest son, William, who married Maud de
St. Valery. The local influence of William de Braose
was increased by his acquisition of the neighbouring
lordships of Huntington and Elvael, the barony of
Radnor, and the cantred or hundred of Builth. During
the reign of King Richard he was for several years
Sheriff of Herefordshire, and at King John's coronation
he and his followers were among the king's warmest
supporters.* For some years he enjoyed the royal
favour, and fresh honours followed him.* In 1200, his
^ An opportunity is now afforded to correct an^ error, ante^ vol.
xiii, p. 35. It is there stated that Hay received a charter from King
John in recognition of the liberties granted to it by Edward the
Confessor. " Hey a" in the charter referred to has since been clearly
identified, by Mr. Stuart Moore, with Hythe, one of the Cinque Ports
towns.
^ Annals of Martjam^ p. 24, Rolls Series.
^ In a grant to him of the custody of the castles and lands of
1 78 EARLY HISTORY OF HAY
second son, Giles, was promoted to the see of Hereford ;
and in the same year William had a grant of all lands
which he had acquired or might acquire of the king's
Welsh enemies, save in Cardiganshire, in increase of
his Barony of Radnor/ In the following year he re-
ceived a confirmation of the grant made by Henry II
to his father of the Honor of Limerick by the service
of sixty knights.* His reverse of fortune was very
sudden, for on the 13th July 1207 he had a grant of
the custody of the castle and town of Ludlow, which
he handed over, receiving the king's acquittance, on the
19 th March following to his son-in-law, Walter de
Lacy. On the 29th April he received the kings order
to pay, on William s account,' 1,000 marcs, within four
days, to Gerard de Athies, for the expenses of the
king's expedition into Wales. In his proceedings
against W. de Braose the king seems to have been
actuated as much by a feeling of mistrust as a desire
to extort money from a too powerful subject. His next
claim against William was for payment of 5,000 marcs,
an arrear of rent of five years' standing for the province
of Munster, and of the farm, or rent, of the city of
Limerick. Failing to obtain payment the king directed
a distress to be levied on all William de Braose's efiects
in Wales; thereupon he obtained an interview with
the king at Hereford, and delivered into his keeping
the castles of Hay, Brecon, and Radnor, at the same
time pledging all his lands in England and Wales as a
security for the payment of the debt on a day assigned.
Shortly afterwards, taking advantage of the absence
of the constables, William de Braose and his sons,
William and Reginald, besieged each of these castles
with a large force on the same day. Failing to obtain
success, they then diverged to Leominster, where they
burnt half the town, and killed and wounded many of
Glamorgan and Gower (4 John, 19, Patent Rolls, p. 19), '*cojaB ser-
vicium multnra approbamas" occurs.
1 Charter liolU, p. 66. » Ibid., p. 82.
3 Patent Rolls, pp. 74, 80, 81.
AND ITS LORDSHIP. 179
the king's followers there; Gerard de Athies, who had
the custody of the castles, on hearing of their proceed-
ings, assembled a large force in aid of the districts
attacked. William and his family thereupon fled to
Ireland.^ This is the king's account, and the reasons
assigned for William Braose's disgrace ; but there were
other causes, which materially contributed to the result.
On the 23rd March of the same year, 1208, the whole
kingdom had been placed under a general interdict;
five of the Bishops, including Giles Bishop of Hereford,
had secretly left England ; the king's confiscation of
the revenues and goods of the clergy quickly foUowed.
Dreading his own excommunication and the release of
his subjects from their obligation to fealty, the king
determined to take hostages from his Barons and chief
men for their allegiance. When the king's officers
came to require hostages of William de Braose, his
wife, Maud, is said to have anticipated her husband's
answer by saying to them, " My boys I will not deliver
to your King John, because he basely slew his nephew,
Arthur, whom it was his duty honourably to protect."^
When the king heard of this, he immediately ordered
the apprehension of William and his family. Fore-
warned by friends, they escaped to Ireland, where
Maud, her son William and his wife, were ultimately
taken prisoners, and thence conveyed to Windsor
Castle. Soon after their imprisonment they died there
from starvation. William, her husband, escaped in a
small boat to France, where on the 9 th August 1211
he died, and was buried at the Abbey of St. Victor,
Paris.
On William's flight and exile, the king entered into
possession of all his lands. On the 13th May 1213
the king made his submission to the Pope, and granted
a safe return to the exiled Archbishop and Bishops.
On his return, Giles de Braose was restored to his see,
and was shortly afterwards put in possession of his
^ Rymer's Foedera^ vol. i, p. 162.
' Matthew Paris, Chronicon Major, p. 523, Bolls Series.
180 EARLY HISTORY OF HAY
father 8 castles and lands.^ * He died on the 13th Novem-
ber 1215 ; on the 18th of the same month the king
directed the delivery to WilHam Earl Mareschal, of the
castles and lands which the bishop held at his death.*
Reginald, his younger brother, was at this time an
adherent of the Barons in their war with the king,
who on the 26th May 1216 wrote to Reginald requiring
him to return to his fealty, and promised on his com-
pliance to restore to him the lands of his late father, on
the same terms which the bishop had made with the
king. Reginald did not avail himself of these over-
tures. In the latter part of July the king arrived at
Hereford, and after a stay there of two days proceeded
on the 28th of that month to Hay. He appears to
have certified, during his stay there, his receipt at Here-
ford of the abbot of the neighbouring Abbey of Dora
of 200 marcs, as a fine for leave to disforest a part of
the forest of Trivell. On the 30th he returned to Here-
ford ; on the following day he was at Leominster, and
on the 2nd August he was at Radnor. The rolls con-
tain no further account of his doings at Hay, or Radnor ;
but we gather from other sources that the object of
his visit was the capture of Reginald's castles of Hay
and Radnor, and the raising there and in the west of
an army, on which he might depend in his struggle
with the Barons. It is stated in Brut y Tywysogion
that John, coming to Hereford with an armed force,
summoned Reginald and the Princes of Wales to him
there to make terms for peace, and that, when that did
not avail, he proceeded to Hay (Gelli) and Radnor
(Maeshyvaidd), burnt the towns and destroyed the
castles. Mathew Paris^ gives a general confirmation of
this statement, when he mentions that John, proceeding
to the confines of Wales, besieged and took the castles
of the Barons there, and, burning their buildings and
orchards, presented a wretched sight to the beholder.
On his departure from Radnor the king proceeded with
1 Patent JioUs, pp. 99, 184. 2 m^j^^ p 159
^ Chron. MajoVy vol. ii, p. GGCk
AND ITS LORDSHIP. 181
a considerable force to Shrewsbury, and thence to the
West of England, with the intention of checking the
further progress of the Barons. His death on the
19th October put an end to further negotiations with
Reginald.
On the 5th January 1216-17, a letter was written in
the young king s name to Reginald, exhorting him to
return to the king's fealty and service, and promising
on his compliance to restore him to all his rights, as
fully as the late king had restored them to his brother,
the Bishop. This letter appears to have had the de-
sired effect, for on the 23rd June the Sheriff of Here-
fordshire was informed of Reginald's return to the
king's allegiance, and soon afterwards he had seisin of
all the lands of his father.^ Reginald de Braose died
in 1222 and was succeeded by his son, William, in all
his estates. He married Eve, daughter of Walter
Mareschal, and a sister of Richard Mareschal, Earl of
Pembroke. He was summarily hanged at Crokin* by
Llywelyn, Prince of North Wales, with whom he was
staying as a guest, in 1230, and left four daughters his
coheiresses. On a division of their inheritance the
Honors of Brecon and Hay fell to the lot of the
youngest daughter, Eleanor, who afterwards married
Humphrey de Bohun. On the death of William de
Braose, his widow. Eve, had all his lands in Brecknock
and in other counties assigned to her for her dowry, the
king retaining the custody of the castles. King Henry
III spent the summer and autumn of the year 1231 at
Colwyn in Radnorshire,' and occupied himself in super-
intending the rebuilding of Maud Castle, Colwyn,
which had been destroyed by the Welsh, and probably
also in strengthening the fortifications of Pain's Castle,
which is situate nearer to Hay. During his stay he
visited the town of Hay,* and before his departure he
1 Close BolU, vol. i, pp. 312, 335.
^ Shirley's Royal Letters^ temp, H. Ill, vol. i, p. 367, Rolls Series.
•* Matthew Paris, Uiat. Anglorum^ pp. 332, 33-i«, Rolls Series.
* Hyraor's Focdtra, vol. i, p. 32S.
182 EARLY HISTORY OP HAY
received the homage at Maud Castle of Richard Earl
Mareschal. In 1233 the custody of the castle of Hay
was committed to the charge of Eve de Braose, and
three years afterwards she had a grant of murage^ to
enable her to levy certain specified tolls in the town of
Hay for three years, in aid of enclosing and fortifying
the town for its defence and the security of the adjoin-
ing district. A considerable portion of the town wall
still remains on the eastern side of the town, and forms
a conspicuous object from the railway station ; in the
wall were three gates and a postern, which have long
since disappeared, although the position of the east
and west gates may still be ascertained. The only re-
mains of the castle, which stood without the walls, but
adjoining to them, are a ruined ivy-clad tower, long
since incorporated with a modem residence, and the
gateway of the castle bailey. The castle appears tx)
have had a dry moat as a defence, wherever it was un-
protected by the town walls.*
On the death of Eve de Braose, Humphrey de Bohun
succeeded in right of his wife, Eleanor, to the lordship
of Hay. He espoused the cause of the Barons in their
quarrel with the king. On the renewal of hostilities
in February 1264, the Earl of Leicester sent his sons,
Henry and Simon de Montfort, with a strong force to
waste the lands of Roger de Mortimer. They burnt
and destroyed all before them, and, with the aid of
Prince Llywelyn, took Mortimer's castle of Radnor.
On advice of these hostilities. Prince Edward marched
hastily from London to Mortimer s succour, and, having
taken the castles of Hay, Huntington, and Brecon,
committed to him the custody of them with the country
adjoining, which belonged to Humphrey de Bohun.'
Mortimer s occupation was of short duration ; for the
Lords of the Welsh Marches, dissatisfied with Leicester's
1 Patent Bolls, 21 Henry III, No. 9.
^ See An Historical Guide to the Town and Castle of Hay. Hor-
dem. Hay, 1877. A well written pamphlet.
' Carte, History of England, vol. ii, p. 141.
AND ITS LORDSHIP. 183
proceedings, declared openly for the king and 'Prince
Edward. Leicester retaliated, by reducing in July of
the same year the castles of Hereford, Hay, and Lud-
low, and wasting the lands of Mortimer,^ Humphrey
de Bohun was taken prisoner at the battle of Lewes in
August 1265, and shortly afterwards died.
The inquisition on his death furnishes the first par-
ticulars of the revenue of the lordship of Hay ; we
may therefore briefly note the detaik. The yearly
value was £122 3^. id. ; including in this amount the
demesne lands, £16 ; rents of the town with tolls,
£22 ; rent of the public oven of the town, £6 135. 4c?, ;
the fishery, 1 85. ; . the levy, styled passagium, for the
protection of the highways, £1 12s,; foreign rents, or
rents without the borough, £6 1 3s. 4d. ; the cowyield
of twenty-two cows with their calves every other year,
worth £3 I2s. id. yearly ; pannage of swine, 10s. ;
customary Welsh works, £7 17 s. 8a. ; mills, £15 ; the
prise of ale, £13 V2s. id; meadows, £6 13s. id. Pleas
and perquisites of Court, £22 ; a garden with a fish-
pool and dove cot, 10s.
Humphrey his son, who was a minor at his father's
death, had a grant of the castle and lordship of Hay
in 1274, and, on the death of his grandfather in that
year, succeeded to the title of Earl of Hereford and
Essex. He died in 1298, leaving a son, Humphrey,
who married Elizabeth, widow of John Count of Hol-
land and daughter of Edward I. He was killed at the
battle of Boroughbridge in March 1321. John Wale-
wayn^ was thereupon constituted chief warden and
supervisor of the lands of Hay, Huntington, and the
late Earls other extensive possessions in Wales ; two
years after the wardenship was transferred to Hugh le
Despenser the younger. John de Bohun succeeded to
his father's title, and was probably restored to his
^ Carfce, Bisiory of England, p. 148.
* Inq. p. Mortem, 51 Hen. Ill, ante^ vol. i, " Original Docnments*',
No. 30, 4th Series.
3 Rotul. Original, vol. i, p. 262, 15 Edward II, R. 7.
184 EARLY HISTORY OF HAY
father's estates before 20 Edward II. He died ia
1335 without issue, leaving his brother, Humphrey,
his heir. The inquisition^ on his death states that
Humphrey, late of Hereford and Essex, held of the
king in chief, by baron's service, the castle of Hay
with its appurtenances, worth yearly £50, and that he
died on 15th October 1362, leaving his nephew, Hum-
phrey, his next heir.
He united in himself the titles of Earl of Hereford,
Essex, and Northampton. The inquisition on his death
states that the castle of Hay was of the value of £51,
and that he died on the 16th January 1372, leaving his
daughters, Eleanor, of the age of six years, and Mary,
of the age of three years, his next heirs. His estates
thereupon fell into the king's hands during their
minority, and Roger Foley n was appointed receiver.
We thus gain interesting particulars relative to Hay
for two successive yeara, ending November, 47 Edward
III, from the minister's accounts for the lordship.
During the first year, John Gardyner, appointed by
the late Earl, was bailiff; David ap William and
Philip, his brother, the foresters; and Madoc ap William
the Welsh receiver. The rents of assize, or fixed rents,
due from the free tenants, amounted to £16 95. 3d. ;
they included id. from 1 lb. of cummin as the rent of
John Waleweyn, and a sum of money arising from the
Welsh custom of Comortha at Clammey,* payable every
other year at the feast of the Invention of the Cross, in
addition to cowyield. Among the new rents, mention
is made of Mortimers mote, probably a traditionary
record of Mortimers temporary occupation ; of land in
the Wakherye held by leuan Bagh ap leuan ap Gwas-
maur, and of land on the mountain, called Lokede-
merschere,^ held by H. ap leuan ap Seissild ; under
" Advocaria", receipts from vassals for the protection of
1 1 March, 37 Edward III. » 20th Sept., 47 Edward III.
^ 3rd Kalend Maij. A like cnstom prevailed in the lordships of
Brecon, Bailth, Elvael, and Hantingdon.
* A name suggested, perhaps, by the view it afforded of the March
country.
AND ITS LORDSHIP. 185
their Lord, sums varying from id, to 8d. were paid by
leuan ap Glin ap Morededd, John ap Seissill, Llewelyn
ap David ap Gwalter, Gladys verch leuan ap Griffith,
Gladys verch David ap Adecok, Gladys verch Llewelyn,
Rice ap David Lloyd, Meuric ap H, Coch, Eve verch
leuan ap Philip, leuan Oteney, Grono Calth, David ap
Llewelyn Hyr, and William David.
The burgage-rents, common oven, tolls of ale, fairs,
and markets of the town, were let at £40 ; two water-
mills, with the fishery in the pool of the river Wye, at
£9 65. 8d. ; a fulling-mill at £1 6s. 8d, ; a dove-cote at
3s. id. ; a garden at 205. £6 135. id. was received for
the pasture and attachments in the forest, and £1 65. 8d.
for the boat over Wye. Under " Exitus Manerii", the
pannage of Welsh swine ("moket'') is mentioned. Of
land let for sowing in the Forestfield, twenty acres
realised 80?. per acre, and nine acres, 3d. per acre. Sixty-
four acres of the lord's land in Churchefeld were let at
7d. per acre, and five acres in Forestfeld at 5d. per acre.
Moneys were received for the sale of the common of
pasture ("arentatacommuniter") of Maysdorgloth (Maes
Arglwydd), Triscalhem, and Wenallt ; and from the
sale of the pasture of the Bottes at Brodemede and at
Poukedyche, Geneley, near the river ; the Hame, near
Brodehok ; Berlonde, and the meadow reaching to Log-
hesford. Other meadows, Lakemede, Brodelake, Put-
temede, and Derneforthmede, are also mentioned. The
pasture of Whetmede was eaten by the lord's bullocks.
A composition of £1 65. 8d. was received for the custom-
ary Welsh works at the winter and Lent ploughings,
and Id. per work for one hundred and ninety- two har-
vest works. In addition to other courts, two hall-moots,
representing the court-leet, were held during the year.
The lord's flock numbered three hundred and ninety-
five sheep, including eighty-seven ewes ; but there were
no lambs, as the ewes were barren.^ 2d. per score was
charged for shearing three hundred and thirty-five
sheep. Allowances were made of payments for tar and
red stone for marking them. The lord's herd of cattle
186 EARLY HISTORY OF HAY
consisted of twenty-two cows and as many calves (re-
ceived this year for the Coraortlia), lind of fourteen
oxen. Three hundred and eighty-four Welsh customary
works of reaping, for a day one hundred and twenty-
eight acres of grain, are charged at l^d. each. The
crops consisted of wheat, oats, and peas.
The wages of the porter {janitot^ of the Castle were
%d. per week, with an allowance of 65. %d, in addition
for his expenses of the year. An allowance of £3 65. 8rf.
was made in the account by the direction of Robert de
Teye, chief steward, for a sum charged under the head
of perquisites of courts, in 39 Edward III, and continued
for the past seven years, as gold found in the purse of
Geoffrey Dun, accidentally drowned in the river Wye,
on the ground that the lord was not entitled to it as
the goods of an intestate, because Geoffrey was a free
burgess and an Englishman ; which shows that the
burgesses enjoyed under their charter the privilege of
succeeding to the goods of a deceased relative. The
sureties for payment of what was found due on the
account were — Dominus Walter Deveros,^ Richard Ser-
jant, and William Simon, bailiff of Roil, now Clirow.
The second year's account was rendered by Richard
Mogholom,^ bailiff of the Castle, John ap Ithel being
the bailiff of the town. The entries throw but little
further light on the subject. A charge is made for an
iron chain and a lock, to secure the lord's boat over the
Wye. There were probably few bridges over the Wye at
this period, for the river was crossed by boats at Bred-
wardine and Builth as at Hay. Charges were also
made for locks for the doors of the Castle gate and the
^ Walter Devereux, a descendant, married Anne, daughter and
heir of William Lord Ferrers, and in 2 Edward IV was summoned
to Parliament among the Barons as Walter Devorenx de Ferrers.
From him the Viscount Hereford is descended. (Dugdale, Baron-
age^ i, p. 266, and NJcol^, UUt Peerage.) In the survey of the last
Duke of Buckingham's lands it is stated, " the Lord Ferrers holdeth
half a knight's fee, called Llan Thomas, in Hay lordship."
2 This name occurs under different forms in the rolls of the lord-
ship of Huntington, where a farm is still known as Mahollam.
AND ITS LORDSHIP. 187
lord 8 chamber. One of the mills is called Broke Mill,
which seems to show that it was on the Dalas. Twelve
Hundred courts were held during the year. A question
seems to have been raised by the Welsh tenants as to
the cow-yield. They contended that they were only
liable to pay 7s. f9r each cow, or render a cow with a
calf, at the lord's election.
Soon afterwards (51 Edward III) the King granted
to his son, Thomas of Woodstock (ultimately Duke of
Gloucester), the wardship of the castles of Brecon, Hay,
Huntington, Caldecote, and Newton, with the manors
and lands of the late Earl, during the minority of his
daughters. Thomas of Woodstock afterwards married
Eleanor, the eldest daughter. Mary, the younger
daughter, married Henry Earl of Derby, afterwards
Henry IV. On the division of their inheritance, the
lordships of Brecon, Hay, and Huntington, fell to the
lot of Eleanor, who died leaving an only daughter, Anne
Plantagenet, successively married to Thomas and Ed-
mund, the third and fifth Earls of Stafford.
Few events caused so general a disturbance among
all classes throughout the Principality as the insurrec-
tion of Owen Glendower. The ruin of the Castle of
Hay, and the decay of the town, are ascribed by Leland
and general tradition to Owen and his followers. It is
unfortunate that scarcely any particulars of Owens
movements have come down to us. After his defeat of
Sir Edmund Mortimer at Brynglase, near Pilleth, on
the 12th of June 1402,^ Owen, wasting the country on
his way, marched with his followers into Glamorgan-
shire. There is every reason to suppose that it was on
this expedition that ne took the Castle of New Radnor,
and proceeded through the lordship of Huntington,
burning a mill and destroying the toll-gate there,^ to
the valley of the Wye and Hay, where he destroyed
the Castle and part of the town ; for in the commission
issued 8th of Sept. 14.03,' the custody of the neigh-
^ Carte, History of England, vol. ii, p. 654.
2 Arch, Camb., vol. xv, 3rd Series, p. 243.
^ Rymer's Fcrderuy vol. viii, p. 328.
188 EARLY HISTORY OF HAY
bouring castles of Painscastle and Royle was committed
to the Earl of Warwick ; and of Huntington, to Anne
Countess of Stafford, who had lost her husband, the
fifth Earl, on the 21st of July preceding, at the battle
of Shrewsbury ; but no mention is made in it of Hay
Castle, which was probably then ruinous and defence-
less.
Owen appears to have had many supporters in Breck-
nockshire, for on the 15th of Sept. in the same year,^
the King issued, at Defynoc, a mandate to Sir John
Oldcastle, John ap Harry, and John Fairford, clerk,
empowering them to receive into the King's peace and
favour the Welsh rebels of Brecknock, Builth, Cantre-
celly, Hay, Glynbough, and Dinas, on condition that
they laid down their arms, and took an oath of fealty.
The Countess had issue by the fifth Earl a son,
Humphrey, who was created Duke of Buckingham on
the 14th of Sept. 1444. He was killed at the battle of
Northampton on the 10th of July 1460. In the inqui-
sition^ taken on the 30th of Oct. following, the Castle
of Hay is described as ruinous, and destroyed by the
Welsh rebels, and of no value. The rents of assize of
the free tenants are stated to be £23 135. id. ; and of
the tenants at will, £5 135. id. One hundred and nine-
teen acres of demesne land are valued at Is. 6d. per
acre, and twenty acres of pasture at 6d. per acre. The
remaining items (except the Comortha) show a great
falling off in value. The two water corn-mills and a
fulling mill are valued at 406*. only; the herbage of the
forest at 4 marcs ; the tolls of fairs and markets at £4;
pleas and perquisites of courts at £4 ; the customary
cow-yield, when it happened, at £10.
The Duke had issue, a son, Humphrey Earl of Staf-
ford, who was killed at the battle of St. Albans, leaving
a son Henry, who succeeded his grandfather as second
Duke of Buckingham.
Want of space prevents more than a reference to the
^ Rymer's FosderayYo]. viii, p. 332.
2 38 and 39 Henry VI, No. 59, m. 23.
AND ITS LORDSHIP. 189
advancement of the second Duke by Richard III to
the office of High Constable and other offices ; of the
Duke's conspiracy against the Bang in favour of the
Earl of Richmond ; the assembly of the Duke's fol-
lowers at Brecknock in 1483, and march thence into
the forest of Dean, with a view to cross the Severn
and join his friends in the West ; his failure on account
of unusual floods in the river, and retirement to the
house of Sir Walter Devereux at Weobley ; the disper-
sion of his Welsh followers for want of pay ; his flight
and concealment in the house of his trusted servant,
Banastre, in Shropshire ; his discovery, seizure, and
execution at Salisbury on November 2nd, — all so
graphically narrated by Carte.
On the Duke 8 attainder his possessions fell into the
hands of the Crown, and so continued in the 9th and
1 0th Henry VII. We thus again obtain an insight of
the affairs of Hay from the Minister's accounts of that
year. The account of Watkin Robbinett, the reeve of
English Hay, exhibits a very general falling off and
decay, arising from the disturbed and lawless state of
the country, induced probably by many years of civil
war and unrest, — is. 3d. only was received of the
foreign rents, amounting to £6 55. of divers lands in
the lord's hands, for want of hirers. The farm of the
demesne lands which, in 30 Henry VI was £4 135. 4d,
realised only £2 135. Ad. The fulling mill and dovecot
were totally decayed ; nothing was received from the
farm of the boat, as it was sunk in the excessive flood
in 26 Henry VI ; a few shillings only were received
for the aftermath of the meadows, because the tenants
were afraid to depasture their animals there for fear of
robbers from different parts of Wales. Nothing was
received from the sale of wood in the forest, or from
the sale of hay. A part of the arrears and of the
foreign and customary rents of the year were respited,
as had been usual during the past eight years, until
the King's warrant could be obtained for their discharge,
because many tenants who used to pay the rents in
4frH BBB., VOL. XIY. 14
190 EARLY HISTORY OF HAY
the time of Henry, the late Duke, had left their
tenures void, and because the tenements continued un-
occupied by reason of the < war and strife prevailing
between the tenants of the lordship of Hay and the
tenants of the lordship of Elvael, on the opposite side
of the river, and of other lordships their adherents.
Thomas Lloyd, the bailiff of the borough, accounts for
£1 1 is. as rents of assize of 204 burgage tenants, ac-
cording to a rental made in 4th Henry V. Nothing
was re«3eived from the common oven, which had been
recently newly built, because it was in hand, and no
profit could be made of it — 35. 4d. only was received
from 31 burgage tenants and other lands. The rent of
the tolls of fairs and markets had fallen to £2 3s. Ad.
The bailiff claimed an allowance out of the sum of
£11 is.y rents of assize, in respect of 44 burgage tene-
ments vacant in consequence of the war and strife
above referred to, and of the loss of rent of divers
tenements belonging to the chantry of the Virgin Mary
at Hay. The sums claimed as allowances were re-
spited, as in the case of W. Robbinett, until the King's
warrant was obtained. An allowance was made to the
burgesses of 155. for the custody during the year of
the three gates of the town, as in 38 Henry VT. Both
of the accountants were committed to the custody of
the constable of the castle for the sums found to be
due from them.
The account of Hoel ap Philip ap Hoel ap Madoc,
the bailiff of Welsh Hay, contains a return of several
tofts and lands, as in hand for want of tenants, and
yielding no pro6t, and states that no one was willing
to accept the oflBce of Bin geld John ap Thomas, who
held the oflBce of Steward of the lordship for his life,
under the King's warrant, and of Beceiver during plea-
sure, appears to have died during the year. His ac-
count is rendered by his deputy receiver, Walter
Vaghan, who was charged by the auditor with the sums
received of the reeve and thn bailiffs of Hay borough
and Welsh Hay ; for the arrears and the monies found
AND ITS LORDSHIP. 191
to be in his hands he was committed to the custody of
the King s Gaol of Fleet.
The second Duke had issue a son, Edward, who was
restored to his father's honours and estates in 1486;
and in 24 Henry VII received from the King a grant
of the Castle of Bronllys and the Manors of Cantre-
celley, Brynllys, Pencelli, and Alexanderston in Brecon-
shire. His large possessions, wealth, and influence,
combined with his pretensions to the Crown in the
event of Henry VIII dying without issue, excited the
King's jealousy. He was arraigned before his peers on
charges without much foundation, sentenced to death,
and beheaded at Tower Hill on 17th May 1521. He
left issue one son, Henry, who was restored in blood,
but not to the late Duke's honours and land, by the
same Parliament (14 Henry VIII) which passed his
father's Act of attainder, and on the. 25th September
following the King granted to him on his marriage a
large portion of the Duke's forfeited estates, including
the lordships and castles in South Wales. In the
Parliament 1 Edward VI he was recognised as Lord
Stafford, and afterwards summoned as a Baron to
Parliament.
Nothing eventful remains to be related of the earlier
history of Hay. This account of it may therefore well
conclude with a few extracts from Leland's Itinerary ^
vol. V, fol. 72 : — " After passing over Wy river, the
which for lack of knowleg yn me of the Fourde did
sore treble my horse, I cam in crepusculo to the Hay.
The Hay stondith hard upon Wy, and yet sheuith the
token of a right strong waulle, having in it three gates
and a postern. Ther is also a Castel, the which sum-
time hath bene right stately.
" Within the Toune is but one poore Paroche. In
the suburbe hard by Wy is a Paroche Chirch meately
fair. Ther is also in the suburbe a Chapel wher on a
Sunday I hard Messe. Not far from the Paroche
Chirch in the suburbe is a great round hille of yerth
cast up by mennes hondes other for a wyndmille to
14 »
192 PEN CAER HELEN.
stond apon or rather for sum fortres of Bataille. The
toun of the Hay yet hath a Market: but the toun
within the wauUes is wonderfully decaied. The mine
is adscribed to Oene Glindour. One shewed me in the
town the ruines of a gentleman's place called Waul-
wine, be whose meanes Prince Lluelin was sodenli
taken at Buelth Castel and ther beheddid, and his
hedde sent to the king The Toune longgid to
the Duke of Bokingham. It pertaineth now to the
Lord Stafford his sonne."
R. W. B.
PEN CAER HELEN.
Although this remarkable hill-fortress has been noticed
already in the Archceologia Cambrensis, yet no satisfac-
tory representation of its most remarkable feature has
been given. This is now presented to the members in
the engraving obtained from the camera of our official
and efficient draughtsman, Mr. Worthington Smith,
With the difference of size only, we have an actual fac-
simile of the stones by which the builders of this fort
protected themselves when the usual defences of stone
or earth, or the steepness of the ground, were insuf-
ficient.
Although so many centuries have passed during
which the surface may have been raised from suc-
cessive growths, yet from the nature of the ground in
the present instance this growth could not nave been
very important. But the height of these upright stones
is not very necessary to the defence, because of the
peculiar mode of attack ; for we know that the Grauls
of those days charged at full speed, endeavouring to
surmount all difficulties by a rush ; but, on the other
hand, if checked in their course, they did not renew the
attempt.
A reference to the plan (cut No. 2) will show that
PEN CAER HELEN. 1 93
these chevaux de frise^ as they may be called, only
occur where the natural defences are weakest, while on
the north-east side a single wall was considered suffi-
cient, as the slope on those sides was so steep. On the
other sides we find three walls and ditches ; and at a
two walls, which, by means of two cross ones, are con-
verted into two defensive outworks. When these had
been forced, the interior could only be reached by the
entrance at b, the adjoining portions of the wall being
of extra breadth, so as to accommodate a greater num-
ber of defenders standing on the top. There was a
third entrance at c, in the middle of the side, protected
by three walls and ditches. A projecting portion (d)
prevents these defences being turned, while a fourth
ditch, at some distance from the other three, encloses a
space protected by these upright stones. The same
arrangement occurs at a, where a similar space is also
protected by an exterior ditch.
The whole arrangement shows no little skill on the
part of the defence, as well as their faith in the efficacy
of these pointed stones, found only in the enclosed spaces
above described. Their small projections, and the
sharpness of their points, would make the approach to
them impossible to enemies, without carefully picking
out their way while they were being attacked with
missiles by the defenders standing on the tops of the
walls.
Pennant, in his search for traces of Sarn Helen, dis-
covered this British post as he terms it. He describes
it as having the " usual fosses and vast ramparts of
stones, with some remains of the facings of walls." But
what struck him most "were two considerable spaces of
ground thickly set with sharp pointed stones set up-
right in the earth, as if they had been meant to serve
the use of chevaux dufmse {sic) to impede the approach
of an enemy." This was written more than a century
ago ; and with the exception of the greater dilapidation
of the walls, it appli«3 to the present condition of the
work.
194 PEN CAER HELEN.
There is no other example in Wales of this kind of
defence, unless Treceiri, in the same county, gives a
similar example, but with a remarkable difference.
The original entrance to this strong city is well
ascertained, and is strongly protected by a number of
walls, for the particular arrangements of which the
reader is referred to the Arclujeologia Cambrensts^vol. for
1867, pp. 66-78. But on the opposite side of this same
mountain there are sheets (as they are best described)
of flat stones placed at short intervals, en ^c^?on, which
can only be crossed with great care, as the stones are set
wide enough from each other to admit and easily break
a man's leg. In passing from one group to another a
smooth, green path is traversed, which exposes the
flanks to attack from above. At first sight these sheets
may be mistaken for the ruins of walls ; but the regu-
larity with which they are placed at intervals, and
their uniformity in size and arrangement, preclude this
supposition. There cannot, in fact, be the smallest
doubt 9S to their origin and design. It is true they
have not been noticed before. Even our late lamented
member, the Rev. W. Wynn Williams of Menaifron,
who was probably as well acquainted with the same
class of remains as Mr. Prichard of Dinam, was not
aware of the existence of sheets of stones, and expressed
his intention of examining them, — an intention, unfor-
tunately, not carried out. One reason for their escap-
ing notice may be that they do not occur on the usual
route ; and it w^as only by accident that the writer
found his way thither ; for on meeting a quarryman at
the foot of the mountain, who was about to cross it»
and being informed he could reach Treceiri by that
way, he joined company with him until the man turned
to the right on his way to his quarry. In wet weather
(and wet may be considered the usual rule) the ascent
is rendered much more difficult by the slippery surface
of such smooth stones.
A still more remarkable example occurs in the Isle of
Arran, off Galway, which has been well described by
PEN CAER HELEN. 195
Professor Babington in the Archceologia Cambrensis,
1858, p. 96 ; where also is given a cut showing how the
fort of Dun Eangus was protected by rows of tall, sharp-
pointed slabs of granite placed so close that men could
hardly pass between them. The fort itself is like one
of our Pembrokeshire and Cornish cliflf-castles, protected
on the sea side by precipitous cliffs, and on the others
by artificial defences. These, in the case of Dun Eangus,
were still further strengthened by the granite slabs
which to some extent resemble the smaller pointed
stones of Pen Caer Helen.
Who were the builders of the Welsh and Irish forts
is a question which has not been satisfactorily answered,
nor has the occurrence of the name of Helen, so often
given to our earliest roads both in North and South
Wales, been yet explained, or even attempted to be
explained. Nor is the name confined to roads, as we
have it in Coed Helen near Carnarvon; and here in Pen
Caer Helen. In France, and especially in Brittany, a
Princess Ah6s is credited with tne making of ancient
roads ; but her character seems to have been less satis-
factory than that of Helen, whatever that may have
been.
E. L. Babnwell.
1883.
196
PEMBROKE CASTLE.
It is much to be regretted that Mr. G. T. Clark never
so far completed his chapters in the Journal, on the
Earls, Earldom, and Castle of Pembroke, as to give a
description of the Castle itself. Not only does one miss
the delineation by a master, but it increases the ven-
ture of any one rash enough to tread near his path.
The Castle, however, seems to me so remarkable a work,
in some respects so different from others, and appa-
rently so little understood (judging from the few words
said as to it at the recent meeting of the Association
there), that I venture to call further attention to it ;
and it is astonishing to me that Mr. King should have
been apparently ignorant of it ; and that Mr. Carter,
Mr. Britton, and Mr. Clark, should have alike left it
untouched. Excepting the Bucks and Mr. Fenton,
neither of whom was architectural, and perhaps I should
add Sir R. C. Hoare, its description seems to have been
left to the picturesque people, who see so much that
does not exist ; and to photographers, who always get
wrongly interpreted.
The Castle now consists of a building rising from the
beach of the Pembroke river, where it is about 25 feet
from high water-mark^ enclosing a cavern in a lime-
stone cliff*, and various chambers above it, from which
a wall of enceinte, having angle-towers (for the most
part shattered) and entrance-towers on the south, ex-
tends along the cliff-top on each side, enclosing nearly
four acres, naving a circumference of about 1,450 feet,
with a domed round tower on the west side of the
centre ; the whole occupying a promontory at the west
end of the main street of the town, bounded by the
Pembroke river and Monkton Pill on three sides, and
divided into two unequal wards by a ruined wall. It
will, however, at once be seen that the whole is merely
PEMBROKE CASTLE. 197
the western encLof the almond-shaped area enclosed by
the town walls, although shut off from it. The Castle
area is naturally divided into two parts ; the enceinte
of that nearest the town being formed and regular, the
other irregular, and following the contour of the cliff.
Looking at the whole (town and Castle) in section, it
resembles a full bean-pod, the larger centre bean being
Elm Tree House, and the end one the Castle. In plan
it is ridiculously like the skeleton of an ill-conditioned
flounder, the Castle precinct being the head, the donjon
the eye, the great south curtain the gills, the only
street representing the vertebral bone, and the various
gardens its rays.
As respects the cavern as part of a fortress, Pembroke
stands quite alone : with the exception of its north
front it seems wholly natural. Chepstow has a faint
artificial resemblance to it, probably fulfilling the same
end ; but there is no other instance : and though there
are many other round donjons, there is no one like this,
as will be afterwards shown.
There were many great Earls, the Strongbows and
the De Valences eminent amongst them ; but none like
the great Earl Mareschal, '* Rector Regis et Regni.''
It is probable that the cavern would, on careful in-
vestigation, yield the same proofs of prehistoric occu-
pation as the other water-side limestone caverns of the
district. The water flowing off the old red on the
south side of the town, availed itself of the crannies so
common in limestone, and in passing through scooped
out this and other cavernous channels under the Castle,
until some accident opening the present vent, the ori-
ginal entrance got filled. It is not with these matters,
however, that we are now concerned.
That the site was occupied by the Romans may be
assumed from the numerous coins of Constantine and
Carausius found here. Mr.Wyndham speaks of several
which were in the possession of Mr. Holcombe. I, a
later gleaner, have obtained nine. No Roman bricks or
tiles have been discovered. The lower part of the face-
200 PEMBROKE CASTLE.
it has no latrine connected with it, and is carefully iso-
lated from such ; and it is on the rock. Not that I
mean the last to be an essential either in Norman times
or since ; but I think it would have been so considered
for a quasi conventual establishment, not merely a castle
chapel. There is also a change in the character of the
roof at the chancel division; and the extraordinary
inner wall, forming a passage on the south side about
18 inches wide, may, upon the principle that it is wise
to put down anything inexplicable to " some arrange-
ment connected with the rood-loft", be so assigned.
There is something not very dissimilar at Monkton, and
perhaps at Ludlow. If this was the chapel, the adjoin-
ing building, which I have called the western hall, and
with which there was some communication at the
south-west angle, was the priest's lodging ; and if so, it
is pretty clear the monks of Sayes must have kept
watch against worldly as well as spiritual assaults. But
it is here alone that the ancient wall cannot be traced ;
and this, in my view, adds to the probability of the
building I have supposed to be the chapel being really
such. I conceive the chapel, when first erected, was
just inside the ancient wall ; nearly, but not quite,
parallel with it, and about 1 2 feet from it. This inter-
vening space was afterwards utilised, the ancient wall
removed, and the western hall built, adopting the
ancient line of wall on the south, and the chapel wall,
over which it is clearly built, on the north. In this
way the fact of its being so much wider at the east end
than at the west is accounted for.
The horseshoe-gate tower is peculiar. Its internal
diameter from north to south is 25 feet ; from east to
west, 1 7 feet 6 inches. Here were found, on the rock-
floor, a pair of prick-spurs precisely similar to those on
the great EarFs eflSgy in the Temple.
Almost touching, but quite disengaged from, the
curtain- wall before described, nearly midway between
the ancient gate-tower and the prison-tower, is the
donjon or triple tower. Doubtless it resembles others
PEMBROKE CASTLE. 201
even to a greater extent than one round tower necessa-
rily resembles another; yet it has no counterpart or paral-
lel. Like all the larger towers, it has walk of amazing
thickness, divided into four spaces, of which the upper
are the best. But the builder of the Pembroke tower
far exceeded others in the simplicity and severity of
his notions. He must have had ideas like those of the
builders of the Great Pyramid. Pembroke tower rises
from the bare rock with no mound or buttress, as
Conisborough ; without any internal vaulting, arcading,
or gallery, as at Coucy or Falaise ; but with a stone
dome at top, where all others were timbered ; and,
widely distinguished from them, without a well, latrine,
drain, or any recess, except a small window in each of
the two upper chambers. It seems difl&cult to conceive
how life could be maintained in it for a week ; impos-
sible to conceive that this tower was the seat of almost
regal state ; and designed as such, by men like the
Strongbows, or the great Earl who watched the build-
ing of the New Temple, to fulfil the functions performed
by the great square eastern keeps of London, Colches-
ti. Dover. Rochester, Hedingham, Rising, Norwich,
Newcastle.
Where the wall joins the rock, it is 19 feet 2 inches
in thickness ; at the level of the first floor, 1 4 feet
7 inches ; at the second, 12 feet 6 inches. The internal
height is over 75 feet to the springing of the cone. The
basement has an internal diameter of 24 feet ; it has
no opening whatever but the doorway at the stairs'
foot ; thence a spiral stair ascends in the thickness of
the wall (not in a buttress or stair-tower) from the
rock to the rampart, having an external slit for light,
and an internal door opening to each storey at each
coil. The first floor has now an additional entrance
approached by the remains of outer steps, a huge fire-
place with horseshoe opening 10 feet high, and two
slits. The second has also an external access, 7 feet
high, 2 feet 2 inches wide ; a fireplace with flat arch,
nearly 14 feet high from the floor ; a window of two
202 PEMBROKE CASTLE.
lancet lights, each 4 feet 5 inches by 1 foot 4 inches ;
and two slits : and the third has no fireplace ; an en-
trance from the stairs only ; a somewhat similar win-
dow, but with smaller lights ; and four larger slits.
The dome is a smooth cone with no ribs, but with two
openings to the parapet (one a door and the other a
window), and it springs 18 inches or more from the
inner face of the wall. There is no other break what-
ever in the smooth, internal, plastered masonry, except
two vertical grooves, about 6 inches by 4 inches, on one
side of each of the top floors, looking as if marking a
partition ; the beam -holes ; and a pair of large corbels
below the floor-lines, and two single corbels. The
beams, apparently, were parallel, those in the centre
stretching right across ; and all were built in, not rest-
ing on, corbels, and radiating from a centre as common.
All the dressings are freestone, which I take to be from
Caen. It is probable the stairs were freestone also, as
I found one freestone newel-step in the rubbish, and I
know of no other place from which it could have come ;
and except on this theory it is diflScult to explain why
every one of these steps has been removed, while in all
other places, where they are limestone, it is only one
here and there that is taken. ^ The casing of the door
from the stairs to the upper chamber yet remains, but
much defaced ; that of all the others has been torn
away, except in the case of the external entrance to the
second floor, which was blocked until 1881, and is per-
fect. There is not, except on the windows, any orna-
ment of any kind, though the workmanship of the free-
stone is finished, and the whole peculiarly good, and
perfectly free from decay.
It is obvious that the strength of the tower is only
the strength of its weakest and most assailable part.
The basement-door was only fastened with a bolt ; mere
is no portcullis or sign of timber framing, and the ram-
1 Since the above was written I have clearly made out remains of
steps in their sockets, all freestone, but much discoloured. It is
plain all were freestone.
PEMBROKE CASTLE. 203
Eart slits above were originally blocked by the stair-
ood and chimney. Apparently, any one piling fagots
against the door, and firing them, could not have been
assailed from the tower, except on his approach and
departure. One is tempted to think that this entrance
cannot have been original ; yet a bolt-hole 8 feet deep
in a limestone wall 18 feet thick, is not easily newly
made without very evident marks, none of which exist.
Moreover, many of the greater round towers seem to
have differed from the square keeps in having basement-
doors; notably Coucy and other Norman examples,
and perhaps Brynllys. There is more absence of evi-
dence of this entrance being other than original than
in the case of the portal above. Possibly this entrance
may have been filled with masonry and plastered over
when not required to be used, as evidently was done
with other external openings near the ground. The
entrance to the first floor is a tunnel 14 feet 7 inches
long, and 5 feet 6 inches wide, through the wall : the
freestone with which it was probably finished is entirely
gone. There is no portcullis, and only one ill formed
bolt-hole. There are external holes on each side of the
head, one yet retaining the end of a beam, and corre-
sponding beam-holes on the floor-level, which may pos-
sibly indicate the existence of some lift-bridge; but
which, I think, carried a porch only. Enough of the
external steps Remains to show that there was a land-
ing formed by a stone arch spanning the passage below,
immediately outside the door. These steps were not
contemporaneous with the tower, but they are ancient ;
older, I should think, than the beam-end. The two
slits on the first floor are of the shape which would be
produced by taking a tin pea-shooter, and gradually
squeezing it till one end became a vertical slit. There
is no recess whatever : indeed, it is a peculiarity of the
Castle that in no case is there a simple slit in the wall
opening out of a broader recess, with seats where bow-
men could sit and act, as is usual elsewhere. This
remark applies in a modified way to Cilgerran, said to
204 PEMBROKE CASTLE.
have been built by the great Earl. In the present
case the hole is 15 feet long, descending from the
inside (where it is about 2 feet 6 inches in diameter)
towards the outside, where the terminal slit is about
4 feet high, and only 3 inches wide. Obviously, any
one from the inside could only see or hit an object
within his range, and that range must have been limited
to a very few inches laterally, — considerably less than
that from the breech of a 100-ton gun, the muzzle
being so much more contracted. If an assailant chose
to put himself within that range, he deserved any fate ;
but it is more difficult to imagine that any defender
would sit armed in the dark, inside, in the hope that
any assailant would be so simple ; and yet more diffi-
cult still to think any one could build for such a chance ;
still less can we conceive anything approaching to resi-
dence in such a chamber.
The floor above has a much narrower door, which
being now inaccessible without a 40-feet ladder, has
escaped mutilation. It is faced with freestone as fresh
as if built yesterday, clearly Norman in shape, but with-
out a chamfer, break, or thread ; simply bevelled edges.
It had been narrowed with bad masonry into a loop
until 1881. The external narro wing-in of the tower,
which shows elsewhere all round as a qtiasi string, is
not continued immediately under the door ; but there
is a hole, as if for a heavy timber, immediately adjoin-
ing. The door opened about 6 feet in distance, laterally,
from the rampart of the curtain-wall, and (if the wall
was there the same height as it shows by the Prison
Tower) about 9 feet above its level. In my opinion
there was a bridge from it to this rampart. This cham-
ber had three slits very much the same as those below,
but not quite so pronounced. The window immediately
over the portal to the first floor is at the end of a seated
recess 12 feet 8 inches long, 4 feet 3 inches (narrowing
to 3 feet 5 inches) wide, and 8 feet hi^h, and consists
of two lancets, having a broad, hollow chamfer studded
with the four-leaved flower inserted in a nearly round-
'El
1
PEMBROKE CASTLE. 205
headed frame, the edges of which are bevelled. The
top between the two lancets is filled with masonry,
carrying a sculptured head not quite in the centre.
The mullion (which carries a good internal bolt asp in
relief, and is heavy) has a square base. The stone seat
which runs along each side of the recess is not con-
tinued round the front. Owing to this last fact I feel
a doubt as to the lancets being original. I think they
are ; but it is quite possible that they are not. The
chamber above is similar, except that it has no external
door and no fire-place, and its lancets are shorter, more
round-headed, and have no flower, and it has four slits
somewhat more spacious. The cone starts from the top
of the wall, some 18 inches from the inner edge, and
apparently formed another chamber, having what was
probably a door opening from the rampart on one side,
and a window with hood over it on the other. These
openings are in the second or inner parapet wall. The
summit is formed into three ramparts with parapets
one within the other. The outer parapet was probably
the same height as the stair-hood. It is about 2 feet
thick, with loops at every 6 feet, and between each loop
a recess of 28 inches wide by 13 inches deep under each
opening, dividing the wide merlons, all faced with free-
stone. The rampart is 5 feet 6 inches wide. Within
it rises a parapet, now nowhere more than 1 0 feet high,
but probably at one time 15 ; within it a flagged ram-
part 3 feet 4 inches wide ; then another parapet and
rampart, together 6 feet 6 inches wide, now nearly de-
stroyed ; and within it a circular platform, where, doubt-
less, Leland's millstone, in conum^ rested. The large
holes in the outer parapet are evidently for timbers to
carry a hourd, as there are water-drains besides. The
range from the summit is, of course, very extensive
along the trough between the old red of the Ridgeway
and that of the coast. Except the destruction of the
steps of the stairs, the pilfering of the freestone where
within reach, and the pushing of stones from the sum-
mit and inner parapet by tourists, the building seems
4th 8BB., VOL. XIY. 15
206 PEMBROKE CASTLE.
as sound as the day after it was built. There is no sign
of decay whatever. It is much to be regretted Mr. King
did not visit it.
Just north of the donjon is a gabled building, lying
nearly north and south, having the entire frame of one
light, and one jamb of another on the west, and another
on the east. This has been called the chapel, and on
good authority ; but as I do not know a single argu-
ment in favour of this view, except that, after the
fashion of the country, it, as well as the chancel at
Monkton, was used as a ball-court, I cannot well discuss
it. T am painfully aware of my want of knowledge,
and will thankfully accept teaching. If any one will
quote a case of a castle chapel not east and west, I shall
be obliged. That it is not the chapel is, I think, proved
by the fact that it is north and south ; that it nas no
signs of piscina or sedilia, though where to look for
such in a north and south building I am not sure ; and
that its pointed windows are very near the ground, and
had seats in them. Its walls are thinner than most
others ; but not thinner than those which adjoin on the
east, and which are clearly Norman. I think it may
have been the Chancery and Exchequer. Apparently
it extended as far to the north as the west entrance to
the basement of the building I have called the Norman
hall. This joined the last described at about half its
length, and occupied the space now or lately looked on
as the entrance to the inner ward. There are the
remains of an external Norman door and window with
freestone jambs, and a loop on the south side, showing
this side once faced to an inner court, where the steps
started ; a fireplace of grand proportions, with freestone
enrichments, now mutilated, above ; and a round-headed
freestone door from the first floor, at its south end. I
conceive that this hall was approached by the steps on
the north-west side of the Prison Tower ; the oriel, or
rather what existed there before it, being its ante-
chamber, and the Prison Tower its protection. It had
a square buttress about midway on the south, to carry
PEMBROKE CASTLE. 207
its flue ; and consisted, as usual, of a kitchen or store-
room on the ground floor, and hall over, with high-
pitched roof, the holes for the timbers of which may be
seen on the south side of the west end of the northern
hall. The double-barrelled latrine chamber did not then
exist. That this latrine was erected after the comple-
tion of the Prison Tower is apparent by the north light
in the upper chamber in the latter being blocked by it.
This hall was reasonably rectangular, and was the same
length as, but broader than, the adjoining chamber,
now called the hall. Its south-eastern end was formed
by the ancient 6 feet 3 inches wall before described. I
cannot think that there was any door from its basement
through this wall, towards the south-east, as no ori-
ginal loops cover it : those now existing are no more
than proper for light, and to cover any angle. The
present opening looks like a recent hole made to give
convenient access to the inner ward, when it was walled
ofi* to make a kitchen garden. . Probably the south-east
window of the upper floor was a later enlargement of a
previous smaller one, the principal light being at the
north-west end.
That even after 1300 the curtain of the present inner
ward was the external wall of the Castle (probably
over a ditch) seems to me to be proved by the arch of
discharge of the double-barrelled latrine. It could not
have been internal in such a situation when constructed.
From this chamber a covered way in the inner side of
this ancient 6 feet 3 inches wall, led to the latrine
tower.
It seems clear, from the masonry, that the building
north of what I have called the Norman hall was erected
after it. The western end of the junction- wall shows
the marks of the projecting timbers, and no corbel-
table is continued where it abuts. Its uncommon shape
seems attributable to the necessities of the case. There
was the face of the Norman hall on the south ; the face
of the wall enclosing the cavern, probably the flight of
stairs from it, on the north ; and the ancient latrine
15»
208 PEMBROKE CASTLE.
tower on the north-east. All that could be done was
done, and the north face is actually worked inwards
some 2 1 feet as it went up and joined the latrine tower.
The building now consists of the remains of a kitchen
with good lights, corresponding with those above, in
recesses which had se^ats ; and a hall above with a
perished timber floor and flat roof, and was approached
by external and somewhat poor steps at the north side
of the west end, which were covered with a porch.
The stairs from the cavern open into the first, and from
the last ascends a spiral stair to the roof. It is remark-
able that these stairs do not open on to the parapet or
rampart- walk, but to the roof only, which was of lead ;
and that the angle hood-turrets, though pierced, do not
afford a continuous walk. Each forms a separate look-
out tower of itself, having steps accessible only from
the lead roof.
The chambers at the east end are of similar charac-
ter, but neither of them has a fireplace. It will be
observed that one of the once external slits of the upper
story of the latrine look into the upper chamber, which
has been considered one of the most distinguished in
the Castle, and as such has been selected by the public,
in defiance of Leland (and I think I may say of proba-
bility, as a room with a fireplace would most likely
have been selected), as the birthplace of King Henry
VII ; and the whole tower was covered by its roof, thus
evidencing the earlier existence of the tower, which I
have before pointed out. The north and east faces of
this tower being adopted, were the angles on those
sides. The old wall formed the west side, and the north
wall of the Norman hall, being continued in a straight
line, as almost unavoidable, seems to me to account for
the extraordinary shape of this building; but it is very
remarkable that each extremity of the ancient wall
should thus, by accident as I think, have terminated in
chambers, the eastern end of which is so markedly
wider than their western. It may be noticed that the
curtain starts from the north-west end, at a consider-
PEMBROKE CASTLE. 209
able height and thickness ; well shown in Mr. Clark's
plate facing the title-page of vol. v, third series. Whether
this merely evidences an intention, or a work completed
and since destroyed, is doubtful. I think the former,
as the existing wall seemed partly original.
The Prison Tower seems to me to be not much later
than the donjon : the slits have freestone dressings and
the same character. The sill of the southern light on
the first floor is pierced to admit a ray of light to the
basement, which chamber looks as if it had been exca-
vated towards the north. This basement alone has no
access. The newel is of sandstone, like Caei*fai, and
has a cap of decided Early English character. The
chamber I have called the oriel may be an early Tudor
transformation of some pre-existing Norman ante-
chamber. The elegant chimney-stack, fireplace, and
windows, are additions. The freestone Norman doors
on the south-east portion of the chamber clearly indi-
cate its origin. The old wall on this side has been
broken through to give access to the double latrine
added on its outer side.
It is clear that in these early times there was some
building in the neighbourhood of the Mills Postern,
now gone, the more modern great curtain being clearly
built against it ; while the foundation of a wall, similar
to that of the wall so often alluded to, exists on the
north edge of the cliff, corresponding with the Monkton
Tower on the south-west.
The beautiful window in the cavern wall was opened
in 1881, it having been previously walled up flusn. It
conveys the same idea as those in the round tower,
that the lancets are insertions in a Norman frame. But
here the stone seats ran round the front. The recess
is 8 feet by 6 feet 4 inches, and 10 feet high, and has
a purely Norman look. The head looks as if there had
at one time been some insertion similar to those in the
donjon lights. The inner bolt-asp on the muUion is
very bold and good. The lancets are 8 feet high and
'2 feet 3 inches wide. The entrance-gateway is very
210 PEMBROKE CASTLE.
high and wide, and looks as if designed to take in boat
as well as cargo. The gate had no portcuUis or bolts,
and it was protected by no flanking work or machico-
lation above. An attacking party seeking to fire the
gate could have been assailed only by a sally. That
there was water-supply in the cavern I cannot doubt
George Owen says there was in his day ; and Cromwell
would never have written as he did unless he had been
certainly so informed. He clearly refers to the stairs
from the Castle to the cavern, not to anything in the
town. Moreover, fresh water now rises on the beach
close by. There was, however, a distinct supply to the
Castle from Norgan s Well in the old red, nearly south
of the Castle, and about a mile distant, conveyed by
3^ inch socket-pipes, laid in cement, across Monkton
Pill, and up the face of the cliff into the archway at
foot of the Monkton Tower. Pieces of the pipe are in
the Tenby Museum, a piece in situ is preserved in the
wall of the road above Monkton Board School, and
other pieces, also in situ, yet remain in the archway
above referred to. It is not clear whether these led to
any tank.
The Monkton Tower differs widely from the others.
It is only basement and storey over : the first approached
from the rampart on the south, the last by spiral steps
on the north-east. Each chamber had an apartment
opening from it, and the basement a latrine also. The
basement has only two slits, and no fireplace ; the upper
storey a fireplace and two windows of two lights.
The horseshoe entrance was uncovered in 1881. It
was faintly indicated by a depression in the ground ;
and my little experience induces me to look for founda-
tions where there are hollows rather than under mounds.
Wall-destroyers generally did their work of getting
good building stones well and effectively. They fol-
lowed and removed the real wall as far as practicable,
oflen leaving a trench where it was ; casting the small
atones or rubbish on one side, in a mound ; or remov-
ing it if useful, as it often is at Pembroke. I believe
PEMBROKE CASTLE. 211
the lines across the area of the outer ward are caused
by a desire to form a level sward for games or modem
military parade, and do not mark division of wards or
ancient walls. The remains of the building do not
clearly indicate its character. It would seem there
was no portcullis or drawbridge. The jambs of the
entrance do not correspond with each other, but in each
freestone is used. The rock-floor is much worn. The
bevelled freestone recess on the north is curious, and
indicates the same treatment as elsewhere adopted in
the Norman work. This entrance appears to have been
approached by the narrow way from Monkton Pill.
This way is cut in the rock. It would look as if the
thick curtain-wall, with the steps from the Monkton
Tower, had been buUt before the rock was cut away ;
but this can scarcely be. I think the way was filled
with stones, as, indeed, it was up to 1881, and the cur-
tain built on this heap now partly removed.
The whole southern portion between the Monkton
Tower and the Mills Postern seems of one date, and
that Edwardian, though subsequently altered at various
dates, as described below. It must be remembered
that the town-wall joined the Castle at or near the
west gate tower on the south side, and the north gate
tower on the north-east. The intermediate wall had,
over irregular ground, to fulfil somewhat the function
of the great east curtain at Caerphilly. It forms three
long lines having towers at the angles, and at the
centre of the south front ; the wall having ramparts
with parapet and rear-wall, with a somewhat unUbrm
sky-line, though, from the inequality of the ground,
very varying height, and frequently comprising galleries
either for offence or convenience. This wall, originally
7 feet thick, has been variously altered. Between the
gate-tower and the west gate tower, the wall, as well
as the towers themselves, has been strengthened on
the inner side (the former by as much as 8 feet), so that
it now forms a prodigious mass of masonry, 160 feet in
length, over 30 feet in height, and 15 feet thick. The
212 PEMBROKE CASTLE.
result of this was to block the slits from the galleries
looking inwards ; and in many cases the galleries were
themselves also filled with masonry. Over and above
this exterior casing of the towers on the inner side, they
seem also to have had a complete internal casing, and
to have been raised, so that in their latter state there
was nothing like a continuous rampait-walk from the
wall on one side of the tower to that on the other.
Indeed, I doubt much if such a practice was ever ad-
mitted.
The barbican tower requires special notice from its
extraordinary tenacity in resisting the shock of the
dismantling powder, and from its offensive character.
It is the only tower in the outer ward which preserves
its stone roof. The loops of the chamber over the
basement commanding the approach to the Castle, and
raking the eastern curtain, are of the most extreme
type ; the external slit is about 7 feet long by 2 inches
broad, the top of the external slit being on a level with
the bottom of the internal opening, which is protected
by a raised cill, so that no missile from the ground out-
side entering the slit could possibly enter the chamber
without first hitting the arch of the opening. Under-
neath this tower is another cavern or passage in the
limestone rock, of considerable length, but narrow.
The gate tower seems to have been designed for the
accommodation of persons of distinction in the upper
chambers, as at Kidwely ; they are large, lofty, and
were roofed with lead : entered from the stairs in the
towers on each side the entrance. The guard chambers
below have each their separate entrance, and are also
lofty ; but, especially the eastern, must have been very
dark.
The portcullis chamber has no holes in the floor,
possibly because there was no drawbridge here. I
suspect these holes have" more to do with drawbridge
apparatus than with offence.
The approach must have been unusually strong.
Probably there was some work on the town side of the
PEMBROKE CASTLE. 213
bridge over the foss. I now know that the foss ex-
tended west of the present access to the then narrow
west gate road ; and I have no doubt that the vault,
on which the newly covered cottage stands, was the
arch of a stone bridge of approach across the ditch.
As the walls go through and beyond the ditch walls, it
is clear it was an ancient structure ; and finding it had
been occupied as a dwelling for all time of memory, I
assumed it was an ancient dwelling, and re-roofed it
accordingly. I am now satisfied that the eastern half
was the bridge over the foss ; but as I could not have
approached it to use it as a bridge of access, owing to
the stables on other property, I the less regret the
error made. Any approacn but by the bridge was pre-
vented by the foss and the foss bastion raking it on
one side, and the barbican tower commanding it on
the other. The bridge itself could only be traversed
under the direct tire of the barbican tower; when
passed, the assailant had to pause between two bare
walls, still under the overhead fire of the barbican
tower, without possibility of shelter till the draw-
bridge was lowered from the barbican arch, and the
portcullis raised. He would then find himself in a
somewhat circular court, with the great gate on his
right, still without shelter, and commanded by the
loops of the projecting bygate tower, and of each
guard chamber, as well as by the men on the barbican
and within the foss bastion, where he must wait till
the outer portcullis was raised, and the great gate
opened ; wnich done, he would only find himself in an
inner vaulted box, scrutinised by the inner loops of
each guard chamber. An unwelcome visitor must have
had a hard time of it.
The defences of the gateway itself consist, first of a
portcullis ; then what is called a chase ; then great
double hung doors, working, as usual, from an over-
head beam, with bolts outside and inside, the inside
being commanded by the slits of the guard chambers
on each side. Then there is another chase ; then another
214 PEMBROKE CASTLE.
portcullis and other doors ; and last another chase. I
have also restored the vaulting where certain signs
existed of its former existence. The top covering of
the chase groove was not put by me ; it had every ap-
pearance of being original. I doubt if these grooves
were worked from or connected with the portcullis
chamber. And I think all must admire the grandeur
of the arch within arch, as seen from the inside, and
regret the interpolation of what I have called the
flying pent house. Mr. Clark's plate, facing page 241,
vol. V, third series, well shows wnat is here attempted
to be described.
I have also restored the barbican gateway. The
walls were about 5 feet high on one side, 9 feet on the
other, with the springing of the arcL For the design
above the arch, I am responsible. The thin walls of
the by-gate tower and of the foss bastion, I need not
say, were put by me, but on old foundations, to guide
the eye, and make the approach more intelligible,
instead of confusing as heretofore. On the eastern
glacis there was a cottage of respectable antiquity, but
very ruinous. Its builder had very ingeniously utilised
the funnel of the latrine above to save the construction
of a chimney. This cottage I removed, as well as the
numerous mean dwellings and stables on the south
glacis and covering the foundation of the foss bastion.
None of the enceinte towers are duplicates of each
other, and all the curtains differ. From the great gate-
house to the central towers, at any rate, and probably
to the west gate tower, the original wall was 7 feet
thick, and within a foot or two of the height of the
gate tower itself, nearly 40 feet — (indeed I expect it
was the same height, and that the gate tower was not
intended to show outside as such, but only as a con-
tinuation of the wall) and had two galleries in it, one
above the other, with external and internal slits ; the
latter were stopped by the erection of the thickening
before alluded to, enveloping the central tower towards
the court, where was placed a noble flight of steps at
PEMBROKE CASTLE. 215
right angles, with others in the thickness of the wall
near the west gate tower.
From the west gate tower to the Monkton tower the
parapet has been clearly raised some 12 feet, and pre-
paration made for raising the rampart either by a solid
or hollow wall, which was never carried out. From the
Monkton tower to the western hall it appears as origin-
ally built, after the Monkton postern is supposed to have
been filled as before mentioned, but in the wall near
the hall is the discharge of a latrine, with nothing
corresponding on the surface. This is supposed to
mark the tower corresponding with that on tlie north.
From the western hall to the northern hall the wall is
irregular and thin; part is not original. At the ex-
treme west are the remains of a latrine, and a little to
the north something like a Norman window ; while at
the junction with the north hall the wall is high and
double. I expect what now appears is, for the most
part, an inner casing of the original, which had become
ruinous, and except at the junction before described,
has now perished. From the north hall to the angle
by the St. Ann s bastion is similar to that between tne
west gate and Monkton towers, except that there is an
appearance of there having been a central building, of
which the wall formed one end, and there is no pre-
paration for raising the rampart, which last, till lately,
was covered with turf. Between the St. Ann's and
the Mills bastions the wall was similar. But here it is
clear the rampart was one side of a chamber. These
bastions alone have the corbel table, and the last has
plainly been raised. It is very elegant. On each side
the north gate tower the wall is solid (except three
short galleries leading to latrines), about 30 feet high,
and 8 feet thick, carrying a rampart with parapet and
rere wall on top, approached from each tower.
Dismissing the time before the conquest as leaving
no certain mark, the salient periods seem to have been :
(1) The building, whatever it was, by De Montgomery;
the creation of the earldom and the visits of King
JLXVr
(2)
216 PEMBROKE CASTLE.
Henry II ; (3) the great Earl Mareschal's time and
King John's visit ; (4) Montchesny's occupation : his
great wealth and building taste; (5) the Valentian
period ; (6) Owen Glyndwr s time, when all the castles
in Wales were strengthened ; (7) the Tudor troubles,
and the birth and residence of King Henry VII ; (8)
the abolition of the Palatinate ; (9) Foyer's residence
and defence of the Castle, first against the Eling, then
against Cromwell in person; (10) the surrender and
consequent dismantling; and (11) two and a quarter
centuries of pilfering and contempt.
If the inner curtain wall, or at least the lower part
of it, did not exist before, I should attribute it to
Montgomery. The horse-shoe tower of entrance to it^
recently uncovered, and all the buildings with bevelled
freestone dressings in the inner ward, to the 2nd, 3rd,
and 4th periods; the donjon appearing to be the first,
and the prison tower the last of these works.
During these periods, as before stated, I imagine the
Castle consisted only of the inner ward, approached
by a steep and narrow way cut in the rock, now covered
by the Monkton postern, throughout defended by a
deep ditch, extending across the outer ward, where the
masonry is now continued more than 30 feet below the
present inner surface, now filled, and covered by two
outworks, since altered, but now represented by the
St. Ann's and Monkton bastions. The north hall itself
I assign to Montchesny.
The remarkable absence of the corbel table, so uni-
versal elsewhere in South Wales, and commonly
ascribed to De Valance, in all the buildings in the outer
ward, might lead to the idea that these also were
before his time, but their general appearance is de-
cidedly Edwardian. Nowhere here is the mark of a
chisel visible except on the newels of the stairs, on the
fireplaces, and on the dressings of the gate tower
windows, and these last are the only instances of free-
stone in the outer ward, though possibly the great
entrance itself, and the doors opening to it, were once
PEMBROKE CASTLE. 217
80 enriched. The whole enceinte of the outer ward is
Edwardian, being composed of straight lines with
towers capping the angles, while that of the inner ward
is informal. The thickening of the outer curtain I put
down to the sixth period. I have thought it possible
that the lining of the southern towers, especially the
unusually ornate "chymeney" of the second floor
chamber of the central tower, might point out the
birthplace of King Henry VII. At any rate this
lining and various alterations of the large chambers of
the inner ward are probably of the seventh period.
The eighth is not likely to have left much mark. To
the ninth I think must be attributed the ugly flying
pent house between the drum towers of the gate house
and the slating of the roofs of the gate house covering
the steps leading to the watch turrets.
The tenth and eleventh periods leave marks only
too manifest. It nowhere appears where the dis-
mantling charge was applied.
The remains of enrichment, or articles of use, found
here have been much fewer than at Manorbere : only
one piece of a disengaged Early English shaft, no
foliage work, one piece of flooring tile of good design,
abundance of the glazed greenish thumb marked ridge
tile — except the ridge, somewhat coarse blue slate
seems to have been used for all the roofe not leaded —
several stone canon balls and a few of iron, the spurs
before described, a very interesting ivory toothpick and
lady's garnishor, Roman and a few other coins and
tokens, and a rough iron seal with a very distinct but
unintelligible legend, complete the list.
It is on the Continent that one naturally looks for
typical Norman military buildings. There they were
indigenous — there our Coeur de Lion built, and there
no formal dismantling has been ordered. But I find
nothing resembling Pembroke tower either internally
or as regards the summit. Pre-eminent Coucy is de-
scribed by a well-known French archaeologist as having
an interior extremely curious, and of very great ele-
218 PEMBROKE CASTLE.
gance, having great cylindrical shafts supporting short
capitals. Besides its far greater size, it has a sculptured
entrance to the ground floor, with a well and steps at
the side of it. This basement must have been a splendid
apartment, having vaulted arcaded recesses, well lighted,
48 feet in diameter, and 40 feet high. The other
floors were all vaulted and well lit, and the upper
storey, with timber roof, resembled a great lanthom,
having arched lights all round, twenty-four in number.
It is 60 feet in diameter. At Gisors, Houdan, and
Chateaudeau, the entrance is on the level of the out-
side ground, and all have vaulted floors and timber
tops ; so also Chateau Gaillard. At Toumebou alone,
so far as I know, is there a second rampart and parapet
on the top, and here it is only in the thickness of the
wall ; but it is a modem work, and said not to be a re-
production of what was.
At Beaugency-sur-Loire there exist, under the first
floor, external corbels, which probably sustained a
movable stair or ladder, and we are told it is not un-
likely a lift bridge rested on the adjoining rampart.
At Lillebonne such access still exists. At Chamboy
there is no sign of a stair, and tradition says access was
obtained by an iron ladder.
Falaise has no external access at all. Besides furnish-
ing handsome vaulted chambers, it seems more specially
designed for lifting water from the previously exposed
spring below, for the service of the adjoining square
donjon.
Conisboro' Castle is the only English example that
can be nam^d in the same category as Pembroke. The
following very brief description of it is given for the
sake of comparison.
Tower, cylindrical, with six buttresses reaching above
the top. The highest of these was a beacon, another
an oven, another a dovecote, the rest for shelter and
storeage. Stairs in thickness of wall, not circular,
3 feet 1 inch wide; inner wall, 3 feet 11 inches; outer,
5 feet 5 inches — total, 12 feet 5 inches. Gallery, in
PEMBROKE CASTLE. 219
wall round upper chamber, communicating with it.
Second floor has beautiful English fireplace, with sink
near it ; a small vaulted and groined cnapel, with two
piscinae and quatrefoil lights, and a small east loop with
sacristy adjoining ; a good window, with steps to it,
and a recess, terminating in a latrine, with loop. First
floor : magnificent fireplace, sink, window of two lights,
approached by four steps, and a latrine. Basement:
vaulted door only, and weU, — idle to call it a dungeon .
Main entrance at first floor, where the walls are 13 feet
7 inches thick; nothing to show what coping the
parapets had ; roof, of timber.
Except on the eastern side of England there are no
examples of square donjons. Ludlow and Goderich
have square Norman towers forming part of the
enceinte of the inner court and having every usual
Norman convenience and ornament, but both are con-
nected with and form an integral part of the rest of
the building. To the west of the Severn, Haverford-
west has credit for having been square, but it seems
doubtful if it really was so. It looks like the shell of
a square building now, but judging from Buck's view,
it had round bastion towers at the angles, since de-
stroyed. I hope the history of Haverfordwest Castle
in Victorian times will be written while the events are
fresh. It seems to me good King Henry VIII and
Cromwell, the universal iconoclast, were gentle and
conservative as compared with Sir Bichard Cross. And
there is Ogmore,
Baglan stands alone as having a keep not absolutely
round, and not square, and as being outside the castle
proper, and defending its gate from the outside. It
undoubtedly communicated with the castle by a lift
bridge across its moat, and was perfectly habitable and
complete in itself.
Cnepstow, the western castle which alone can ap-
proach Pembroke, is, like it, one of those castles the
shape of which is determined by the limestone rock on
which it stands. The Marten Tower has been considered
220 PEMBROKE CASTLE.
its keep, but it forms part of the enceinte. Its little
oratory is a triumph of refined architecture. It was not
only habitable, but inhabited almost within the last two
hundred years.
Brynllys, Tretower, Longtown, Scenfreth, and White
Castles are well known examples of central round towers,
but their small size and more habitable arrangements
remove them from comparison with Pembroke. Bryn-
llys, perhaps, approaches most nearly. It is well de-
scribed in Arch, Camh.y 1862, p. 81, and 1866, p. 441.
For a description of it and Conisbro', Mr. King's Muni-
menta Antiqua, pp. 3, 59, and 34, should be referred
to. Morlais Castle alone has the vaulting and arcading
which seems almost universal with Continental donjons.
The only other instance I know of an external ap-
proach to basement, first and second floors, is in the
neighbouring little round tower at Manorbere. I believe
that exists as built somewhere about 1200, except the
alteration of the slits into lancets. It also has a stone
dome and wood floors ; but it is an angle-bastion, and
the object of its openings is apparent.
I fear it will be considered that I have gone into too
minute detail. I have done so because much is so situ-
ate as not to favour careful investigation by the robust
antiquary, and some not to be got at without special
appliances ; and except what the stones tell us, we are
without information as to date and object. With such
facts as I have been able to collect, I ask the opinion of
others better qualified to judge. I state my own views
with no feeling of confidence, and merely to invite dis-
cussion.
{To he eoniiniMd.)
221
CARTULARIUM PRIORATUS S. JOHANNIS
EVANG. DB BRECON.
( Continued from p, 168.^
Roger Fichard, son of John Pickardy with his wife^s consent,
confirms a portion of his land at Ystradwy near the Boket Gate,
(Date 1230-40.)
" Carta Eogeri Pichardi filii J. PichardL — Sciant presentes et
futuri quod ego Eogerus Pichart filius Johannis Pichart de con-
sensu et voluntate Mathie uxoris mee et heredum meorum dedi
et concessi et hac present! carta niea confirmavi Deo et Ecclesie
Sancti Johannis de Brechonia et monachis ibidem Deo servien-
tibus in liberam puram et perpetuam elemosinam pro salute
anime mee antecessorum et successorum meorum quamdam
partem terre mee apud Stretdewi juxta portam occidentalem
que dicitur Porta Boket extra quam portam dicta terra jacet ex
parte aquilonari platee^ scilicet quinque percatas et dimidium
in longitudine et tres percatas et quatuor pedes in latitudine
habendam et tenendam et pro voluntate sua tractandam in per-
petuum libere et quiete ab omni exactione auxilio et demanda et
etiam ab omni ierreno servitio quod ad terram pertinet vel
pertinere potest ita quod (n)ullo tempore liceat mihi vel heredi-
bus meis a predictis monachis pro predicts terr& aliquid recipere
vel exigera Ego vero Eogerus et heredes mei warantizabimus
dictis monachis dictam partem dicte terre contra omnes homines
et omnes feminas. Et eam ut liberam elemosinam nostram
defendemus. Et ut hec mea donatio et concessio rata sit et in
perpetuum stabilis permaneat presens scriptum sigilli mei im-
pressione roboravi Hijs Testibns magistro Willelmo de Lan-
hamelak, Hothel filio Kegeuen. Hothelen' persona filio ejus,
Matheo le brehtz, Willelmo clerico, Willelmo Motun' de Stredwi,
Milone Pichart de Skathrok,* Vincencio clerico, Adam Riflfe
burgensibus de Brechonia. Teste, etc., capitulo Brechonia et
multis alijs."
^ A piece or parcel of land.
« Rector of St. Michael, Ystradwy, 1218-34.
' William Muthan, styled R. Pichard's constable in second doca-
ment of the series.
* Scethrog.
4th SER.t YOL. XIT. 16
222 CARTULARIUM PRIORATUS
John of MouTnouth frees all the Prior* 8 men. from toll and other
aistoms in Monmovih^ the Prior to observe an anniversary for him
and his relatives in Battle Abbey and its aJUiated houses, {Date
1215 to 1222) : -
"Carta domini Johannis de Monemuta. — Noverint universi
presens scriptum inspecturi quod ego Johannes de Monemuta^
assensu et voluntate heredum meorum pro aninia Baderon(is)
antecessoris mei, et pro anima Roaps*^ de Monemuta, et pro
aniin& Gilbert! patris mei, et pro anima matris mee Berte et pro
anima uxoris mee Cecilie et pro anima sororis mee Margarete
et pro me, et pro animabus omnium liberorum meorum dedi et
concessi et hoc presenti scripto meo confirmavi in puram et per-
petuam elemosinam Deo et beate Marie et ecclesie Sancti
Johannis de Prioratu de Brechkenia pertinente ad domum de la
BataiUe omnes homines Prions ejusdem loci liberos esse et
quietos a tolneto, et ab omnibus sdijs consuetudinibus in villa
mea de Monemuta et in tota valle mea de Monemuta Dictus
autem prior et ejusdem loci conventus concesserunt mihi carita-
tive quod in predicto prioratu facient anniversarium anteces-
sorum meorum annuatim, post decessum autem meum et
liberorum pro anima mea et pro animabus eorundem servitium
et anniversarium in domo de la BataiUe et in omnibus priorati-
bus eidem domui pertinentibus tanquam pro uno Monacho
domus sue annuatim persolvere facient. Et ut hec mea donatio
et concessio rata sit et stabilis, earn presenti scripto sigiUi mei
impressione roborato confirmavi. Hijs testibus Domino Regi*
naldo de Breusa, Domino Johanne,' Waltero et Ricardo filijs
meis, Domino Willelmo priore de Gratia Dei, et multis alijs."
Walter de Traveley grants the church of Byford, dice, Here-
ford :
" Carta Walteri de Traueleya. — Sciant presentes et futuri
quod ego Walterus de Traveleya* dedi et concessi et hac presenti
carta confirmavi Ecclesiam de Bufordcum omnibus pertinentijs,
suis ex consensu Walteri heredis mei in perpetuam et puram
elemosinam Deo ecclesie Sancti Johannis de Brechenio et mona-
chis ibidem Deo servientibus et servituris pro salute anime mee
^ He succeeded bis father temp, Richard I. He married Cicely,
daughter of Walter Walerond, and died in 1247.
« Radnlphus (?).
* Bishop Tanner notes, " a name cut off here."
^ See his son's confirmation of this grant, ante.
S. JOHANNIS EVANG. D£ BEUSCON. 223
et Matildia uxoris mee et patris mei et matris mee et pro anima
Badulfi de Buford avi mei et Sibille uxoris mee et pro anima
Walteri de Buford et Eicardi de Buford et pro anima Eve
de Buford et Matildis de Buford et pro animabus omnium
antecessorum et successorum meorum et ut bee mea dona rata
et inconcussa in perpetuum permaneant presentem cartam
sigilli mei mimimine roboratam priori et conventui de Bre-
chonia dedi in testimonium hijs testibus Willelmo de BurchuU,
Pagano filio ejus, Willelmo de Weldeboef, Radulfo precentore
de Glocestria et Alexandro monacho ejusdem loci, Ricardo de-
cano de Brechonia, Magistro Mathia fiUo ejus, Kenebano capel-
lano de Piperton, Milone filio ejus, R Diacono de Brechonia
Willelmo filio Bernardi, Willelmo Merlo, David clerico, Wil-
lelmo Havard, Eadulfo Janitore, Nichol de Piperton', Willelmo
Sparco de Piperton, et multis alijs,"
(Date end of 12th century.)
Walter de Traveley confirms his grant of the church of Byford,
Nicholas has on his presentation been instituted as Hector of
Byford after the dmih of MUo :
"Secunda Carta ipsius WalterL — Sciant presentes et futuri
quod ego Walterus de Traveleya contulissem Deo et beato
Johanni et monachis de Brechonia pro salute anime mee et
antecessorum meorum totum jus meum quod habui in ecclesia
de Biford in puram et perpetuam elemosinam sicut carta dona-
tionis et mee confirmationis eis super hoc facta testatur
presentationem coram viris fide dignis et ad hoc vocatis Nicho-
laum rectorem Ecclesie de Biford post obitum Milonis decani
Domini E.^ Herefordensis episcopi auctoritate et loco et nomine
eorum presentavi ad quorum presentationem per me sic fac-
tarn, dictum clericum episcopus Herefordensis in eadem ecclesia
admisit et instituit hunc autem clericum ad dictorum mona-
chorum presentationem sic nomine eorum presentavi quod nee
ego nee heredes mei ex ilia presentatione aliquid juris in poste-
rum vendicare retinere poterimus vel adquirere. In cujus rei
testimonium presenti scripto sigillum meum duxi apponendum."
Walter de Traveley relinquishes all his right in the church of
Byford on being informed of the death of Milo, Dean of Byford :
" Tertia Carta ipsius Walteri. — Sciant presentes et futuri quod
ego Walterus de Traueleya dedi et concessi Deo et beato Johanni
de Brechonia et monachis ibidem Deo servientibus divine pieta-
tis intutitu et pro salute anime mee et antecessorum meorum
^ Eg^dius, Giles de Braose.
16«
224 CARTULARIDM PRIORATUS
totum jus meum quod habui in ecclesia de Biford tenendum et
habendum igitur plene et pacifice quiete et libere in puram et
perpetuam elemosinam ita quod nuUus heredum meorum banc
meam donationem valeat in posterum perturbare vel aliquid
juris in ordinatione dicte ecclesie sibi retinere vel vendicare.
Hoc autem jus meum in dicta ecclesia dedi et concessi et Sancto
Johanni et monachis de Brechonia statim postquam certus fui
de obitu Milonis decani de Biford rectoris ejusdem ecclesie.
Quum autem volo ut hec mea donatio rata sit et in perpetuum
stabilis permaneat presentem cartam sigilli mei attestatione duxi
confirmandam . hijs testibus J. priore tunc de Brechonia, Eadulfo
tunc precentore Sancti (Petri) Gloucestrie, Alexandre ejusdem
loci monacho, Renegim capellano de Pipertun, Ricardo Pulein,
diacono de Brechonia, Nicholao preposito meo de Piperton, Wil-
lelmo Pec, Ricardo serviente meo, et multis alijs."*
William de Weldeboef grants his wood, formerly of Bernard
Unspac, above the road leading from. Brecon to Abereskyr. {Date,
end of twelfth century) :
" Carta Willelmi de Weldeboef. — Sciant omnes tam presentes
quam futuri quod ego Willelmus de Weldeboef et heredes mei
pro salute animarum matris et uxoris et omnium antecessorum
et successorum meorum dedimus et concessimus Deo et beate
Marie et ecclesie Sancti Johannis de Brechonia et monachis ibi-
dem Deo servientibus in perpetuam et puram elemosinam totum
boscujn nostrum qui pertinet ad terram que fuit Bemardi Uns-
ptic supra viam que tendit a Brechonia usque Abereschir . ut
autem hec donatio nostra rata et inconcussa permaneat eam pre-
sentis scripti attestatione et sigilli nostri munimine corroboravi-
mus. Hijs testibus Domino Willelmo de Brausa, Domina Ma-
thilde uxore ejus. Domino Willelmo de Brausa herede eorum,
Philippe et Waltero de Brausa, Johanne Pichard, Roberto Wafre,
Roberto de Evereus, Willelmo de BurchuU, Gilleberto de Mans,
Ricardo Hagumel, Willelnu) de Weldeboef juvene, Radulfo
Torel, Simone de Brochleri, David filio Roberti de Burchull,
Ricardo decano, Godefrido, Bernardo, Samsone Nichol capellanis,
Stephano Janitore, et Radulfo filio ejus, Willelmo Havard, Ste-
phano de Saucei, Nicholas de Schenefrei, Bernardo Bulfinche,
Ricardo Elwi, Waltero filio Herliwini, Pagano Willelmo Petin-
pain, Thoma preposito, Galfrido coco, Thoma de Bello, Ricardo
Diacono, et multis alijs/'
^ In both MSS. the charters of Robert le Wafre and W. de Braose,
relative to Trosdref Mill, are repeated before the following charter.
S. JOHANNIS EVANG. DE BRECON. 225
William Peytivin grants seven acres of his land of Kilmanaut,
and eonjirms the grant, by his ancestors, of twelve acres more of
same land. {Date, 1215-1222) :
" Carta Willelmi Pictavensis. — Sciant presentes et futuri quod
ego WiUelmus Pictavensis dedi et hac presenti carta mea con-
firmavi Deo et opibus ecclesie Sancti Johannis de Brechonia et
monachis ibidem Deo servientibus pro salute anime mee et ante-
cessorum et successorum meorum septem acras terre in feudo
meo de Kilmanaut^ concessi etiam et presenti carta confirmavi
dictis monachis cum dictis septem acris duodecim acras quas
antecessores mei in prenominato feodo meo illis dederunt tenen-
das et habendas illas omnes dictas novem et decern acras libere
pacifice et quiete in puram et perpetuam elemosinam sicut res
ecclesiastice melius et liberius teneri et haberi possunt et ut hec
mea donatio concessio et confirmatio stabilis sit et perpetua pre-
sens scriptum sigilli mei impressione roboravL Hijs testibus
Domino meo R. de Braosa, G.^ Archidiacono de Brechonia, Phi-
lippo de Lam'as,' Hugone et Radulfo Capellanis, Ricardo le Bre-
cbon, Pagano de BurchuU, Maelo de Manns, Waltero de Traue-
ley, Philippe le Brec, Willelmo de BurchuU, tunc constabulario
de Brechonia, Janitore, Adam Rif, Gilberto Gemun, et multis
aUjs.''
Payne de Burghill confirms the grant of his uncle Hugh, of
land in his vill of St. Micha£l, Tstradwy, betwefn the roadfronh
Brecon to Landevaelog and Brunnive brook :
** Carta Pagani de BurchuU*. — Sciant presentes et futuri quod
ego Paganus de BurchuU* concedentibus uxore mea et heredibus
meis pro salute animarum nostrarum et omnium antecessorum
et successorum nostrorum concede et hac presenti carta mea
confirmo Deo et ecclesie Sancti Johannis de Brechonia et mona-
chis ibidem deo servientibus in Uberam et perpetuam elemosy-
nam totam [terram] que eis data fuit ab Hugone avunculo meo in
feodo meo de viUa Sancti Michael que terra jacet inter viam que
ducit a Brechonia ad Landevaylak et rivulum qui diciturBrunive*
^ Jones suggests that this may be Cilmaharen, in the parish of
Garthbrengy. {Hist, of Brecknockshire^ vol. ii, p. 87.)
* The nephew.
> Llanmaes or Llanvaes.
* Son of William de Barghill. See list of witnesses to Walter de
Traveley's grant of Byford.
^ Brynich brook, which ran into the river Usk before it was inter-
cepted by the Brecon canal.
226 CABTULABIUM PRIORATUS
broc in longitudine et inter terram Rogeri filij Enunerad et ter-
ram ipsorum monachorum de vetere villa in latitudine tenen-
dam et babendam libere et quiete et pacifice sicut res Sancte
ecclesie liberius et melius teneri et haberi possnnt
mera cujus unum capud tendit ad terram canonicorum Lantoni
prime et aliud capud tendit ad Monekeweya Et una acra jacet
in longum juxta Monekeweya Et una acra jacet ad ewaUe in
campo sub Brencbesonte et dimidium acre jacet ad ewalle et
totam terram quam Walterus Mael aliquando de me tenuit Et
tres buttas que jacent ad capud ejusdem terre que se extendunt
versus aquilonem cum omnibus pertinencijs suis tenendas et
babendas de me et heredibus meis sibi libere et quiete sine
omni contradictione mei vel heredum meorum in perpetuum.
Beddendo inde annuatim mibi et heredibus meis predictis mona-
chis tres denarios ad festum Sancti Micbaelis pro omni servicio
exactione et demanda que de terra exeunt vel exire possint
Ego vero jam dictus Johannes et heredes mei dictis monachis
totam dictam terram cum omnibus pertinencijs suis contra om-
nes homines et feminas in perpetuum warantizabimus et de
omnibus sectis summonicionibus herietis relevijs et de rebus
secularibus universis defendemus et adquietabimus. In cujus
rei testimonium presenti scripto sigillum meum apposuL Hijs
testibus Badulfo Torel filio Eadulfi Torel, Waltero de Wrmeslege,*
Waltero Caldeccio, Roberto vrair de Burchull, Roberto Gunter,
Waltero de Ewalle, Roberto filio Henrici, Galfrido de Ludyate,
et multis alijs."*
(Date, early part of twelfth century.)
Oompositian between the monks of Gloucester and William,
clerk of Talgarth, relative to the tithes of Talgarth :
" Compositio facta inter monachos Gloecestrie et W. clericum
de Talgard. — Universis sancte matris Ecclesie filijs ad quos pre-
sens scriptum pervenerit W. Dei gratia Abbas de Kingswood'
et Decanus Christianitatis de Hamton salutem. Noverit univer-
sitas vestra causam que vertebatur inter Abbatem et conventum
^ Wormsley.
^ With this charter the agreement, in both MSS., of the regular
sequence of documents beginning with B. Newmarch's charter ends.
The docnments which follow, down to the charter of William de
Barghill, occur (detached from the other Brecon charters) in an
earlier part (fol. 196) of Carte Papers, vol. 108. They are now
transferred to their position in the Brewster MS.
' Kiogswood, Wilts (Cistercian).
S. JOHANNIS EVANG. DE BRECON. 227
Oloeceetrie ex una parte et W. de Talgard cleiicum ex altera
super quibusdam decimis de Talgard auctoritate apostx)lica tan-
dem coram nobis utriusque partis assensu necnon et consensu
prioris et conventus de Brechenia qui partem decimarum predic-
tarum sibi vendicabant amicabiliter in hoc modum conquie-
visse videlicet quod abbas et conventus Gloecestrie duas partes
decimarum garbarum de dominico de Talgard sine alicujus con-
tradictione perpetuo jure percipient tanquam ad ecclesiam suam
pleno jure spectantes sicut ex testimonio virorum fide dignorum
legitime comprobatimi est Et Prior et Conventus de Brekenia
terciam partem decimarum garbarum de eodem dominico Item
Abbas et conventus Gloecestrie medietatem omnium minutarum
decimarum de eodem dominico Et prior et conventus de Bre-
kenia aliam medietatem Item memorati abbas et conventus
Gloecestrie duas partes decimarum unde questio fuerat de qui-
busdam terris subscriptis percipient et prior et monachi de
Brekenia terciam partem scilicet de septem acris in Kenederes-
hull Et de duabus acris inter Kenedereschircy et Talgar in
medio dominici et de crofta juxta villam de Talgar in predicto
campo et de octo acris apud Lower et de tribus acris supra
domum i)ersone de Talgar juxta viam et de duabus acris in loco
qui dicitur lonnfurlong^ et de bissupestokuig et de finchesleye
et de stoking* juxta finchesleye Ecclesia vero de Talgar deci-
mam feni de dominico integre percipiet et decimas plenarie de
sex acris que appellantur Cumbebuckeland unde prius coram
nobis contentio fuerat Ne nichilominus que scripta suDt iisque
partibus grata fuerunt et accepta inrecedive contentionis scru-
pulum aliqua occasione valeant devenire presenti scripto sigil-
lorumque nostrorum appositione ea dignum duximus confir-
manda diviso inter partes cirographo cujus altera pars sigillis
nostris et sigillo conventus de Brechenia necnon et sigillo dicti
W. de Talgard roborata penes abbatem et conventum Gloecestrie
^ KenedereBchirch. Bernard Newmarch in 1088 gave to the
charch of St. Peter and the monks of Gloncester the adjoining parish
of Glasbarj^ " et ecclesiam Sancti Eenedri in eadem villa." (Cart
Mon, S. Petri GL, vol. i, p. 314.) Miss Williams, in her account of
Glasbarj (ante, vol i, 4th Series, p. 306) mentions that the original
parish charch, which stood between the present channels of the
rivers Wye and Llyini, not far from their confluence, was dedicated
to St. Gynidr, a saint of the fifth century. Other churches, dedi-
cated to this saint are Kenderchurch in Ergyng, or Archenfield (see
Pope Nicholas' Taxation, 160), and Llangynidr, and Aberesoyr in
Breconshire. (See Jones' Breckn., vol. i, p. 47.)
^ Long furlong.
^ Probably laud stocked or ridded.
228 CARTULARIUM PRIORATUS
res^dit altera vero sigillis nostris et sigillo Abbatie et conventus
Gloecestrie niunita penes priorem et monachos de Brechenia
remansit."
The tithes of Broadfield belong to church of Bodenham ; land
of Nicholas and Richard in Maund to he free of tithes 07t yearly
render of grain to church of Bodenham; Nicholas to have an
oratory in his cure, and a cemetery for tlie burial of the poor in
time of war ; offerings there of parishioners to belong to church
of Bodenham ; of others, to the oratory :
" Compositio facta inter monachos Breconie et N. decauum de
Stokas.* — Sciant universi tarn presentes quam futuri quod con-
troversia que versabatur inter priorem de Brechenia et Nicho-
laum decanum de Stokas de decimis de Bradefeld et terre Odo-
nis tali fine quievit quum per multos viros ydoneos tam clericos
quam laicos de veritate rei cognitum est scilicet predictas decimas
ad ecclesiam de Bodeham pertinere pro bona causa pacis et pro
omni molestia lans vitanda ego Sadulphus prior de Brekenia
totusque conventus ejusdem loci concessimus Ricardo clerico
de Stokas ij solidos in Pascha annuatim solvendos tanquam in
vita sua in perpetuam elemosinam concessimus etiam decimas
illius terre quam Nicholaus Decanus et predictus Eicardus tenu-
erunt in die tronizacionis B. Cantuariensis Archiepiscopi in ea-
dem villa de Mahena ita tum quod in recognicione juris ecclesie
de Bodeham in predictis decimis singulis annis reddat eidem
ecclesie sex garbas tres de frumento tres de avena et immunis
efficiatur ab omni exactione magnarum et minutarum decima-
rum omnibus diebus vite sue Concessimus ei etiam oratorium
quoddam habere in curia sua et cimiterium juxta predictum
sine omni sepultura ad refugium pauperum tempore hostilitatis
si ita contigerit et faciant servire predictum oratorium per capel-
lanimi proprium Nicholaum vel Ricardum si affuerint ibi sine
omni molestia matris ecclesie Et si aliquid ibi oblationis de
parochianis de Bodeham advenerit, matri ecclesie reddatur . si
vero ab alijs parochianis aliquid advenerit eidem oratorio per-
maneat quod ut ratum habeatur et inconcussum fide interposita
et unanimo inter priorem predictum et Nicholaum et Ricardum
est roboratum. Et si forte Nicholaus decanus Ricardo clerico
supervixerit vel Ricardus habitum mutaverit eandem donacio-
nem eidem Nicholao omnibus diebus vite sue concedimus et hoc
totimi carta conventus ecclesie de Brekonia cum sigillo totius
conventus ejusdem ecclesie contirmavimus caritatis etiam intuitu
^ Probably Stoke Prior, near Leominster.
S. JOHANNIS EVANG. D£ BRECON. 229
predictum Nicholaum et Bicardum et animas antecessorum et
amicorum suorum tarn vivoruin quam mortuorum in elemosinis
et orationibus et beneficijs que fiunt in ecclesia nostra suscepi-
mus et omnium benefactorum nostrorum plene participes esse
concedimus. Hijs testibus W. Abbate de Evesham et T. Abbate
de Gloecestria et S. Abbate de Percheora et Magistro Petro de
Lehe^ et Magistro Eadulfo de Euesham et Magistro Godefrido
et Willehno priore de Hereford et Magistro Mihel et multis
aUjs/'
Pate, prior to 1176.)
The men of the fee of Sisbury to attend services at Chapel of
ffumber, saving to the Abbot of Beading the tithes of Risbury
and to the churdu of Leominster testamentary rights and buriai
there, Adam and his successors paying} by way of recognition a
yearly sum to the Abbot, and the men of Risbury attending on a
FeaMday yearly, with their offerings, Leominster Church :
"Compositio facta inter monachos de Sading et Adamum
Decanum de Humbra. — Omnibus presens scriptum inspecturis
Abbates de Thame* et de NetteP Abbatie et W. prior de Hur-
lad^ etemam in domino salutem Mandatum domini pape suscepi-
mus in hec verba Honorius episcopus servus servorum Dei dilec-
tis filijs de Thame et de Nettel Abbatibus et priori de Hurley
Lincolnensis et Saresbiriensis diocesis salutem apostolicam bene-
dictionem Dilecti filij abbas et conventus de Bading suam ad nos
transmisere querelam quod Prior majoris Maluemie et R rector
ecclesie de Strettun et quidam alij Wigomensis Herefordensis
et Lincolnensis diocesis super quibusdam capitulis decimis
sepulturis et rebus alijs injuriantur eisdem Quo circa dis-
cretioni vestre per apostolica scripta mandavimus quatinus
partibus convocatis audiatis causam et appellatione remota
mediante justitia terminetis facientes quod statueritis per cen-
suram ecclesiasticam firmiter observari Testes autem qui
fuerint nominati si se gratia odio vel amore subiunxerint per
censuram eandem cessante appellatione cogatis veritati testi'um
perhibere quod si non omnes hijs exequendis potueritis
interesse duo vestrum ea nichilominus exequantur. Datum
Anagnie xv Kalendis Julij pontificatus nostri anno primo.^
Cum igitur auctoritate istarum literarum lis mota esset inter
dictos abbatem et conventum Bading ex una parte et Adam
decanum et vicarium de Humbra ex altera parte super sequela
^ Peter de Leia, afterwards Bishop of St. David's.
« Oxfordshire. ' Netley, Hants. * Hurley, Berks.
» 1216.
230 CARTULARIUM PRIORATUS
quorundam hominum de Biseberi tandem partibus oonyocatis
et in jure constitutis consensu prioris de Brekenia hoc fine lis
conquievit videlicet quod dicti Abbas et oonventus de Bading
concesserunt omnibus hominibus de feodo Ade Malherbe de
Biseberi quod adeant et sequantur capellam de Humbra cum
omnibus debitis oblacionibus suis ad divinum ofBcium ibi audi-
endum et spiritualia ibidem percipienda salvis dictis Abbati et
conventui de Bading omnibus decimis de Bisebiri tarn minutia
quam omnibus alijs et salvis testamentis eorum et successorum
suorum que primo et principaliter fieri deb«it ecclesie de
Leomenistria et eorimdem corporibus que ad matrem Ecclesiam
de Leomenistrie debent deferri et salvis Abbati et conventui de
Bading et illi quicumque loco eorum fuerit apud Leomenistriam
omnibus que de prefatis hominibus percipiuntur et hactenus
percipere consueverunt Dictus vero Adam et successores sui
in perpetuum reddent singulis annis Abbati et conventui de
Bading ad recognicionem dicte sequele tres solidos sterlingorum
die Sanctorum Apostolorum Petri et Pauli et eadem die venient
omnes dicti homines de Bisebiri ad ecclesiam de Leomenistria
singulis annis cum debitis oblationibus suis ut eiusdem ecclesie
parochiani. Nos vero auctoritate nostra ex conmiuni consensu
parcium superius (prefatarum) . precipimus supradictam formam
ab omnibus inviolabiliter observari ita quod non liceat idli
hominum banc composicionis formam infringere vel ei ausu
temerario contrahere."
Simon, Abbot of Reading^ gives effect to the foregoing arrangemerU
of the dispute by his charter :
''Carta Simonis Abbatis de Bading. — Sciant presentes et
futuri quod ego Simon Dei gratia Abbas Badingie et ejusdem
loci conventus concessimus et hac presenti carta nostra confir-
mavimus quod homines de feodo Ade Malherbe de Bisebiri de
quibus aliquando mota controversia inter nos et Adam decanum
de Humbra coram judicibus k domino Papa Honorio delegatis
composicio facta est dicto Adam jus nostrum in iudicio recogno-
scente de sequela hominum prenominatorimi ut adeant et sequ-
antur capellam de Humbre ad divinum officium ibi audiendum
et spiritualia ibidem percipienda salvo nobis principali testa-
mento dictorum hominum cum corporibus eorundem apud
Leominestrie sepeliendis et salvis nobis omnibus decimis eorum
tam minutis quam omnibus alijs. Dictus vero Adam et succes-
ores sui in perpetuum reddent nobis annuatim tres solidos
sterlingorum ad festum Apostolorum Petri et Pauli ad dicte
sequele recognicionem et juris nostri et prenominati l^omines
S. JOHANNIS EVANG. D£ BRECON. 231
venient ad Ecclesiam de Leomenistrie singulis annis die pre-
nominata ut ejusdem ecclesie sequaces et parochianL Dictus
siquidem Adam et oinnes successores sui fidelitatem nobis et
domui nostre jorabunt se prestaturos et ecclesie nostre in-
dempnitatem jurabunt et predictum redditum trium solidorum
ad prenominatum terminum sine dolo et malicia nobis soluturos.
Hijs testibus Magistro Stephano de Tombir', Gregorio Boberto
capellano, Koberto Poer, Nicholao de Bergaveni, Hugone de
Fuleford, Johanne de sancto Albino. Henrico capellano, Philippo
filio Hugonis, Johanne Pribin et mnltis alijs."
ITie Abbot of the ConverU of Lire acknowledges that the Manor
and MUl of Berrington were free from tithes^ the Abbot of Lyre
taking his a/icustorried two acres of land sown with grain. {Date
1223) :
"Compositio facta inter monachos de Brekenia et de Mireual
et de Kerkebi et de Eton priores. — Universis Christi fidelibus
presens scriptum inspecturis frater K. humilis Abbas de Lyre et
conventus etemam in domino salutenou Noverit iiniversitas
vestra quod cum nos auctoritate literarum domini Pape Priorem
et conventum de Breconia coram Abbate de Mireuall^ et de
Kerkebi et de Eton Prioribus judicibus a domino Papa delegatis
super omnibus decimis de dominicio et de molendino de Beriton^
nomine ecclesie nostre Tametebyri^ traxissemus in causa cum
nobis coram dictis judicibus in judido constitutis commimibus
et instrumentis propositis satis evidenter et manifeste constitit
nos in dictis decimis ullum jus aliquo titulo nobis non posse ven-
dicare actionem quam adversus dilectos fratres nostros priorem
et monachos de Breconia movimus omnino remisimus libera et
spontanea voluntate nichilominus concedentes ut ecclesia sancti
Johannis de Breconia tranquilla possessione gaudeat et perpetua
percipiemus autem nos singulis annis duas acras inbladatas in
dominico de Beriton sicut consuevimus percipere. Et in hujus
rei testimonium presenti scripto sigiUa nostra appendere curavi-
mus. Datum anno domini Mcc vicessimo tertio."
The Papal delegates declare the dispiUe between the Prior of
Lyre, as Hectors of Tenbury, and Convent of Brecon to have been
settled in manner mentioned in Abbot of Lyre's Charter. (23
Aug. 1222) :
" Compositio inter monachos de lira et monachos de Breconia
^ Merevale, Warwickshire. ' Berrington, near Tenbury.
• Tenbury.
232 CARTULARIUM PRIORATUS
de Beriton. — Universis sancte mains ecclesie filijs presentes
literas inspecturis. Abbas de Mireual et de Kyrkebi et de
Etune Priores etemam in domino salutem. Mandatum domini
pape suscepimus in hec verba Honorius episcopus servus
servorum Dei dilectis filijs Abbati de Mireual de Kyrkebi et de
Etune Prioribus Coventrie diocesis salutem et apostolicam
benedictionem. Dilectorum filiorum abbatis et conventus de
lira recepimus questionem quod abbas et conventus de Theok-
esberi persona ecclesie de Eippel et quidam alij clerici et laici
Wigomensis Herefordensis et Coventrensis Diocesis super
decimis et rebus alijs ijijuriantur eisdem. Ideoque discrecioni
vestre per apostolica scripta mandamus quatinus partibus con-
vocatis audiatis causam et appellatione remota fine debito
terminetis facientes quod decreveritis per censuram ecclesiasti-
cam firmiter observari Testes autem qui fuerint nominati si se
gratia odio vel timore subtraxerint per districtionem eandem
cessant-e appellatione cogatis veritati testimonium perhibere.
Quod si non omnes hijs exequendis potueritis interesse duo
vestrum ea nichilominus exequantur. Datum Viterbo. v. Kal.
Februarii pontificatus nostri anno quarto . cum igitur hujus auc-
toritate mandati abbas et conventus de Lyra Priorem et con-
ventum de Brekenia super omnibus decimis de dominico et de
molendino de Berinton traxissent in causam datis legitimis
indicijs post multas altercaciones rationibus et allegationibus
multis hinc inde prepositis in hunc modum conquievit con-
tencio. Videlicet ex partibus in presencia vestra constitutis,
abbas et conventus de Lira libera et spontanea voluntate priori
et conventui de Brekenia actionem quam adversus eosdem in-
struxerant omnino remittentes, dictas decimas priori et conventui
de Brekenia pleno jure pertinere recognoverunt et nichil sibi juris
in decimis dictis aliquo tempore vendicaturos percipient autem
Abbas et conventus de Lyra bladum de duabus acris singulis
annis in dominico de Berintun' secundum modimi et formam
quam percipere consueverunt Ne igitur aliquando malicia
super decimis dictis sopita coram nobis judicialiter possit susci-
tari contentio et ut hec finalis concordia inter abbatem et con-
ventum de Lyra et priorem et conventum de Brekenia robur
perpetue firmitatis optineat auctoritate domini Pape qua fungi-
mur in hac parte de prudentium et jurisperitorum consilio
Priorem et conventum de Brekenia ab impetratione Abbatis et
conventus de Lyra super decimis nominatis penitus absolventes
presenti scripto sigilla nostra duximus apponenda. Hijs testibus
Domino Eeginaldo de Braosa RicardoVincentio seneschallo suo,
magistro Ricardo de Maurdi', Hugone capellano h'leflen :
Magistro Thoma Brut Gilberto Genuc et multis alijs. Actum
8. JOHANNIS BVANG. DE BRECON. 233
judicio partibus presentibus et consencientibus in ecclesia sancte
Trinitatis apud Coventriam, Anno ab incamatione domini Mccxx
secundo x® K^alendis Septembris."
Papal delegates record settlement of dispute between the Vicar
of Chapel of Humber and Convent of Lyre :
" Compositio inter monachos de Lyra et monachos de Breconia
de capeUa de Humbra. — Notum sit presens scriptum visuris
quod cum questio verteretur aliquando inter Adam vicarium
capelle de Humbra ex una parte et Abbatem et conventum de
Lira rectores ecclesie de Themeteburi ex altera parte super
duabus partibus decimarum de sex virgatis terre in Hepe et in
Wunetun coram domino Abbate de Wigemora et priore Leo-
menistrie et magistro Eicardo canonico de Brongard judicibus a
domino Papa Honorio delegatis tandem lis consensu prioris et
conventus de Brekenia rectorum capelle de Humbra hoc fine
conquievit videlicet quod unanimo consensu parcium provisum
est quod Ecclesia de Thameburi libere et inconcusso teneat et
habeat in perpetuum duas garbas decimarum de sex virgatis
terre in Hepe et in Wunetun que sunt de tenemento de
Humbra quod est de feudo de Brekenia et dicta ecclesia de
Thameteburi perpetuo reddat annuatim nomine dictarum deci-
marum capeUe de Humbra viii solidos sterlingorum ad duos
terminos anni scilicet ad annunciationem beate Marie iiij soli-
dos et ad festum sancti Michaelis quatuor solidos. Ita quod
quicumque fuerit vicarius capelle de Humbra percipiat viij
dictos solidos annuos ad prelates duos terminos anni apud
capellam beati Andree de lastes a procuratore Abbatis et con-
ventus de L3rra quicumque ille fuerit apud Themedburi juris-
dictione siquid dictorum judicum de communi consensu parcium
super hijs irrefragabiliter observandis perpetuata ad perpetuo
robur firmitatis optinendum et ne ex altercatione parcium
aliqua in posterum quod absit possit oriri machinacio vel cavil-
lacio nominati Judices et partes presenti scripto sigilla sua
apposuerunt."
The monks of Brecon are entitled to two parts of tithes specified
and one half of tithes of hay in parish of Brinsop, The vicar
agrees to farm their tithes at a yearly rent for his life :
" Compositio facta inter monachos Breconie et vicarium de
Brunyssop. — Omnibus sancte matris ecclesie filijs ad quos presens
scriptum prevenerit H. Decanus Herefordensis et H. Archidia-
conus Salopesbure salutem in domino. Noverit universitas vestra
234 CARTULARIDM PRI0RATU8
nos mandatum domini Pape suscepisse in hec verba. Innocencius
senms servonim Bei dilectis filijs Decano Herefordensi Archidia*
cono Salopesburi et Magistro J. dementis Canonico Herefordensi
salutem et apostolicam benedictionem. R rectoris ecclesie de
Bruneshop accepimus questionem quod cum monachi monasterij
de Brechonia et canonici ecclesie Lantoni prime Menevensis
diocesis decimas quasdam et res alias ad ecclesiam suam perti-
nentes de jure igitur contra justiciam presumpsissent auferre
idem senciens se grauari nostram audientiam appellavit. £a
propter discrecioni vestre per apostolica scripta mandamus
quatinus partibus convocatis audiatis causam et appellatione
remota fine canonico terminetis facientes quod decreveritis per
censuram ecclesiasticam firmiter observari. Testes autem qui
f uerint nominati si se gratia odio vel timore subtraxerint per
censuram eandem appellacione remota cogatis veritati testi-
monium perhibere. Quod si non omnes hijs exequendis po-
tueritis interesse duo vestrum ea nichilominus exequantur.
Datum Laterano vij idibus Januarij Pontificatus nostri Anno xiiij.
Cum igitur hujus auctoritate mandati questio coram nobis mota
f uisset inter Monachos de Brechonia et Badulfum vicarium de
Bruneshop super quibusdam decimis de Bruneshop videlicet
super duabus partibus omnium decimarum exeuncium de novo
pomerio sito super dominicum et decimarum exeuncium de
terra ubi fuit vetus pomerium et duabus partibus decimarum
pomorum de novo pomerio Henrici de Bruneshop sito super
dominicum necnon et super duabus partibus omnium minutarum
decimarum de toto dominico de Bruneshop. Item de duabus
partibus decimarum de xij acris terre site inter holesti et Mai-
meshulP quas Dominus Willelmus Torel de dominico suo con-
tulit vicarie de Bruneshop et duabus partibus decimarum de
tribus acris terre quas Badulfus Torel contulit vicarie illi de
suo dominico et de duabus partibus decimarum de prato quod
dicitur la roede. Item de medietate decimarum de terra de
hadenegge quam Restoldus tenuit et medietate decimarum de
feno de omnibus pratis factis vel assartis in dominico de
Bnmeshop a primo anno generalis interdicti Anglie.* Tandem
post litis contestacionem ante testium productionem amicabiliter
conquievit contencio in hunc modum scilicet quod predictus
K. vicarius in judicio jus monachorum in omnibus prememoratis
spontanea voluntate sua recognovit postea vero omnia ilia
predicta ab eis recepit ad firmam ad vitam suam reddendo
eis annuatim xijd. nomine firme ad nativitatem Sancti Johannis
baptiste apud Brechoniam cum predictis etiam concesserunt
dicti monachi dicto R. quicquid ad eos pertinet vel pertinebit
1 Now Mansell. « 1208 (10 John).
S. JOHANNIS EVANG. DE BRECON. 235
de omnibus terris a primo anno generalis interdict! Anglie
aseartatis apud Bmnesbop et de omnibas tempore suo assartandis.
Ita etiam quod poet illius decessum omnes dicte decime integre
et sine contradictione redeant ad monasterium de Brechonia ut
eigo composicio ista perpetue firmitatis robur optineat eam
digillorum nostrorum apposicione confirmavimus sine tercio
judice ita in negocio isto procedentes eo quod bone memorie
magister T. dementis conjudex noster ante diem istius composi-
cionis ab hac vita felici fine migrauerat. Actum in judicio
publico partibus presentibus et libera et spontanea voluntate
consencientibus apud Herefordiam in majori ecclesia Anno vij
generalis interdict! Anglie die Veneris proximo ante Pentecostem
scilicet xvij Ealendis Junij."*
Deeidan of Papal delegates that the tithes of the forest of
Brecon belong to the Prior and Convent of Brecon, and the tithes
of Penpont and Pensevid to the Prior and Convent of Great
Malvern as part of the Parish of Llanspyddid :
''Compositio facta inter Monachos Majoris Malvemie et
monachos Breconie de foresta. — Universis Christ! fidelibus de
Evesham et Theokesbrie Abbates et Prior Evesham salutem in
domino. Noverit universitas vestra nos mandatum domini
Pape in hec verba suscepisse. Honorius Episcopus servus ser-
vorum Dei dilectis filijs de Evesham et de Theokesbrie abbatibus
et Priori de Evesham Wigornensis Diocesis salutem et apostoli-
cam benedictionem dilecti filij Abbas et conventus de Gloeces-
trie nostro appellatui sunt conquest! quod Magister Philippus de
Haia, W. de Herefordia et quidam alij cleric! Lincolnensis
Wigornensis Menevensis Diocesis super quibusdam annuis
pensionibus decimis et rebus alijs injuriantur eisdem Ideoque
discrecion! vestre per apostolica scripta mandamus quatinus
partibus convocatis audiatis causam et appellatione remota fine
debito terminetis facientes quod decreveritis per censuram
ecclesiasticam firmiter observari. Proviso attencione pensiones
ipse contra statuta Lateran! concilij sint imposite vel adaucte.
Testes autem qui fuerint nominati si se gratia odio vel timore
subtraxerint per censuram eandem appellatione cessante cogatis
veritati testimonium perhibere. Quod si non omnes hijs exe-
quendis poteritis interesse duo vestrum ea nichilominus exequan-
tur Datum Laterano vij kalendis Junij Pontificatus nostri
anno septimo. Hujus igitur auctoritate mandat! abbate et con-
ventu Gloecestrie priore et conventu Breconia ex una parte.
^ 16 May 1223.
236 CARTULARIUM PRIORATUS, ETC.
Priore et conventu Majoris Maluemie et clericis suis de Landes-
petit ex altera in presentia nostra per procuratores idoneos
constitutis cum super quibusdam decimis provenientibus de
foresta de Brekonia diucius esset altercatum tendem de consilio
prudentium virorum et litigantium voluntate et eorum man-
date speciali lis hoc fine conquievit videlicet quod de omni
decima et omnibus proventibus de dicta foresta provenientibus
ecclesiasticis unquam aliquid Prior et conventus Majoris Malve-
rine nichil vendicabunt. Omnes vero decime et proventus eccle-
siastici de Penpont et de Penseuid penes Priorem et Conventum
majoris Maluemie et clericos eorum de Landespetit^ jure parochi-
ali perpetuo permanebunt. Circa cimiteriu de Lanfothan quod est
infra dictam forestam Ita quidem quod ratione dicti cimiterij
neque proventus ecclesiastici neque aliquid jure parochiale aliquo
tempore a monachis dicte Maluemie vel ab eorum clericis de
Landespetit vendicabitur. Nos igitur volentes ut ea que in
presentia nostra acta sunt perpetue firmitatis robur obtineant
presenti scripto sigillo parcium roborato cirographo intra easdem
partes diviso sigilla nostra apposuimus."
^ The advowBon of Llanspjddid was granted to the Priory of
Great Malvern by Milo Fitz- Walter. (Jones, Hist of Breckn.^ voL ii,
p. 709 )
{To he continued.)
237
EXTRACTS FROM OLD WILLS.
" T. Bev'ndi p'ria* D. WiUH Bangor' Ep'C* (Bp. Qlynn.)
{Noodes, fo. 32.)
"16th day of Maye, 1558. I, William Glynne, by the suffer-
ance of God bishopp of Bangor... My soule into thands of the
father of heaven, who I trust will take it for the bitter passion
of my Savio' Christe, whose passion I putte betwene my synnes
and me, desiring him of forgeveness and remission of ray synnes,
and that the rather at thentercession of his blessed mother the
virgin Marye and all the whole company of heaven, whome I
doo know have no neede to praye for themselves, and therefore
I desire them all to pray for me and all 8ynners...My bodye to
be buried w'thin the queyer of the Cathedrall Churche of Ban-
gor, wheare the Sepulchre was wont to be . . .
" Item I geve and bequeathe to the Cathedrall Churche of
Bangor tenne pounds st. to buye Challice and other thinges
necessarye for the said Churche.
" Item I bequeathe to the said Cathedrall Churche the whole
vestimentis whiche are w'thin my house, in the whiche the
preeste dothe celebrate there.
" Item I geve and bequeathe to the Churche of Hengloys vli.
" Item to Trewalchemay vli to buy twoo challices and vesti-
mentis for the said twoo churches.
" Item to Hugh ap David Iloyde xxli. (Mr. Wm. Boberts the
treasorer).
" Item to Nicholas ap Res ivZi.... (Mr. Morris Wynne).
" Item to Edward Coytmore.
" Item to Grace Glynne xxli, sterling ov' and besides the xxli.
whiche her brother Doctor Glyn' gave to her by his testament.
" Item to my Lorde of Bochester, my kynnesman, myne owne
white gelding w'ch I rode upon my self, w'th the newe saddell,
bridill, and hames whiche I bought last at London, desiring
him, for the love of God, and for the truste whiche I and my
brother had in him, to see both o'r willes fulfilled w'th all expe-
didon as muche as lieth in him.
" Item to Bichard ap le'un ap B's.
" Item to Hugh ap le'un.
" Item to William Jones.
" Item to Baynold the cooke.
Item Jonet vz' U'i.
4th 8SR., TOL. XIV. 17
((
238 EXTRACTS FROM OLD WILLS.
** Item to Morgan ap Kichard.
" Item to the Deane and Chapter of Bangor, to thuse of my
next successor, all the vessels whiche I bought at London, and
furniture, to be continued on there.
" Item to my successor the mytre and the ringe which I do
occupie. . .table, carpet, an embrothered chair.
"Item...my docters coopc.all on condition of residence at
Bangor ; otherwise proceeds for the Cathedrall Church.
" Item to my sister Grace, my sister Gwynhover, wedowe, to
my brother Owen, and Hugh ap David Lloyde, the lease w'h I
have uppon the Weyre at the Forth Wen.
" Item to my olde maister and good lorde the bishoppe of Elye,
my great stoned yong horse.
" Item my chamblett gowne, with a rochett and a chymed of
chamblett, to my lorde of Eochester.
" Item to my lorde of Sainte Assaph twoo rochettes and a
ringe.
" Item my long cloth gowne to Doctor Davys.
" Item to Vicar Humphrey suche stuffe as I had of Maister
Thomas Hughes of Ruthin...
" Item to my brother Hugh two littell tenements.
" Item to my other sister Gwanhav'.
" Item all my devinitie bookes to the library of the Cathedrall
Churche of Bangor, if any library be made within twoo yeres
next after my death accordinglye ; yf not, thenne I wille yt my
brother Hugh shall distribute them as he shall think best ; the
most parte to John Hollande, and the reste to Maister Gwyn,
Bobertes, and Jones, and to others that be studentes of the
countreye in enye of bothe universities....
" Item I give and bequeath to the Church of Kilnredin a
white boll of silver which I bought at London.
** Item thother white boll of silver to Llanpedre Welfrey,w'ch
I bought also in London.
" Item to the said twoo churches vli. a pece."
Further bequests to servants.
" Item to William Glyn yj/i. if he be kept to his leming.
" Item to my brother Hughe three score pounds in money.
'* Item to Mr. Evaunce all suche bookes as he shall thincke
necessarye for his purpoase during his life ; and after his de-
cease, to the library, or els to the poore scolers.
" Mr. Dr. Davies and my brother Mr. Hugh Glyn myne ex-
ecutors.
"Item all my goodes, moveable and immoveable, not be-
queathed, to be disposed of in helping poore maydens towards
their marriages, and in mending of hie waies.
it
EXTRACTS PROM OLD WILLS. 239
*' Item to the reparacon of Pont in Marchogion xx^. ; Pont
Uantegan xk.
" Item to the poore folke of Hengloyes and Trewalchmay
Tenne pounds.
Item to Owen Glynn.
Item to my three susters xxli., Gwinhover, Margarett, and
Gwynhover, xx nobles, i.e,, vjM. viij«. ivrf. apece.
" Item release of a mortgage to Edward Uoyde on payment of
his debt of 70K.
" Item my Lord of Elye and my Lorde of Kochester to be
supervisors of this will and my brothers.
" Witnesses: Robert Evans, Dean of Bangor; William Robertes,
' Archdeacon of Merioneth ; Rice Thomas, Esquier ; William Cot-
mor the elder ; Owen ap John ; Owen ap Mericke.
«Probat'3*> Juliil558.''
MISCELLANEA.
Note^ identifying the Persons whose Signatures are atta^ched to the
Letter from the Inhabitants of Montgomeryshire to William
Lenthall, Speaker of the House of Commons, Sept, 1645. Oiven
in Arch, Camb,, vol. xiii^pp, 311-313.
Evan Gwyn. — Probably identical with Evan Gwyn ap Regi-
nald ap Edward of Trelydan Burgedin, Guilsfield. His father,
" Reginald ap Edward de Trelydan, gen.," appears second on a
grand jury of the county, 39 Eliz. John Gwyn, the second son
of Evan Gwyn, was a captain in His Majesty's Guard. He
wrote a memorial of his descent and services in the royal cause,
which he dedicated to Charles II. A copy of the same, edited
by Sir Walter Scott, is in the Library of the Powys-land
Museum.
Humphrey Prftchabd was, doubtless, identical with the
" Humfrid Richards de Trelydan, gen.'', on the grand jury,
14 Charles I, and " Humffrus ap Richard de Burgedinge, gen.,"
on the same, 23 Charles I (1648). He was the son of Richard
ap Howel ("Ric'us Howells de Trelydan, gen.," grand jury,
43 Eliz.) ap Humphrey, descended from Sir Griffith Vaughan,
Knight Banneret of Garth, Trelydan, etc., by Jane, daughter of
Thomas Mytton of Pont ys Cowrid. {Mont, Coll,, vol. iv, p. 284,
n. 2.) " Humflfrey Prichard of Trelydan, gen.," was on the grand
jury in 1654
* Montgomeryshire Gollectioru, vol. xvi, p. 391.
17«
240 MISCELLANEA.
William Pryce. — "Willim's Price de Kyffronydd, gen.,"
occurs on a county jury list in 1648. He was the son of Oliver
Price of the same place, by Jane,.daughter of George Juckes of
Buttington. By his marriage with Margaret, daughter of John
Bishop of Kerry, he had Arthur, John, Ales, and Mary. (M(nU,
Coll., voL vii, p. 182.)
Rees Morgan served as deputy sherifif to John Blayney
of Gregynog in 1642, and in the same capacity to Sir John
Whittewronge, Bart, Sheriff of the county in 1665, and was
bailiff of Montgomery, 16 Charles II, 1664.
Humphrey (?) Bowen or Bevan.
WiLUAM Kyffin was of Bodvach. He was bailiff of Llan-
vyllin, 14 Charles I, and a magistrate for the county in 1648.
James Mytton, — "Jacobus Mytton, ar.," appears on the roll
of county magistrates in 1650. Probably of Pontyscowryd.
Gabriel Wynne, of Dolarddyn, was a magistrate for the
county in 1648. By his wife Anne, sister of Lloyd Piers of
Maesmawr, and daughter of Edward Piers by Elizabeth, daughter
and heiress ot Griffith Lloyd of Maesmawr, Trawscoed, etc., he
had John Wynne of Dolarddyn.
"Thomas Edwards de Hendrehen, gen.," appears on a county
jury list in 1648. He was of the Tribe of Brochwel, Prince of
Powys. He married a daughter of Richard Mytton, son of John
Mytton, probably of Pontyscowryd. His father, " Edrus ap Tho-
mas de Hendreheani, gen." (10 James I), and his grandfather,
" Thomas ap John ap Mores de Hendre Heani, gen." (38 Eliz.),
appear on county grand juries. Thomas had a son, Eubulus
Edwards of Hendrehene.
Edmond (?) Lloyd of Sylvain, Deputy Sheriff to Lloyd Piers
of Maesmawr, Guilsfield, in 1650, was the son of '* Thomas
Lloyd de Sylvane, gen.", on county grand jury, 28 Eliz. ; who
also occurs on the 41 Eliz. as " Thomas Lloyd ap Edmund de
Sylvaine, gen." Edmund was a nephew of Griffith Lloyd ap
Edmund of Maesmawr, Sheriff in 1581; descended from Cadwal-
adr, second son of Sir Griffith Vaughan of Garth. (Mont, CdL,
vol. vii, p. 189.)
Richard Owens. — "Rictus Owens de Rhiewsaison, ar.,"
occurs as a county magistrate on the roll, 23 Charles I (1648),
and as a juror in 1650.
David Powell of Maesmawr was Sheriff of the county in 1662.
Rekdall or Rondle Owen was the second son of Maurice
Owen of Rhiewsaison in the parish of Llanbrynmair.
Richard Owen. — " Ric'us Owen de Broniarth, gen.," occurs
on a jury list in 1650.
Charles Lloyd. — " Carolus Lloyd de Garth, ar.," appears
MISCELLANEA. 241
on the roll of county magistrates in 1648. The Garth referred
to is Moel-y-Garth in the parish of Goilsfield. He was the son
of David Lloyd of Hope and Welshpool, J.P. in 41 Eliz. to
3 James I, whose name then disappears from the roll. Accord-
ing to Burke's Dormant BaronetcLge, David was the son of
Humphrey Lloyd of Leighton, first Sheriff of Montgomeryshire
in 1541, and living in 1561. Although probably of the Leigh-
ton family, one or two generations must have been omitted. As
Charles Iloyd was created a baronet on 10th of May 1661, his
father David was probably a son of Oliver Lloyd of liCighton,
fifth son of Humphrey the Sheriflf. This view is strengthened
by the fact that David is found frequently acting in a magiste-
rial capacity with Charles Lloyd of Leighton, his supposed bro-
ther, and the youngest son of Oliver Lloyd of Leighton.
Edward Wynne was probably of Eunant in. the parish of
Llanwddyn. On a jury for the Hundred of Llanvyllyn, at the
Assizes in 1638 (14 Charles I), he appears as " Ed'rus Wynne
de Llanwothyn, gener." He was the son of Rhys Wynne of
Eunant, by Jane, daughter of Howel Vaughan of Coed Talog, ap
Howel Vaughan of Llwydiarth. His grandfather, " Edwardus
ap John ap David Vaughan de Llanwthin, gen'os.", was on a
jury, 27 Eliz., and as "Edward Wyn de Danvthyn, gen.," 30 Eliz.
(Brochwel?) Griffiths was of Broniarth. R (Richard?)
Griffiths was of Sutton, near Montgomery. He and his son Ro.
(" Robert Griffiths de Sutton, ar.'^J were both ma^strates for the
county on the assize roll of 1650. The father, Richard Griffiths,
appears on the roll, 16 James T.
Thomas Rogers was probably of Varchoel, Guilsfield. Either
he or his father, of the same name, was deputy sheriflf in 1632
to Sir John Hayward, Knight, to whom he was also chief stew-
ard for his lordship of Strata Marcella. "Thomas Rogers de
Varchoel, gen.," on the grand jury, 16 James I, was the son of
Thomas ap Roger of Burgedin.
John Wynne. — "Joh'is Wynne de Gilfield, gen." {MorU,
Coll., vol. vii, pp. 190-191), was the second son of Edward Wynne
of Garth in the parish of Guilsfield. He was a captain in the
army as well as a physician, and occurs in 1650, "when he is
said to have been aged fifty-one years or thereabouts", when
examined as to the death of Edward Gough of Trymyneck. His
elder brother, Thomas Wynne of Garth, was on the grand jury,
8 Charles I. Dorothy, daughter and heiress of Brochwel Wynne,
third in descent from Thomas, conveyed the Garth estates, by
marriage, to Richard Mytton of Pontyscowryd, now represented
by Captain Mytton of Garth. The Wynnes of Garth were de-
scended from Reginald, the youngest son ; the Lloyds of Maes-
242 HISTORICAL MSS. COMMISSION.
mawr from Cadwalader, the second 8on; and the Lloyds of
Marrington from David Lloyd of Leighton, the eldest son of
Sir Griffith Vaughan, Knight Banneret, of Grarth.
EiCHARD Pbyck — We find Richard Tryce of "Aberbechan"
and Gogerddan acting as a magistrate in 1649; but this Bichard
Pryce may possibly be of Gunley, and the Sheriff for the county
in 1651. W. V. Ll.
Extract from Letter of Thomas Price of Llanfyllin to Mr. Josiah
Babington, Schoolmaster, of St. Asaph April 12, 1701.
" Besides the parish church now standing, I myself have seen
the ruins of two other churches^ and been told of a brefydd-dy
or religious house; and several pavements and heartb^ have
been digged up in the neighbouring fields, of which one, at a
pretty distance from the present village, is to this day named
Gweirglodd y Forth."
HISTORICAL MSS. COMMISSION.
{Continued from p, 186.)
N. d., temp. James I. Draft of a petition to the King by the
Mayor, aldermen, and citizens of Chester. The B[ing had, by
letters dated 22 Nov. last, delivered to them the 15th of January
inst., recommended Hugh Main waring, an utter barrister of Lin-
coln's Inn, to the place of Recorder. The late Recorder died on
the 6th of January, twenty miles away from Chester, and they
only knew of his death on the 15th of January. Inasmuch as
Hugh Main waring is young and inexperienced, and some of their
own aldermen and citizens are of great judgment, and well
practised in the laws, and some (sic) of them a bencher in the
Inner Temple, they pray to have their free election to the offica
1609. " The aldermen and stewards of every society and com-
pany, draw yourselves to your said several compsinies, according
to ancient custome. And so to appear every man with your said
several companies, every man as you are caJled, upon paine that
shall fall therein.*' The aldermen and stewards of twenty-aix
different companies are named in the list underwritten. On the
back of the page is a copy of the Mayor's " Proclamation on the
Roody upon St. George's Day, a.d. 1609. All persons assembled
to see the ancient race are to keep the peace, and be of good
behaviour. Horses, other than those in the race, are to keep off
the course.
HISTORICAL MSS. COMMISSION. 243
"Articles to be performed for certain orders touching the
running of a race for two bells, and likewise for a cup, to be
run for at the ringe upon St. George his day, being the 23rd
day of April, as followeth." — Six rules for the furnishing of the
bells and cup, the award thereof to winners, payments for entries,
the mode of payment of expenses, the keeping of and security
for the cup, etc.
Dr. Cowper's remarks on the Eastgate of Chester taken down,
1766. Remarks on the criminal jurisdiction of Cheshire barons.
1651, Oct 31. Copy of Articles between Sir Thomas Arm-
strong and Mr. Samuel Rutter, on behalf of the Countess of
Derby of the one part; and CoL Thomas Birch, Lieut.-Col.
William Michell, Commissioners appointed by the Hon. Col.
Robert Duckinfield, Commander-in-Chief, on the other part,
touching the surrendering of Castle Rushen and Peele Castle.
— ^This is a copy attested as true by Chr. Musgrave and Bernard
Hatton. Below their names is the following : " This a true
copy of the Articles of which I approve, and have already
surrendered Castle Rushen. — C. Derby." (The signature is that
of the Countess.)
" 1589, Oct 28, Lincoln's Inn. Thomas Owen to the Bailiffs
of Shrewsbury. Mr. Fenes having obtained the office of Alnager
of Shrewsbury, by grant from Her Majesty, Owen's opinion is
that the bailiffs cannot hold the same office by law from Her
Majesty's said patentee, and advises them to correspond with
Mr. Fenes. As to the coming election of members of Parlia-
ment, he tells them that they are under no obligation to choose
one resident within their town.
1586, Aug. 23 , Condover. The same to the same. Is informed
that they have given him a yearly fee of five marks ; he gives
it back again with thanks, being content with his former
fee of 208.
39 Eliz., Aug. 23. Edward Screven, Sheriff of Salop, to the
Bailiffs of Shrewsbury ; with a copy of the writ directing the
choosing of a tnember of Parliament.
1597, Aug. 13, Plymouth. " Essex" (Robert Devereux) to the
Bailiffs, Burgesses, and Commonalty of the town of Shrewsbury.
Being at Plymouth, expecting a good wind, he hears that Her
Majesty is resolved to call a Parliament. Asks that they wiU
grant him the nominating of their burgesses, nothing doubting
he shall be returned from the present expedition for Her
Majesty's service in time convenient for the nomination.
Asks them to send an answer to the Court to his Secretary,
Edward Reynoldes.
1597, Aug. 27, London. Thomas Owen to the Bailiffs of
244 HISTORICAL MSS. COMMISSION.
Shrewsbury. Asks that they will choose his son, Soger Owen,
to be one of the burgesses for the Parliament to be holden the
24th of October.
1650, Aug. 21, Shrewsbury. Thomas Hayes, Charles Denyon,
Eichard LlewUen, and Ow. George to lament the desola-
tion of them by plague and pestilence, 156 having died in two
months ; there are among them near 3,000 cast upon common
charity. Ask the addressees to have a day of humiliation in
their city to implore God on behalf of Shrewsbury, and also to
give them some assistance for their poor.
5 Edward VI, July 7, Greenwich. " Edward^' to the Mayor
and SherifiFs of the county of Chester. He sends writ, with cer-
tain other things devised by him, with the advice of his counsel,
for the better order of the county. He orders them not to break
up the seal of the writ until the morning of the 9th instant, and
to do it within the county mentioned in the libel of the writ.
They or their under-sheriff are to take testimony at the day to
see them break it up ; they are then to follow the terms of the
writ circumspectly, and not to disclose the tenor of it, or of the
schedule annexed, until the time of publication, except to the
under-sheriff or other minister who shall execute the writ, whom
they are to swear to follow the tenor thereof. Signed by
K Somerset, R Ryche, Cane, J. Darwick, WiUm. Paget, J. Dor-
set, W. Herbert, John The signature of the King seems
effected by means of a stamp.
1 Mary, July 12, Keninghall. " Marye the queue" to the
Mayor and inhabitants of West Chester. She states that on the
death of her brother she caused herself to be proclaimed Queen
in Norfolk, Suffolk, and elsewhere; that it has come to her
knowledge that John Dudley, calling himself Duke of Northum-
berland, with a few complices, has proclaimed " one Lady Jane,
daughter to the Duke of Suffolk, for queue of our said realm,
which he hath married to one Gulforde his soone, whom he en-
tendeth to make King", and that he intends to lead a force
against her. She commands them to raise as great a force as
they can, and repair to her at Kenninghall or elsewhere in the
county of Norfolk "Wherefore [ryght] trustie and well be-
loved, as ye are true InglyssJieTnenne, faile ye not," etc. Indorsed,
" Eeceived on the 22'o, and proclaimed the same day."
3 and 4, Phil, and Mary, Jime 26, Palace of Westminster.
" Philipp and Marj^e the Queue" to the Mayor and aldermen of
the city of Chester. They are sending Sir Henry Sidney with
convoy of treasure and munition to Ireland. After noticing a
proclamation of the war, and license, by another proclamation,
to all their subjects " to go to the seas and take their vauntage
HISTORICAL MS8. COMMISSION. 245
upon the enemye", and not doubting that they (the Mayor and
aldermen) have furnished such ships as they were able for keep-
ing the seas quiet, and annoying the enemy, require them to
see Sir H. Sydney and the treasure and munition safely con^
veyed over the seas.
1641, Feb. 8. William Brereton to Mr. Ck)oper, Mayor of
Chester. This day he read to the House Cooper's letter and the
warrant enclosed, and moved that if they thought fit to dis-
charge Sir George Hambleton, his warrant might be restored,
which was not assented unto, but they determined he should be
brought up by Habeas Corpus, It would have been sent by that
post, but for the mistake of one who should have delivered it to
Brereton.
1641, Feb. 24. "George Monck", Lieut-CoL to the Right
Honourable the Earl of Leicester, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland
and General of His Majesty's forces for this present expedition,
certifies that Thomas Printor, master of the Grace of Chester,
has brought to Dublin sixteen horses of the officers of His
Excellency's regiment
1642, May 20. William Lenthall, Speaker [of the House of
Commons], to Sir George Booth, Sir Bichard Wilbraham, Sir
Thomas Delves, Sir Richard Grosvenor, Thomas Stanley,
Richard Brereton, Harry Banbury, John Greive, and the rest of
the justices of the peace of the County Palatine of Chester,
and to the Mayor of Chester, and to Charles Walley, and
William Edwards, Aldermen of Chester. Notices complaints
received from persons in the county and city of Chester, that
they have suffered much from soldiers billetted on them without
their consents, and who had committed outrages, and had de-
parted without making satisfaction either for themselves or
their horses. He then gives the particulars of the orders of the
House of Commons on the subject of troops passing through
the county on their way to Ireland.
1642, Sept. 1 8, Court at Stafford. " Charles R" to the Mayor
of Chester. Announces his visit to Chester on Friday next,
and bids him have the Train Band ready, and provision for him
and his retinue.
17 Car. I, Jan. 4, Whitehall. " Charles R" to the Mayor of
the town and port of West Chester, the Searchers, Comptrollers
of the passage, and all other his officers there whom it may
concern. Whereas Mr. Denzill Holies, Sir Arthur Hazelrigg,
Mr. John Pirn, Mr. John Hampden, and Mr. William Strode,
having been by the Attorney-General accused of high treason
and of high misdemeanours, have fled, and they will probably
endeavour to escape into foreign parts ; he tells the addressees to
use diligence to arrest and keep them in custody till (having
advertised the Privy Council) further orders.
246 HISTORICAL M8S. COMMISSION.
18 Car. I, Sept 26, Court at Chester. "Charles R" to
Thomas Cowper, Mayor of Chester, James Earl of Derby, and
John Earl Kivers, Robert Cholmondeley, Bobert Brerewood,
Becorder, William Gamul, Charles Walley, and Thomas Thropp,
Aldermen of Chester. Tells them, with the assistance of the
Sheriffs and others, to search the several houses of Sir William
Brereton, Bart., William Edwards, Alderman, and Thomas
Aldersey, Alderman, the Bed Lyon and the Golden Lyon,
situate in the said city, and to seize and take for the use of the
King all arms and ammunition foimd there, which they shall
suspect to be intended to be used against the King.
1648, Aug. 1, Gray's Inn. Jo. Bradshawe to Mr. Bobert
Wright, Mayor of Chester. Has received a letter from Wright
and three other Aldermen. They know why Chester was
omitted the last time, and if the like or other sad impediment
do not happen, they may be sure he will not alter from the
usual place of holding the grand Sessions. He promises atten-
tion to the welfare of them and their city conditionally on their
constant compliance with the directions of Parliament.
1650, Sept. 19, Council of State at WhitehalL Jo. Bradshawe,
President, to the Mayor of Chester. Sends ten Acts of Parlia-
ment for a Thanksgiving, etc., and teUs him to cause them
seasonably to be distributed into all the parishes of his juris-
diction, so that none may pretend ignorance thereof, of which
a strict account will be required.
16 Car. II, July 5, Office of Arms in the City of London.
William Dugdale, Norroy King of Arms, to the Town Clerk of
the City of Chester. A printed form signed by Dugdale, and
having his large wafer seal of office, whereby he denounces
certain persons, whose names are emnexed, as having usurped
arms, cognizances, and crests, and the style of esquire or gentle-
man, and directing them that they shall not be addressed as
esquires or gentlemen until they shall justify the same by the
law of arms. (The names of thirty-eight persons in Chester,
and their places of abode, are given.)
1641. Nov. 4, York House. A. (Earl of) Northumberland
(Lord High Admiral) to the Mayor of Xlhester. The Lords
have had information that divers officers of Flanders and others
are going towards Bristol, Chester, Holyhead, and other places,
with intention to take ship for Ireland to join the rebels there.
The Mayor is directed to stop the port of Chester and the
members thereof, and not to suffer any to pass over sea unless
they can show they are not of the number of these Flanders
commanders or soldiers.
1641, Nov. 23, Chester. Thomas Cowper, Mayor, and Thomas
HISTORICAL MSS. COMMISSION. 247
Mottershead, to the Lord High Admiral In pursuance of his
order of the 16th of November they send to him the body of
Arthur Progers; and complain of the expense of conveying
him and other delinquents.
1641, Jan. 14, Carnarvon. Jo. GriflBth, Vice-Admiral of
North Wales, to the Mayor of Chester. In obedience to the
Lord High Admiral's orders, Griffith had stayed Colonel Butler,
who was about to take ship at Holyhead. Butler went to stay
with Dr. Griffiths, Judge of the Admiralty, and then went to
Beaumaris, where he pretended to make a journey to Carnarvon
to see Jo. Griffiths, but instead went to Chester. Whyte, the
Mayor of Beaumaris sent word, and the Mayor of Chester
attached him (Butler), and wrote to Jo. Griffiths to know the
reasons for his detainer; in answer to that letter Jo. Griffiths
wrote the present letter.
1641, Jan. 15. Copy of letter by the Mayor of Chester and
some of his brethren to the Lord High Admiral Mr, Thomas
Nettervill (son to Lord Viscount Nettervill of Ireland) being at
Chester and declaring himself bound for Ireland, they, under-
standing that Viscount Nettervill and his son, Luke, are out in
the rebellion in Ireland, and thinking that Thomas, who had
been a soldier in the Low Countries, might be a dangerous person,
had arrested him ; and as he could not give security not to go
to Ireland without license from the State of England, they
detain him until they know the Lord Admiral's pleasure.
1641, Jan. 17, Beaumaris. Henry White to Thomas Cooper
(Cowper), Mayor of Chester, on the same subject.
1641, Jan. 19, West Chester. List taken from the Muster
£olls of four troops, viz.. Viscount Lisle's, Sir Ed. Grenville's,
Capt Vaughan's, and Capt. Marrow's.
Same date. Another list of the same, with the sums of
money to be paid on their account added.
Same date. Eeceipt for £1,000, from the Mayor of Chester,
in part payment of one month's entertainment for four troops of
horse, consisting of 300 besides officers. Signed by R. Gren-
ville, Dan. Treswell, Will. Vaughan, and John Marow.
1641, Jan. 23. Receipt to the same for £100 for Sir Richard
GrenviUe. Signed by Francis Hope.
1641, Jan. 22, Chester. Copy of letter by the Mayor and two
others to the Earl of Leicester, Lieutenant-General of Ireland,
at Leicester House. They acknowledge his letter of the 14th,
and the two bills of exchange accepted by Mr. Pinder, one of
which has been paid ; and they have paid the amount to Sir
R Grenville, etc. Hope to receive the other £1,000 the begin-
ning of next week, and then will pay the i-emainder of the
248 CORRESPONDENCE.
month's entertainmeiit. At the pressing request of Lieut<-Colonel
Monk they have let him have, for the EarFs regiment of foot,
then in Chester, £100. They have assisted Sir R Grenville in
. providing ships to transport troops to Ireland. Say that the
citizens suffer, provisions being scarce euid dear by reason of the
troops quartered there, and the influx of 700 English fled out of
Ireland, then resident in the city, besides many hundred of dis-
tressed Irish that daily resort to the same. Ask that if any
more troops are to be embarked, they may be billeted in the
country and town of "Leverpoole".
1641, Jan. 22, Chester. Copy of letter by the Mayor to Sir
Eobert Harley, K.B., about receipt and payment of money, as in
the letter last above.
1641, Jan. 22. Copy of letter from [the Mayor erf Chester]
to the Lord High Admu*aL Acknowledges his letter about bring*
ing up Mr. Nettervill to the Lords in Parliament. In accord-
ance with the contents of a letter from the Mayor of Beaumaris
he h£is arrested Colonel Butler, an Irishman, as reported of great
experience in military affairs, and he is in the custody of one of
the Sheriffs. As the Sheriff is much busied about the troops (there
being four troops of horse and the Lord lieutenant-General of
Ireland's own regiment of foot there in the city), the writer begs
that Nettervill and any others that may be stayed, may be
delivered by the Sheriff of the city to the High Sheriff of the
County Palatine of Chester, and so be passed from county to
county up to London. Compledns much of the expense to the
city.
Corres;ponlience.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE ABCaSOLOGIl CAMBRENSIS.
THE NOETHEEN SHOEES OF WALES : THEIE
TRADITIONS AND LEGENDS.
ABEBGELE.
Sib, — The ftntiqaary and historian cannot award the Vicar of
Abergele too much praise for his architectural taste, judgment, and
excellent work, in restoring and beautifying the ancient parish
church. One thing more would, indeed, be desirable, if practicable,
viz., the erection of a few buttresses, with an embattled parapet, to
give the edifice externally apparent massiveness and height propor-
tionate to its great length, and to be in keeping with Canon Mere-
dith's great improvement of the rather imposing tower.
CORRESPONDENCE. 249
Hoping that the Wear, or some of your antiquarian corres-
poDdents, may have more to say on the subject, I offer a few con-
j^eotures on what has always been a topographical puzzle, i.e., how
the place came by its name, Abergele^ seeing it does not stand near
any junction of water, or the ikll of any stream into the sea ; nor
is it any " hav^en for ships". The Geie or G-elen (file Leeoh) seems
to be a highly poetical appellation for tlie brook which runs through
the little town, bestowing its Ancient British name upon the dear
old place, which it has also blest, since the Deluge at least, with
the only available pure potation of Nature, unaided by Art; re-
ceiving in return for its beneficence the dignified name of a river,
a title usually denied to perennial streams of its class; and so
rendered canonical by Elbodius {circ. a.d. 750), of whom we shall
speak more hereafter. The accredited source, as we had it from an
aged native many years ago, is a spring on Moelfre Hill, called
Ffynnon Dyfyr^ but which, when in quest of " hoary antiquities*'
and "the oldest inhabitant", we did not' visit; being, unfortunately,
satisfied with the assurance, that the Gele first acquired the title of
a river, by the junction of several other lills, in a dense wood called
• Coed Plasucha*, where it formed a great cascade in times of flood,
called Pistyll Mawr, and where when supernatural apparitions were
not so shy as they are in our time, three beautiful nymphs, ** Tair
Chwaer oW Tylwyth Teg*\ or three sisters of the Fairy Tribe, were
wont to enjoy their midnight ablutions, until they retired to the
Ogof Fawr^ as we shall hereafter find. This enchanted spot is a
long mile south of the town.
Soon afber leaving Abergele, the river becomes a very silent and
sluggish stream, dreaming along its reedy bed, and does not dis-
gorge itself right into the sea, but into the estuary of the Glwyd,
four or five miles east of Abergele. That it was formerly celebrated
for its leeches seems to be nothing more than the dream of etymo-
logists, who may justly pride themselves on being more fanciful
than all the rest of mankind. But what we want to know is, if tlie
Oele has, by its own option or compulsion, left its original channel.
Whenever you ask why the place, from the earliest record, has been
called Abergele, "the oldest inhabitant" will reply that the real
original name (as well the ecclesiastical cognomen, of course) was
Llanvihangel, or Llanvihangel y Morva, the church being dedicated
to St. Michael and All Angels. In proof of this you are directed
to a stone tablet, without any name or date, fixed in the churchyard
wall, close to the north gate, which bears the inscription —
^ Tma mae'n gorwedd
Tm Mjnwent Mihangel
Wr oedd ei annedd
Dair milldir yn y Qogledd."
Neither this stone nor the orthography has any sign of great
antiquity ; but you are told that the present tablet is only a
copy of another of a far more ancient date. And, indeed, on the
250 CORRESPONDENCE.
other side of the wall there was onoe a portion of a very old
inscribed stone, which oonld not be deciphered ; except a few capital
letters. The indiyidnal, whose remains lie here, had his residence,
therefore, some two miles and a half oat to sea, on the coast plain
which it is said once stretched from the Point of Air, in Flintshire,
round Orme's Head, to the eastern banks of the Conway. And
now, if the ^^ Old Abergele", which when doomed to be drowned
by the sea, mnch more than a thousand years ago, be alleg^ to
have left its name as a perpetual legacy to its nearest neighbour,
the present town, then the Oehy must hav^e once discharged its
waters into the sea due north ; or, the real original Oele, must hare
been some creek now totally submerged, and one with the ocean.
It is, however, a fact that in Christopher Sazton's maps, both of
Denbighshire and Flintshire, Camden* s Britain, edition 1637, the
Gele appears to run right north, apparently emptying itself into the
sea about Pensam, having no junction with the Clwyd. In the
days of their childhood the oldest inhabitants must have heard their
grandsire^s stories of spring-tides coming up the old water course,
Hen Ffos y Clawdd, from Pensam to Pentre Ucha, a very short
distance below the present parsonage. Here you may still dig
gravel, which some stream of water must have deposited in ag^
long gone by. Pensarn, we may presume, inherits its name from a
causeway which crossed the Oele there at low water, before the Towyn
was enclosed, and the sea embankment (now nearly levelled) was
thrown up. It was within the memory of the last generation
restored, an undertaking which old Father Oceanus seems never to
have approved of, but to have coveted the whole plain, bit by bit ;
and sometimes yet he is defying the London and North- Western
Railway Company to dispute his claims. Again, the present bed of
the river, nearly all the way from the town to the Clwyd, seems to
be more artificial than natural. But we leave the question to the
local antiquary and geologist. Is there any parochial record of the
indosure of the Towyn, and the later inclosure of the Morva ?
Now, about Elbodius, or Elvod, as he passed among the Welsh,
what was his connection with Abergele ? Was he the founder of a
church there? Could he have been a native? He endowed the
church with a parcel of land on the River Gele, ».6., we presume,
on the left bank of the stream just above the bridge, wnere the
old houses were built upon land leased from the Bishop of St.
Asaph. How did Elbodius acquire this strip of land ? In War-
ring^n's History of Wales, p. 559, we read that "the clergy of
Wales had hitherto (a.d. 762) preserved, with great firmness, an
independency of the Romish church. About this period, however,
they suffered Elbodius to be appointed by the Pope, archbishop of
North Wales ; who soon brought them to act in conformity with the
Romish observance of Easter, etc." But according to Brut y Tywy-
sogion^ '* Elbodius, Archbishop of North Wales, died in a.d. 809,
when there was an eclipse of the sun, and great contention among
the clergy abont the observance of Easter, for the bishops of
(X)RRESPONDENCE. 251
Llandaff and Menayia wonid not submit to the Archbishop of Vene-
docia (North Wales) ; they themselves being archbishops by a more
ancient right", see Hanes Cymru, reif^ of Gynan Tindaeihwy,
Hence, Elbodins must have held his archiepiscopate for nearly fifty
years, and during that long period he may have bnilt a cathedral at
Abergele, snch as that age coald produce, attaching to it two or
more chapelries. This may explain, in some measure, why the
present large church stands upon the massive foundations of a
former edifice discovered during the late restoration. But where
are we to learn the connection of Abergele with the Cistercian
Monks P
The Towyn seems to have been inhabited to some extent, pro-
bably by fishermen, from an early time ; a small door opening into
north aisle, called *' Drws y Tywyn*', was made^ no doubt, for their
special convenience.
It has been asserted that Peel signifies a small military post
erected by the Danes. Is such the fact ? There is a Peel at Aber-
gele, and another at St. George, or Llansantsior.
The antiquities and legends connected with Abergele are very
numerous and interesting. Glanmor.
POOL PARK, RUTHIN.
Sir, — A question of g^at importance occurs to my mind in con-
nection with this property, lately advertised for sale ; and it is one
I should like to see discussed in the Journal. As members will
remember, there stand in front of the house two most interesting
objects of rare antiquity, both of which have been in time past
removed thither from their proper locale, namely, the Emlyn Stone
and Cadair Fenhines. Both of them have been described by Pro-
fessor Westwood in the volume for 1855, where also illustrations are
given of them. But at that time the meaning of Edward Llhwyd's
note of " y^ streaks on y® edges'* of the Emlyn Stone had not been
realised ; and it was not until 1873 that they were discovered by
Professor Rhys to be Oghams. So that we have here not only what
appears to have been a coronation-chair, but also an Ogham inscrip-
tion ; the only one, I think, in the whole of North Wales ; and that,
moreover, a bilingual one ; exposed to the chances of a sale, and
therewith to the whims and idiosyncrasies of a purchaser who may
show much less regard and care for them than has been done by the
late and present Lord Bagot. It is, indeed, mnch to be hoped that
no such evil may befall them ; but it is a grave matter that such a
chance should be possible, and I would suggest that an effort should
be made to get a clause inserted in the Act for the Preservation of
Ancient Monuments, to extend its provisions to all snch like objects
as are liable to transfer by sale and purchase. Those who may feel
a real and intelligent interest in their acquisition will be thankful
252
CORRESPONDENCE.
for the safegpiard ; and those who do not will be prevented from
injuring, or at least destroying, what they may not be able to appre-
ciate.
I am, etc., AminixTS Ruthinbnsis.
WOLVES,
Sib, — The late Mr. Davies Gilbert, who wrote a history of Corn-
wall, has more than once stated that the hist native wolf seen in
England was captnred at Rosperth, in Lndgvsn, in Cornwall. He
does not appear to have given the date of this capture. The last
wolf in Scotland was killed in 1680 by Sir F!wen Cameron; while
these animals seem to have lingered on in Ireland nntil 1710, abont
which time the last presentment for their destruction in the .county
of Cork was made. Edward I issued a mandamus to all his bailiffs
to assist Peter Corbet to destroy them in the counties of Glouces-
ter, Salop, Hereford, and Worcester. The attempts to extirpate of
Athelstan and Edgar seem to have failed. It would be, therefore,
interesting to know when the capture of the Cornish wolf was made.
As the exact spot is known, it is not impossible some information
as to the time may be obtained from local sources.
I am. Sir, your humble servant, An Inquibeb.
CAMBRIAN AECHiEOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION.
STATEMENT OP ACCOUNTS FOR 1882.
PAYMENTS.
RECEIPTS.
£ s.
d.
£ s.
</.
Printing . . 163 14
1
Balance from 1881 . 25 2
10
Engraving . 25 4
0
Interest from Bank 0 16
2
Editor . . . 40 0
0
Balance f^om Llannrst
Postages ..22
0
Local Fund . 12 16
11
G. E. RobinsoD, Esq., ditto
Subscriptions and arrears 214 13
0
for 1881-2 . 4 16
5
W. 0. Smith, Esq., ex-
penses .55
0
Mr. Richards, additional 6 14
0
Balance . . 15 13
5
^£253 8
11
£253 8
11
Examined and fo^md correct^
(Signed)
Ab
Ch
AaLBS C. Babington \^^^^^^'
^rcftae^kgia Canttr^n^is.
FOURTH SERIES.— VOL. XIV, NO. LVI.
OCTOBER 1883.
ON THE
SEPULCHRAL EFFIGY OF A PILGRIM IN
St. marts church, HAVERFORDWEST,
SOUTH WALES.
On the 21st of August 1872 I proceeded by rail from
Tenby to Haverfordwest, on iny way to St. David's,
for the purpose of taking notes of the monuments in
St. David 8 Cathedral ; which notes were subsequently
published in the Archceologia Camhrensis. I did not
reach Haverfordwest till late in the evening, and the
the whole of the following day was occupied in journey-
ing by a vehicle I had engaged to St. David s and back,
and in the Cathedral, for the purpose I have stated. I
had arranged to leave Haverfordwest the following
day by a certain railway train, which gave me an oppor-
tunity on the morning of that day, the 23rd of August,
of going about the town. Amongst the places I visited
was the Church of St. Mary, which presented, as far as
I can recollect, no special feature of architectural de-
sign. I noticed, however, in that church an object
which excited my attention, and so fully compensated
my visit that I regretted my time was so limited that
I could barely take down a description in my note-
book, and the slightest possible memorandum-sketch
in another note-book, and this I was forced to do by
candle-light.
The object then was no less than the sepulchral
4th 8BB., VOL. XIT. 18
254 SEPULCHRAL EFFIGY OF A PILGRIM
effigy of a pilgrim, of a class so rare that I have only
come across one other example in this country, to which
I shall presently allude. This effigy then at Haver-
fordwest, which, as far as Wales is concerned, is pro-
bably unique, is much mutilated and abraded, especi-
ally the head, which appears to have been represented
bare, and reposing on two cushions, — the undermost
square, the uppermost lozenge -shaped. The effigy
appears to have been sculptured in the peculiar garb
appropriated to pilgrims, the exterior robe or gown of
which was called the sclavine. The skirt of this is open
in front, a short distance upwards. Under the right
elbow is a vestige of the bourdon^ or pilgrim s staff,
whilst on the left side of the effigy appears the pil-
grim's wallet or scrip, suspended by a strap over the
right shoulder. On the scrip are represented scallop-
shells, indicating the shrine to which the pilgrimage
had been made. The hands are conjoined on the breast,
as in prayer. From the shape of the slab (a parallelo-
gram) on which the effigy reposed, I should imagine
this to be a monument of the early part of the fifteenth
century.
Pilgrimages to holy places are said to have com-
menced after the alleged invention, in the early part of
the fourth century, by St. Helena, of the Holy Cross.
This discovery, though not noticed by Eusebius, was
generally believed in toward the close of the fourth
century. In this country pilgrimages were more espe-
cially made to the shrine of St. David, St. Cuthbert at
Durham, to that of St. Thomas at Canterbury, to the
image of our Lady at Walsingham, and to the image of
St. Dervel Gadarn in Llandderfel Church, Merioneth.
There were many other churches containing images or
supposititious relics to which local pilgrimages were
made. Abroad, the principal places to which pilgrims
were accustomed to resort were Jerusalem, Rome, Lo-
retto, and Santiago de Compostella.
From Chaucer's Canterbury pilgrimage, and from the
visits of Erasmus to Walsingham and Canterbury, it is
IN ST. MARY's church, HAVERFORDWEST. 255
to be inferred that in this country no peculiar garb
was worn by pilgrims. Such, however, was not the
case with regard to those proceeding from this country
on pilgrimages abroad, wnen a greater solemnity was
observed.
In the Pontifical at Exeter Cathedral, which bears
the name of Bishop Laoey, but is said to have been
written in the fourteenth century, one of the offices is
entitled '^Ordo ad servicium Peregrinorum faciendum/'
By this it appears that after having confessed, those
about to proceed on pilgrimage lay prostrate before the
altar {''coram altari prostratos postquam confessi sunf)\
certain psalms and sentences were said, amongst which,
'' Benedictus,DominusDeu8,prosperum iterfaciat vohis.'*
Then followed the benediction of the pDgrim's wallet
and staff. ''Hie surgant a prostracionCy sequitur bene--
dictio pere et hamuli hoc modo, Dominus vobiscum. Ore-
mus te humiliter imploramus, quatenus sanctifi-
cando benedicere digneris has peras et hos baculos, ut
quicunque eos pro tui nominis amore ad instar humilis
armature, lateri suo applicare, atque coUo suo pendere,
si ve in manibus suis gestare cupierint, etc Hie
ponet sacerdos coUo peregrini peram, dicens, In nomine,
etc , accipe banc peram, habitum peregrinacionis tue,
etc. Hie detur haculus peregrine. Accipe baculum sus-
tentacionis tue, etc. Benedictio crucis peregrinalis leru-
saJem sic, Dominus vobiscum, etc. Hie detur vestis sig-
nata cruee pet^egrino a sacerdote interim dicente, Accipe
vestimentum, cruce Domini Salvatoris signatum est, etc.
Hiisfinitis dicatur Missa pro iter agentibus. Offidum.
Postcommunio. Post Missam dicat sacerdos has sequen-
tes orationes super peregrines coram altare prostratos,
si prefecture sint Jerusalem, seu ad sanctum Jacobum,
vet ad aliam peregrinacienem ; cum Dominus vobiscum
et Oremus", etc.
According to the foregoing rite it would appear that
the office of a priest was sufficient for this service,
which, though a general one, was more particularly
adapted to the intended pilgrimages to the Holy Sepul-
18 »
256 SEPULCHRAL EFFIGY OF A PILGRIM
chre at Jerusalem and to the Bhrine of St. James at
Compostella, Jerusalem and St. James being specially
mentioned.
And now of the pilgrim's garb with its appurtenances.
Pera. — This was the scrip, wallet, bag, or pouch {scrip-
pum, pera, sacuhts), generally suspended by a belt or
strap crossing diagonally from the right shoulder, and
hanging down in front of the body, on the left side.
On the front of the scrip of pilgrims who had visited
the shrine of St. James at Compostella, scallop-shells
were attached to denote that fact. By these we at
once see to what locality the pilgrim represented by the
eflSgy at Haverfordwest proceeded.
Baculus. — The bourdon or pilgrim's staff Q)urdo\ A
small portion of this only is left attached to the eflSigy
here treated o£ This fragment appears under the rignt
elbow. It was sometimes called a pyk.
Vestis signata cruce. — This was the sclavine {scla-
villa), the outer robe or gown worn by pilgrims, ad-
verted to by Du Cange, " incedens in habitu peregrini,
qui vulgo dicitur sclavina" And again, "Vidit ipsum
instar alicujus Hierosolymitani, palma, pera, et baculo
insignem, atque sclavina coopertum."
I know of only one other sepulchral effigy in this
country of a pilgrim habited in his peculiar costume.
This, a well known instance, lies in the church of Ashby
de la Zouch, in the county of Leicester. This effigy
represents the party it was intended to commemorate
as bareheaded; the hair worn long, cut round, and
clubbed in the fashion prevalent in the latter part of
the fifteenth or early part of the sixteenth century (i.e.,
temp. Henry VII), to which period this effigy may fairly
be ascribed. It is in a far more perfect state than the
effigy at Haverfordwest. The sclavine, or upper robe
(the peculiar garb of pilgrims), which is here well de-
fined, is a kind of super-tunic, or overcoat, reaching
nearly to the ankles, with short and loose open sleeves
falling over the shoulders to a little below the elbows.
From within these sleeves appear the full but some-
IN ST. Mary's church, Haverfordwest. 257
what close sleeves of the inner vest, tunic, or coat, ex-
tending to the wrists. The hands were raised on the
breast, in attitude of prayer. These have been broken
off, and are now lost. On the feet are worn short boots
pointed at the toes, and loosely laced a little above the
insteps. The feet rest against a dog which wears a
collar. Partly hidden by the head, neck, and right
shoulder, appears the pilgrim's broad-brimmed hat with
an escallop-shell upon it, indicative of the shrine, that
of St. James of Compostella, to which the pilgrimage
had been undertaken. Suspended on the left side of
the body by a narrow belt or strap crossing diagonally
from the right shoulder, is the scrip, pouch, wallet, or
bag, with escallop-shells upon or attached to it. This
has a flap fastened with a strap and buckle. Under-
neath the wrist of the left hand passes the bourdon or
pilgrim's staff. This is set diagonally, from the left
shoulder to the right thigh. Coming down over each
shoulder, in front of the breast, is a collar of SS, indi-
cating that the person here represented was one of dis-
tinction ; but I believe it is not so clearly known who
that person was.
In the year 1872 Warwick Castle was for a while
closed to visitors during the reparations required by
the then recent fire. I was however allowed, by the
special permission of the noble owner, to inspect and
examine such portions as had been subject to the
action of fire. In going through the habitable apart-
ments and chapel, I was struck in observing in the
latter a headless statuette which, when entire, would
be about three feet high. If this had been discovered
near any other chapel or church, I might with fair pro-
bability have taken it for an image of St. James the
Apostle ; but, in the present instance, I could not but
ascribe to it a personification of Sir Guy of Warwick,
that hero of pure romance, represented in his pilgrim's
garb. This statuette, apparently of the fourteenth
century, represented the knight of fabulous antiquity
as clad in a long tunic or coat reaching to the ankles ;
258 SEPULCHRAL EFFIGY OF A PILGRIM
over this appeared the sclavine, or peculiar palmer's
garb, worn over the tunic, but not so long, and with
loose sleeves ; suspended by a broad strap or belt crossing
over the right shoulder obliquely to the left side, was
the pilgrim 8 wallet or scrip, the flap of which was
fastened by a button. The left hand was gone, this
held the bourdon or pilgrim's staff, a small portion only
of which appeared over the scrip. In the right hand
a book was held. The supposititious pilgrimage of Sir
Guy of Warwick was to tne Holy Land. But it is
the pilgrimages to Compostella that those whose
effigies we possess at Ashby de la Zouch and Haverford-
west went on, which require our more immediate
notice. Compostella in Galicia, not far from the north-
west coast of Spain, and therefore fairly accessible by
sea, was a favourite resort of pilgrims from different
countries in the middle ages, from the remains of
Santiago de Compostella, St. James of Compostella,
otherwise St. James the Elder, the Apostle, being re-
puted to be there enshrined. This place is said to have
been first founded by Theodomir, Bishop of Tria, a.d.
835, in which year he professed to have discovered the
body of St. James the Apostle in a wood upon or near
the site of the present city. Alonzo the Second erected
a chapel on the spot where the remains were reported
to have been found, subsequently enlarged into a
cathedral church, finished a.d. 874, and consecrated
a.d. 899. Since the ninth century the shrine of
Santiago has been one of the most popular resorts of
pilgrims. This cathedral was destroyed by the Moors,
A.D. 997, and rebuilt a.d. 1082. An early image of
the Saint is said to have been executed a.d. 1188 by
el Maestro Mateo, for Archbishop Gelmirez. In the
left hand of this image wtis held the bourdon or
pilgrim s stiiff, with a gourd or calabash fastened to it.
In imagery and other representations during the
middle ages, St. James the Apostle is represented in
the garb of a pilgrim with the bourdon and scrip ; and
as the most noted places of pilgrimage had each their
IN ST. MARYS CHURCH, HAVERFORDWEST. 259
peculiar sign, wliich, exhibited on some portion of the
apparel of a pilgrim on bis return, indicated the par-
ticular pilgrimage he had undertaken ; that of St.
James of Compostella was the escallop shell found ou
the sea shore of Galicia. Small copper shells were also
manufactured, and these decorated some part of the
garb, or its accessories, of the pilgrim on his return.
The Rev. Dr. Eaven, Head Master of the Grammar
School, Great Yarmouth, has one of these shells or
signs made of copper. Of this, a representation of the
size of the original is here given.
Copper Shall, or PUgrlm'a Sign. Iram CompoitalU,
found >t Danwioh.
Dr. Raven's account of its discovery, and where, as
communicated to me, is as follows : — " On April 11th,
1878, I visited Dunwich with a view of determining
the route of the ninth Iter in the British part of
Antonine's Itinerary. Mr. A. B. Cooper of Westwood
Lodge, Blythburgh, was with me. There were two
labourers at work in the field within the Grey Friars'
wall. We asked them if they had found anything
lately, knowing that Roman coins had been picked up
at Dunwich. One of them replied that his companion
had just now lighted upon ' tnis here', which he pre-
sumed to be without interest, but I thought otherwise,
and bought it of him there and then. It is of copper,
and had a hole in the shank, by which I attached it to
the ring of my watch chain."
I am indebted to Dr. Raven for a photograph of this
interesting relic, of the size of the original, from which
the above engraving has been made. I have not met
with a similar example.
260 SEPULCHRAL EFFIGT OF A PILGRIM
In Les DSlices de L'Espagne, tome premier, published
A.t). 1715, one of the engravings is entitled, "Procession
des P61erins k Compostelle". In this a vast number of
pilgrims are introduced.
The late Mr. George Edmund Street, F.S.A., the
celebrated architect, in his admirable work, Some Account
of Gothic Architecture in Spain, published A.D. 1865,
in treating of Compostella, tells us, " If the cathedral
be left out of consideration Santiago is a disappointing
place. There is none of the evidence of the presence
of pilgrims which might be expected, and I suspect a
genuine pilgrim is a very rare article indeed. I never
saw more than one, and he proclaimed his intentions
only by the multitude of his scallop shells fastened on
wherever his rags would allow; but I fear much he
was a professional pilgrim ; he was begging lustily at
Zaragoza, and seemed to have been many years there
on the same errand, without getting very far on his
road."
The Rev. Dr. Husenbeth, in his Emblems of Saints,
shows us how St. James the Greater, the Apostle, was
represented as depicted on various rood screens in
Norfolk ; the peculiar pilgrim's garb is not, however,
noticed by him. At Tumstead and Lessingham, St.
James appears as a pilgrim with a staff. At Worstead
and Edingthorpe, with a staff and shell. At Blofield,
with a staff, shell, hat, and wallet. At Ringland, with
a staff and wallet^ the latter with a shell upon it. At
Ranworth, with a staff and book. At Belaugh and
Trunch, as holding a shell.
Molanus, De Historia SS. Imxiginum, thus treats of
the representation of St. James with the staff and shell,
" Quod vero ad Sanctum Jacohum Compostellanum
attinet, cum Baculo et Conchd qucB Sancti Jacohi did
solet, eum oh id pingi arhitror, quia ad Hispanias
usque amhulavit, ut ibi apostolicd legatione fungeretur ;
et Compostellce corporaliter Patronus quiescit, unde
Peregrinantes conchas hujusmodi referunt." In a
note, apparently by Paquot, the foregoing statement
IN ST. MAKY's church, HAVERFORDWEST. 261
is somewhat doubted. *'Fertur impositum navigio
Divi Jacohi corpus Iria/ra Flaviam delatum, inde Com-
postellam; postea scBviente persequutione suh humo
occultatumy anno 816 detectum fuisse {Baronitts ad an.
816). Sed hcBC nullo idoneo teste narrantur. Venantius
Fortunatus existimahat estate sud, id est, medio scbcuIo
F7, S. Apostoli exuvias in Falcestina servari." By
this it will appear that the truth of the legend, con-
necting St. James the Apostle with Compostella, was
not universally acquiesced in. In the "Vision of Piers
Ploughman", said to have been written by Robert Long-
land, a secular priest, about the year 1362, a pilgrim in
his garb is thus described : —
" A paraild as a Paynym in Pylgrymes wise,
He bar a bordon ybonnd with a brod lyste
In a weyth wynde wyse ywrythe al abonte.
A botle and a bagge he bar by has syde,
And an hundred hanypeles on hns hatie seten,
Signs of Syse and ahilles of Galys,
And meny cronche on hus cloke, and keyes of Rome,
And the femicle by fore for men sholde knowe.
And by hns sygnes wham he sought hadde.''
In this passage we have the staff mentioned as the
bordon ; the scrip mentioned as a bagge ; the hatte ; the
shilles of Galys, the scallop shells of Galicia; hanypeles,
ampullae, small cruets of metal; Syse, Sicily; crouche,
cross; cloke, sclavine; femicle, venicle; lastly, to
quote from Sir Walter Raleigh,
*' Give me my scallop-shell of Qaiet ;
My Staff of Faith to walk upon ;
My Scrip of Joy, immortal Diet ;
My Bottle of Salvation ;
My Gown of Glorie, (Hope's true gage :)
And thns I'le take my Pilgrimage."
M. H. Bloxam.
Rngby. 24 October 1888.
262
CROSSES AT St. EDEEN'S CHURCH,
PEMBROKESHIRE.
St. Edren's Church lies nine miles, as the crow flies,
to the north- west of the town of Haverfordwest in Pem-
brokeshire. It is situated on high ground almost in the
centre of the promontory which runs out of the main-
land of Pembrokeshire and terminates in St. David's
Head. A mile to the northward runs the Via Flandrica,
as marked on the Ordnance Map. The church stands
alone, in rather a dreary solitude, being surrounded by
no village or houses of any kind. The present struc-
ture is entirely modern, and is built in the debased
Gothic style. All that now remains to bear witness to
the existence of a more ancient building upon the pre-
sent site are the four crosses to be described, and
the ruined font lying broken in the north-west part of
the churchyard.
Three of the crosses lie at the foot of the tower of
the church, and the fourth stands erect in the church-
yard, on the north side. The three small slabs are of
sandstone, perhaps from Nolton, and the erect cross is
of red slate similar to that found near St. David's. The
following is a description of the stones, which are
shown on the accompanying engraving, drawn to the
scale of three-quarters of an inch to the foot, being
carefully reduced from rubbings, and corrected from
sketches.*
No. 1 measures 2 feet 3 inches long by 1 foot 3 inches
broad, and is 6 inches thick. The stone is rounded at
the top, and the cross section is elliptical, the centre
portion being raised and sloping away on each side.
The stone seems to have been formed by nature into
^ Explanation of plate : No. 1, left hand upper comer ; No. 2,
right hand upper corner ; No. 3, left hand lower corner ; No. 4, right
hand lower comer.
Crosses at ST Edrens.
I'i
GROSSES AT ST. EDREN's CHURCH. 263
this shape, and the design of the cross adapted to it.
Running round the whole of the outside edge of the
upper surface of the slab, and following its contour,
which is of an elongated horseshoe shape, is a bead-
moulding enclosing a cross carved slightly in relief.
The form of the cross is typically Celtic ; i.e., with the
circular ring uniting the four arms, which have the
usual hollows at the intersections, and expanded ends.
Several examples of this shape of cross occur on i-ect-
angular slabs at Clonmacnoise in Ireland,^ and on one
at lona f but as far as I know, this is the only speci-
men existing in Wales, and the form of the slab is
unique. The back of the stone is smooth and rounded,
but has no carving upon it.
No. 2 is a fragment of a cylindrical pillar, 1 foot long,
and 9 inches in diameter at the thickest part, and taper-
ing towards the top. The double incised lines cut upon
it are apparently part of a cross, the remainder being
broken off.
N o. 3 is a rectangular slab, 1 foot 8 inches long by
10 inches wide, and 4 inches thick. Upon its upper
surface is a plain Latin cross with unequal limbs sculp-
tured in relief. At the top, in the angles on each side
of the cross, are incised the letters Alpha and Omega.
On the right hand side of the cross, below, are the let-
ters IHC, the well known abbreviation for Jesus Christ ;
and on the left are the letters XPC, another form of in-
dicating the Saviour s name by means of the first let-
ters of the Greek word Christos. These two inscriptions
extend down each side of the stem of the cross, and
the remainder of the space on each side of the lower
portion of the cross is filled in with plain, incised panels.
The letters Alpha and Omega are of common occurrence
on sepulchral inscriptions in the Catacombs of Rome
and elsewhere, being often combined, in various ways,
with the monogram formed out of the Greek letters
1 Petrie's Christian Inscriptions in the Irish Language,
3 Stuart's Sculptured Stones of Scotland.
264 PEMBROKE CASTLE.
XPi (Christi).^ They appear also on two slabs of Saxon
date, found at Hartlepool, Durham.* The letters xpc
(Christus) are to be seen on the Gurmarc Stone at Pen
Arthur, near St. Davids. The back of the slab is
smooth, slightly rounded, and has no carving upon it.
No. 4 is a wheel-cross standing erect. The diameter
of the circular head is 1 foot 10 inches ; the shaft is
1 foot 6 inches long, and 1 foot 3 inches wide at the
base ; the thickness is 3^ inches. The cross is a plain
one, with equal limbs having expanded ends, and con-
nected by a triple ring. The shaft and whole of the
back are unomamented.
J. RoMiLLY Allen.
Note. Professor Westwood has kindly read through the proofs
of this paper, and suggested many improvements which have been
made.
PEMBROKE CASTLE.
{Continued from p. 220.)
I CANNOT but think that if the principal object of the
donjon was as a tower of observation, it would surely
have been put on the highest point of the rock at the
extreme N.W., where, as a place of last resort, it
would have been more remote from attack, and afforded
greater possibility of escape. Indeed, with the curtain
in the hands of an attacking foe, who had been strong
enough to acquire it, entry to the tower must have
been easy. The curtain wall may, and doubtless did,
protect the tower, but it is difficult to see how the
tower could have been held without the walL
I think the basement entrance is original, but that
it was for the most part filled with flush masonry : that
the entrance to the first floor is not original ; that it
was a window converted into a door at the same time
^ Inscriptiones ChrisiiancB TJrhis BomoB, by O. B. de Rossi.
2 Jouni, Brit, Archasolog, Assoc,^ vol. i, p. 186.
PEMBROKE CASTLE. 265
that the steps of approach to it were added. I am un-
able to believe that an original entrance of this magni-
tude would not have had limestone constructive arches
over it, or some better bolt-hole or protection, or com-
municated more directly with the stairs. It is of course
possible that there may have been a well-protected
lodge or porch on the landing outside, but it must have
been very small, and does not look likely, I believe
the access from the rampart of the curtain wall bv
means of moveable steps waa the main approach
designed by the buUder.
T think also that the small central tower on the cone,
of which there are now only the rudiments, may have
been much higher, and that this was the tower of
observation, the rest of the cone, with its hourding,
equidistant from the two bastions, being designed to
command and protect the ditch and wall, the upper
chambers being used as quarters for the changing shifts
of watchers and their chiefs, and that the two lower
were simply designed as grain warehouses and for
stores, which the cavern was too damp to preserve.
And when it is remembered that Pembroke was looked
on as the base from which Ireland was to be controlled,
and that large armies had been and were about to be
equipped and despatched thence, the necessity for
very ample and safe storage room is apparent.
The cavern was probably drier then than it is now,
when the buildings over were all roofed, and the rain-
water carried away to the ditch and sides, but it never
can have been dry enough for a grain store. Its capa-
bilities and shortcomings may possibly have suggested
the formation of something above ground equally capa-
cious, or nearly so ; and as strong, but drier and some-
what more accessible. Excepting the very decided
shape and work of the perfectly plain doorway to the
second floor, and other openings which allow consider-
able latitude in date, there is scarcely any guide beyond
the windows. Omitting reference now to the lights of
the northern hall, it will be found that the Norman
266 PEMBROKE CASTLE.
look and dimensions of the window recesses diminish
as the work goes up ; but the form of the lights them-
selves is just otherwise. The cavern window has a
recess as truly Norman in size and treatment as can be
conceived. That supposed to be the first floor entrance
of the donjon resembles it, but is smaller ; that of the
second floor also resembles it, but is yet smaller, and
on the exterior the arch is slightly pointed; that of
the upper is smaller still, and almost acutely pointed ;
while the lights of the last are small, round-headed,
scarcely reaching above the shoulder of the enclosing
arch, the head filled with masonry, and the plinths
square. The lights of the second storey rise higher in
the recess, are slightly pointed, and the chamfer is hol-
lowed and studded (not closely) with the four-leaved
flower ; but the head is still filled with masonry, and
the plinths square. The first floor shows nothing defi-
nite. In the cavern the lights are tall, acutely pointed,
and purely English in shape ; the square plinth is
omitted, but the head is still masonry.
May it be inferred that the work wa^ one of time,
that the recesses were formed as the work went up,
the lights inserted as the scaffolding was removed ? It
will be remembered that from the ciU of the cavern-
gate to the top of the great tower is now over 130 feet
vertical, and was probably more. It will also be remem-
bered that at St. David's, commenced in 1180, the tri-
forium arches are pointed, while those of the piers and
clerestory are round ; and that the new Temple, the
building of which is almost certain to have been fostered
by the great Earl who there lies buried, is of the same
date.
The windows of the northern hall are clearly later.
They are veiy acute, and in shape advanced English ;
but the exceeding shallowness of the details gives them
a much later look. One piece of distinct shafting was
found in the rubbish, but one only.
I wish I could add a plan. There are, however, the
Ordnance Surveys to refer to. I am sorry to say that
PEMBROKE CASTLE. 267
the large 1-500 scsale Ordnance Map is misleading in
some respects : markedly so as regards the Monkton
tower, the great gate tower, and tne curtain between
the north gate tower and the Mills postern.
I venture to add the following as having important
bearing on the histoiy of the fabric, and as weakly con-
tinuing the history which Mr. Clark so ably commenced,
just mentioning in confirmation of Leland (if confirma-
tion of him be not out of place by me), that the inscrip-
tions recording the burial of Strongbow and Newmarch
on the north side of the Chapter House at Gloucester
are, or lately were, again visible. There is, however,
yet the period between De Valence and the Common-
wealth to be written.
On the breaking out of the Parliamentary troubles
in 1643, nearly all Wales took part with the King,
Pembroke only excepted. That town, guided by John
Poyer, its Mayor, and aided by William Laughame,
declared for the Parliament. In 1644 it was in great
straits, and threatened with a siege from the Earl of
Carbery, until the Parliamentary fleet, driven to Mil-
ford Haven for shelter, brought help. The tide then
turned, and the Mayor of Pembroke took successively
Stackpole, Carew, Tenby, Trefloyne, and other places.
In July, Colonel Charles Gerard had somewhat restored
the King's position in South Wales, having taken Car-
diff, Kidwelly, Cardigan, Newcastle, and Haverford-
west, leaving Pembroke and Tenby, and probably
Manorbere, in the Parliamentary interest. But at the
same time Swanley, in his ships, had harried Glamor-
ganshire, taking some 1,500 head of cattle to Pembroke;
and Gerard left South Wales without making any
further attempt on it.
In 1648, the country having been entirely subdued
to the Parliament, orders were issued for disbanding
the troops, paying them partly in cash, partly in paper.
Poyer apparently insisted on having all in cash, and
did not like to change his military governorship for the
civic chair, and he revolted. He was then called
268 PEMBROKE CASTLE.
Governor of the Castle of Pembroke, and though in
correspondence with the King's friends, does not appear
even to have held a royal commission. Poyer shut
himself up in Pembroke on the 10th of May. He had
notice on the 8th of March 1648, that if he did not sur-
render the Castle in twelve hours he would be declared
rebel and traitor ; and not complying, he was formally
invested by Cromwell in person in the beginning of
June, surrendered to him on the 11th of July, and was
shot in Covent Garden on the 21st day of the following
April.
In May, Chepstow was surrendered to Colonel Ewer,
Cromwell passing on to Pembroke. The Colonel names
the prisoners, whom he says " we have put into the
church, and shall keep there until I receive further
orders." On the 31st of May, Tenby surrendered ; and
it is clear that Colonel Powell was one of the prisoners
taken there, and not at Pembroke, as commonly sup-
posed. The terms at Tenby seem harder than those
conceded to more obstinate Pembroke. A letter dated
June 6, 1648, from before Pembroke, says, — "I praise
God the Lieutenant-General is gallant and well. He
has subdued all the rebellious party in Wales except
Pembroke Castle. They in Pembroke are fain to feed
their horses and cows on the thatch of their houses.
Poyer pretends his old principles." On the 14th Crom-
well writes to the Speaker from the leaguer before
Pembroke: "All you can expect from me. from hence is
a relation of the garrison of Pembroke, which is chiefly
this : They begin to be in extreme want of provisions,
so as in all probability they cannot live a fortnight
without being starved. But we hear they mutinied
about three days since ; cried out : — ' Shall we be
ruined for two or three men's pleasure ? Better it were
we should throw them over the walls.' It's certainly
reported to us that within four or six days they '11 cut
Poyer's throat, and come all away to us. Poyer told
them Saturday last, that if relief did not come by Mon-
day night they should no more believe him ; nay, they
PEMBROKE CASTLE. 269
should hang him. We have not got our guns from
WalHngford as yet ; but, however, we have scraped up
a few which stand us in very good stead. Last night
we got two little guns planted, which in twenty-four
hours will take away their mills ; and then, as Poyer
himself confesses, they are all undone. We made an
attempt to stonn^ about ten days since ; but the ladders
were too short, and the breach so as no man could get
over. We lost a few men ; but I am confident the
enemy lost more I question not but within a fort-
night we shall have the town ; and Poyer hath engaged
himself to the officers of the town not to keep the
Castle longer than the town can hold out. Neither,
indeed, can he ; for we can take away his water by
battering down a staircase which goes into a cellar
where he has a well.* They allow the men half a pound
of beef, and as much bread a day ; but it is almost
spent. We much rejoice at what the Lord hath done
for you in Kent; upon our thanksgiving for that victory,
which was both from sea and leaguer, Poyer told his
men it was the Prince, — Prince Charles and his re-
^ Obvionsly this was the town, not the Castle.
* A topographical writer of authoritj, in 1833, bays : ** Cromwell
having cnt off their supply of water by the destruction of a staircase
leading into a cavern under one of the towers, in which was th^
chief reservoir, there remained only the alternative of a lingering
death or immediate submission"; and adds, "this has been conSrmed
by a recent discovery of the cavern, in which were found a copious
spring of water, with the shattered remains of a staircase leading to
it from the tower, the bones of a man, and several cannon-balls."
Even Mr. Murray says the communication was by a wooden stair,
now destroyed.
Cromwell speaks of a cellar, though, doubtless, he referred to the
** Hogan". That ** marvelus vault*' was not first discovered until
about 1833. The staircase is there now, uninjured, except the pil-
fering of the freestone-treads. Yet the belief is almost universal
that the surrender took place in consequence of the water-supply
being cut off. The evidence all seems to point the other way. On
the 14th of June Cromwell said he could do it, and have the place
by starvation in fourteen days. They held out till the 11th of July,
and then got such terms as look almost like an arrangement, as if
the town rather than Cromwell had forced the Castle to terms.
Cromwell was clearly wrong in his expectation.
4TB 8BR., VOL. XIV. 19
270 PEMBROKE CASTLE.
volted men coming with relief. The other night they
mutinied in the town. Last night we fired divers
houses^ and the fire runs up the hill, and much frights
them. Confident I am we shall have it in fourteen
days by starving."
Another writer on the 19th says: "The town is
almost at its last gasp, being much discontented and
divided, occasioned by want of victuals. Our great
guns have played against the walls, and a breach was
made by battery, and the assault attempted, but fruit-
less It is supposed there are 2,000 fighting men in
the town. We doubt not to be masters both of town
xmd Castle very suddenly."
Cromwell writes again on the 28th : " I have some
few days since despatched horse and dragoons to the
north The number I sent are six troops I could
not, by the judgment of the colonels here, spare more
or send them sooner without manifest hazard to these
parts. There is, as I have formerly acquainted your
Excellency, a very desperate enemy, who being put out
of all hope of mercy are resolved to endure the utmost
extremity, being very many gentlemen of quality, and
are thoroughly resolved They have made some notable
sallies on Colonel Reade's quarter, to his loss. We are
forced to keep divers posts, or else they would have relief
or their horse break away. Our foot about them are four
and twenty hundred. We are always necessitated to
have some in gamson. The country, since we set down
before this place, have made two or three insurrections,
and are ready to do so any day ; so what with looking
to them, and disposing of our horse to that end, and to
get in provisions, without which we should starve, the
country being so miserably exhausted and so poor, and
we no money to buy victuals. Indeed, whatever may
be thought, it is a mercy we have been able to keep
our men together in the midst of such necessity, the
sustenance of the foot, for the most part, being but
bread and water. Our guns, through the unlucky acci-
dent at Berkeley, have not yet come to us and this
place not to be had without instruments of battery.
PEMBROKE CASTLE. 271
except by starving. And truly I believe the enemy's
straights do increase on them very fast, and that with
a few days an end will be put to their business, which
really ought to have been done before had we received
things wherewith to have done it. But it will be done
in the best time. I rejoice much to hear of the bless-
ing of God on your Excellencies endeavours These
things that have lately come to pass have been the
wonderful works of God breaking the rod of the oppres-
sor, as in the days of Midian'Vand closing with a desire
that Colonel Lehunt may have a commission to com-
mand a troop of horse, with flank commissions for his
inferior officers, with what speed may be.
And again, July 4th : " I cannot yet send you that
either Pembroke Town or Castle be taken, yet we hope
within a few days to be masters thereof We have
made several attempts against the town, and stormed
the walls in two or three places The batteries are
now finished, and an ordnance planted against the town
and Castle, and have made several breaches The
reason why the siege continues so long is for want of
great guns and mortar pieces, which came not till
within a few days down the Severn, the wind having
been long opposed to them Tuesday last we gave
the town another strong alarm. 120 of Foyer's men
laid down their arms, vowing never to take them up
again ; but by the importunity of Foyer and Laughame,
telling them if relief came not within four days they
would yield, and they should hang them, they have
engaged again. We are informed they have not
provisions for fourteen days. We expect every day
that most of them will come to us through want. They
have only a little rain water and biscuit left. But it
is still feared that Foyer and Laughame, when they
can hold out the town no longer, will betake themselves
to the Castle, and leave the rest to mercy.
" If we get the town, I doubt not to carry the Castle
suddenly. Mortar pieces have played hard against the
town, and done great execution ; have battered down
19 «
272 PEMBROKE CASTLE.
many houses, and killed at least thirty of the enemy, as
appears by the confession of two of Foyer's men who
have come over the walls to us."
And finally, on the 11th of July,. he writes to the
Speaker : " The Town and Castle of Pembroke were
surrendered to me this day, being the 11th of July,
upon the propositions I send you here enclosed. What
arms, ammunition, victuals, ordnance, or other neces-
saries of war, are in town, I have not to tell you, the
Commissioners I sent in to receive the same not being
yet returned, nor like suddenly to be ; and I was un-
willing to defer giving you an account of this mercy for
a day. The persons excepted are such as have formerly
served you in a very good cause, but being now apos-
tatised, I did rather make election of them than of
those that had always been for the King, judging their
iniquity double, because they have sinned against so
much light, and against so many evidences of divine
Providence going along with and prospering a good
cause, in the management of which they themselves
had a share. I rest your humble servant."
ARTICLES FOR THE SURRENDER OF PEMBROKE.
"1. That Major-General Laughame, Colonel Poyer,
Colonel Humphrey Matthews, Captain William Bowen,
and David Poyer, do surrender themselves to the mercy
of Parliament.
**2. That others named do within six weeks next
following depart the kingdom, and not return within
two years from the time of their departure.
" 3. That all ofiicers and gentlemen not before named
shall have free liberty to go to their respective habita-
tions, and there live quietly, submitting to the authority
of Parliament.
"4. That all private soldiers shall have passes to go
to their several homes, without being stripped or hav-
ing any violence done to them. All sick and wounded
men to be carefully provided for till able to go home, &c.
" 5. That the townsmen shall be free from plunder
and violence, and enjoy their liberties as heretofore.
PEMBROKE CASTLE. 273
" 6. That the town and Castle of Pembroke, with all
the arms, ammunition, and ordnance, together with all
victuals and provisions for the garrison, be forthwith
delivered to Lieutenant-General Cromwell, or such as
he shall appoint, for the use of the Parliament.
" (Signed) Oliver Cromwell. David Poybr."^
In the petition of John Poyer, presented to Parlia-
ment April 16, 1649, he says he " was one of the first
that appeared in armes in South Wales against the
Common Enemy, for the defence of his own and the
people's best liberties ; and he being Mayor of the Town
of Pembroke, and Captain of the Trained Band, did
freely and of his own accord fortifie the Castle of Pem-
broke, which was then his own habitation, and kept
the same against the Kings forces, and did for the
space of five yeara several other good services ; but that
being wrongly proclaimed Traitor, he did, for his own
security and the security of those that were with him,
and for no other end, keepe the said Castle, which was
surrendered to Lieut. -General Cromwell upon articles
of mercy, which, he conceived, could not be mercy in
taking away his life."
On the 2 1st lots were drawn, and he was shot in the
Piazza, Covent Garden.
On the 14th of July 1648, Haverford was dismantled,
and we have some little account of the operation, but
none whatever in the case of Pembroke.*
J. R. Cobb.
^ The above are taken from W. Rowland Pbillips* valaable Civil
War in Wales,
^ 1 notice that Mr. Donovan, writing nnder date 1805, says in a
note to vol. ii, p. 306, that from an bid etching, supposed to be by
Hollar, it appears that the base of the great tower is represented as
in a great measure buried beneath the surface of the ground, with
a prodigious shelving or pyramidal base nearly equal to one-fifth of
its height. The summit has three tiers of pierced battlements, the
lowermost projecting slightly, the second rising within the first, and
the third still more diminished. He also says Foyer's garrison was
supplied with water conveyed &om the Monastery at Monk ton by
means of lead pipes carried through the bridge. The secret was
betrayed, and the pipes found and destroyed ; but this did not re-
duce them,
274
CARTULARIUM PRIORATUS S. JOHANNIS
EVANG. DE BRECON.
(Continued /romp, 236.^
The Prior of Landa having made default in payment for one
year, to the monks of Brecon, of 30s., from the church of Fating^
ham, is ordered to pay same in future at Bodenham :
"Compositio facta inter Monachos Breconie et Priorem de
Landa. — Omnibus sancte matris ecclesie filijs presentes literas
inspecturis Prior Archidiaconus et Cancellarius Herefordie sa-
lutem in Domino. Noverit universitas vestra quod cum causa
verteretur coram nobis auctoritate domini Pape Honorij tercij
inter monachos de Brekenia ex una parte et Priorem et Canoni-
cos de Landa ex alto.ra super annua solucione triginta solidorum
de ecclesia de Patingham in qua solutione dicti Prior et Canonici
per unum annum cessaverunt, tandem dicti Canonici de cessa-
cione solucionis Monachis de Brekenia per certum procuratorem
satisfecerunt, et se per eundem procuratorem in future dictos
triginta solidos ad terminos in autenticis judicum quondam a
domino Papa delegatorum scilicet A. de sancto Oswaldo et A. de
Wirkesope Priorum et bone memorie G.^ quondam Coventriensis
Episcopi necnon et prioris et canonicorum de Landa statutos se
soluturos obligaverunt firmiter permittentes sine omni calumpnia
quod in solucione dictorum triginta solidorum annuatim solven-
dorum non cessabunt et per eundem procuratorem consenserunt
supponentes se jurisdictioni nostre renunciando privilegio fori
et appellacioni, quod nos I'etinemus potestatem cohercendi dic-
tos Pnorem et canonicos si forte cessaverint in solucione ad
dictam solucionem faciendam cum indempnitate Monachorum
de Brechonia, sunt autem termini in predictis autenticis statuti
scilicet quod medietas prefate pecunie solvi debet ad Pascham
et medietas ad festum Sancti Aiichaelis apud Bodebam servient!
Monachorum ibidem ministrato. Ut autem ista composicio futu-
ris temporibus rata et inconcussa pennaneat eam presentis
scripti munimine et sigillorum nostrorum apposicione munire
curavimus. Valeat in domino."
Date, 1216-1227.
^ Geoffrey de Maschamp.
S. JOHANNIS EVANG. Dfi BRECON. 275
The Prior of Landa acknowledges the liability of his Convent
to pay 30s. yearly at Bodenham to the monks of Brecon :
" Composicio inter eos de Ecclesia de Patingham. — Omnibus
Christi fidelibus A. prior de Landa et ejusdem loci conveutus
salutem in domino. Quoniam ea que ad perpetuam provisa sunt
pacem perpetua debent stabilitate roborari, ideo ad omnium
volumus noticiam pervenire controversiam inter nos et priorem
et monachos de Braghinnio super ecclesia de Patingam olim
ortam coram Prioribus Sancti Oswaldi et de Wirkeshope judici-
bus a bone memorie Lucio^ Papa delegatis hoc modo fuisse
sopitam, scilicet quod nos prefatis monachis annuos triginta
solidos solvere tenemur de predicta ecclesia apud Bodeham, sci-
licet quindecim solidos ad Pascham et quindecim ad festum
sancti Michaelis de quibus vivente Hugone Peche ejusdem eccle-
sie quondam persona viginti tantum solvimus solidos sicut in
autentico eorundem judicum instrumento continetur predicti vero
Prior et monachi nichil amplius de cetero in predicta ecclesia
petere poterunt Hec composicio in Sinodo Staffordie recitata
ad petitionem Prioris et conventus de Braghinnio et nostram a
Galfrido* Coventrensi episcopo est confirmata et sigillo nostro
roborata. Valeat in domino."
Canons of Landa, of the Church of Patingham, to pay 20«.
yearly to Hugh, who holds the Church of Patingham of the monks
of Battle ; and after his death, 30s. yearly to the monks of
Brecon :
" Composicio facta inter monachos de Bello et Canonicos de
Landa de ecclesia de Patingham. Onmibus filijs sancte matris
ecclesie A. de Sancto Oswaldo et A. de Wirkesope priores salu-
tem in domino. Noverit universitas vestra causara que verte-
batur inter Canonicos de Landa et monachos de Bello super
ecclesia de Patingham nobis a summo Pontiflce delegatam in
presentia nostra amicabili composicione hoc modo esse sopitam
Hugo clericus qui prefatam ecclesiam nomine Monachorum de
Bello possidebat reddendo annuatim viginti solidos ad duos
terminos videlicet ad Pascham et ad festum sancti Michaelis,
eosdem solvet prefatis canonicis, et prefati Canonici eosdem
solvent procuratori Monachonun de Brekenia apud Bodeham
eisdem terminis ; post decessum vero prefati Hugonis prescript!
Canonici sive prefatam Ecclesiam in proprios usus converterint
1 Lucius III. Sept. 1181 to Nov. 1185.
^ Geoffrey de Muschamp, consecrated 1198, ob. 1238.
276 CARTULARIUM PRIORATUS
sive earn alij contulerint, triginta solidos nomine pensionis annu-
atim solvent prefato procurator! Monachorum apud Bodeham
duobus terminis, videlicet quindecim solidos ad Pascham et
quindecim ad festum sancti Michaelis. Hec autem composicio
utriusque fidei interposicione coram nobis confirmata est, et
nos eam sigillorum nostrorum munimine corroboramus. Hijs
testibus Eadulfo priore de Broc, Magistro Ricardo de Harffordbi,
Magistro Waltero, Magistro Gerardo, Magistro Roberto/'
lorwerth, Bishop of St David's, notifies that the mmiks of
Brecon had leased three parts of the tithes of the land of Ber-
nard Bochan, and other land at Ystradwy ; that vjhen the lease
ended, Hothelen, rector of the parish, deprived the Convent of the
tithes ; and in an action brought for their recovery, the Chapter
of Brecon decided in the monks' favour. Hothelen acquiesced in
decision, and agreed to farm the tithes for his life at a yearly rent :
" Omnibus Christi fidelibus presentes literas inspecturis Ger-
vasius^ Dei gratia Menevensis Episcopus salutem et Dei benedic-
tionem, Cum constaret nobis per autenticum Petri^ bone memorie
quondam Menevensis Episcopi quod due partes decimarum de
tota terra Bernardi Bochan et tota terra Lowil apud Stradewi
adjucate essent Priori et conventui de Brekenia, et cum con-
staret nobis per capitulum de Brekenia quod tempore Galfridi'
bone memorie quondam Menevensis Episcopi Monachi de
Brekenia dimiserint quartam partem dictarum decimarum ad
firmam Davidi capellano de Stradewi, que quarta pars post deces-
sum dicti D. transibit ad magistrum Willelmum qui ipsam ad
totam vitam suam plene et pacifice possidebit et post decessum
dicti W. redibit ilia quarta plene et integre ad monachos de
Brekenia et quod tres alias partes dictarum decimarum ad in-
stanciam et peticionemE.(Egidii)* bone memorie quondam Here-
fordensis Episcopi et ad peticionem Johannis Pichard militis
concesserunt dicti monachi J. Pichard clerico ad firmam ad vitam
suam reddendo pro illis dictis monachis singiilis annis unam
marcam argenti Dicto autem J. clerico viam universe camis
ingresso cum dicti monachi possessione dictarum decimarum
suarum uti libere vellent et de illis sicut de rebus suis ad volun-
tatem suam disponere, Hothelen rector ecclesie de Stradewi
et Hothelen filius Keneun procurator dicti rectoris dictas deci-
mas invaserunt et eisdem dictos monachos spoliaverunt contra
^ lorwerth, consecrated 1215, ob. 1229.
^ Peter de Leia, consecrated 1176,-ob. 1198.
8 Geoffrey, 1203, ob. 1214.
* Giles de Braose, 1200-1216.
S. J0HANNI8 EVANG. DE BRECON. 277
quos dicti Monachi in capitulo de Brekenia proposuerunt
petitorium^ et possessorium :* et cum post multas dilaciones
secuDdum ordinem juris lite contestata in utroque judicio contra
utrumque predictorum testibus juratis et examinatis attestacio-
nibus publicatis et diligenter inspectis fuit sentencia diffinitiva
in utroque judicio pro dictis monachis contra utrumque predic-
torum promulgata licet itaque per predictos adversaries contra
dictos monachos impetrate essent litere tarn Gualo' quondam
legati Anglie quam etiam litere domini Pape Honorij tercij ut pre-
dictum negocium turbaretur et impediretur, tandem de consilio
et consensu domini Johannis Picbard et Bogeri heredis sui
accesserunt predicti duo Hothelen ad capitulum de Brekenia et
ibidem pubUce predicte adquieverunt sentencie et presentibus
Johanni et Rogero jus Monachorum in dictis decimis unanimo
recognoverunt et se injuste dictos monachos dictis decimis
spoliasse confessi sunt publice et in capitulo et easdem decimas
plene et integre secundum juramentum ipsorum dictis Monachis
restituerunt quas corporafiter receperunt ipsi Monachi et in
ususproprios sicut res suas converterunt Autumpno proximo
post decessum* H. de Mapenoure bone memorie quondam Here-
fordensis Episcopi et pro decimis quas predicti domini Hothelen
perceperant de dictis terns anno proximo ante obitum dicti H.
solverunt dictis Monachis xx** solidos. Hijs ita peractis ad
magnam instanciam et peticionem dictorum Johannis et Bogeri
permiserunt dicti monachi magistro Willelmo de capella cui
caritative dictas decimas contulerant concedere easdem ad vitam
suam ad firmam Hothelen clerico filio Hothelen filio Keneun
pro xx*^ solidis singulis annis reddendis magistro Willelmo ad
duos terminos scilicet x. solidos ad festum sancti Michael is et x.
solidos ad Pascham ita quod si dictus Hothelen viam universe
camis ingrediatur ante magistrum Willelmum predicte tres
partes de dictis decimis revertentur ad magistrum Willelmum
plene et integre ; percipiet autem dictus Hothelen dictas
decimas prime autumpno post consecrationem H. Foliot.^
Episcopi Herefordensis et post ilium autumpnura in festo sancti
Michaelis proximo sequente incipiet solucio dicte firrae et pro-
cedet de termino in terminum secundum quod dictum est. Si
vero contingat quod dictus H. non solvat quolibet dictorum
terminorum dictam firmam plene et integre infra tercium diem
post dictos terminos duplicabitur dicta firm a in qualibet cessa-
cione ita quod appellacione remota post dictum triduum solvat
^ An action, a claini.
^ " Ut (?) possessorium", as the possessor or owner.
^ Gaalo, Cardinal and Legate. ^ 1219.
^ Hugh Foliot, consecrated Nov. 1219.
278 CARTULARIUM PK10RATU8
X. solidos pro firma et x. solidos pro pena magistro Willelmo.
Magistro vero Willelmo sublato de medio revertentur dicte
decinie ad dictos Monachos plene et integre, libere et quiete et
illas quoad proprietatem et quoad possessionem corporalem at
de suis ad libitum suum disponent. Hanc autem firmam et
banc convencionem fideliter tenendam et observandam juravit
tactis sacrosanctis dictus Hothelen in capitulo de Brekenia et
quod bona fide et sine dolo malo se baberet versus dictos
monachos et versus magistrum Willelmum et quod nichil pro-
curaret in fraudem eorum nee ab alio pro posse suo procurari
permitteret quominus jus Monachorum in dictis decimis illesum
conservaretur et ne tractu temporis predicta devocarentur in
dubium huic scripto simul cum sigiUo domini Joliannis Pichard
et R decani de Brekenia et sigillo dicti Hothelen et aliorum
sigillum nostrum apposuimus et predicta confirmavimus. Fuit
autem dicta sententia rata et dicta firma concessa anno m^cc^xviij^
ab incamacione dominL Hijs testibus Maelo Bret, Magistris N.
Canonico de Lantoni, H. de Clona, Matheo de Brekenia, canonico
Menevensi,Tho.Brutu,Ph. rectore ecclesie de Lanmais,RPicbard,
W. Smalchaf, W. de Burculle tunc constabulario de Brekenia,
W. et R. de Burculle clericis, R. Janitore, Kogero filio David,
Johanne de Punda . et multis alijs."^
William de Burghill, son of Robert, with the assent of Edith
his mife, gives Jive acres of his land of Benny , near the road from
Brecon to Aberescyr :
" Carta Willelmi de Burchulle. — Sciant presentes et futuri
quod ego Willelmus de Burchulle filius Roberti de Burchulle de
consensu et assensu Edithe uxoris mee et heredum meorum dedi
et concessi et presenti carta mea confirmavi Deo et ecclesie
Sancti Johannis de Brekenia et monachis ibidem Deo servienti-
bus in augmentimi sustentacionis elemosine dicti loci in puram
liberam et perpetuam elemosinam quinque acras terre mee de
Benny que tendunt usque ad moram quandam modicara sub via
qua itur a Brekenia versus Abereskyr, que quidem quinque
acre jacent in latum a rivulo qui dicitur Glywdy* usque ad ter-
ram dictorum monachorum, simul cum dicta mora, tenendum et
habendum dictas quinque acras terre cum predicta mora libere et
quiete ab omni servicio seculari consuetudine auxilio et demanda
et etiam ab omni servicio quod ad terram pertinet vel pertinere
potest, ita quod non liceat mihi vel heredibus meis a dictis
^ Bishop TanDer here notes of the Brewster MS., " a f 67 ad 72
inclus. pergamena pura."
2 Glndy (Ordnance Survey).
S. JOHANNIS EVANO. DE BRECON. 279
monachis aliquo tempore pro dicta terra et dicta mora aliquid
terrenum recipere vel exhigere. Ego vero Willelmus et heredes
mei dictas quinque acras cum dicta mora warantizabimus dictis
monachis et prioratui Breconie sicut predictum est contra omnes
homines et omnes feminas, et quia volo quod hec mea donacio
et concessio dicto prioratui in perpetuum rata sit et stabilis per-
maneat, presentem cartam meam sigilli mei impressione robo-
ravi. Hijs testibus Roberto le Wafre, Johanne Weldebeof, et
Willelmo fratre ejus, Pagano de BurchuUe, et Willehno filio suo,
Johanne de Euereus tunc constabulario Breconie, Eicardo le
Breth et Roberto filio suo, magistris Willelmo de Lanhamelagh,
Thoma Brutuu, Rogero de Burchulle, Milone de Karpren*y,Vin-
cencio et Roberto de Brekenia clericis, Philippe tunc preposito
Brekonie, Adam Riffe burgensibus et multis alijs. Teste eciam
capitulo Brekonie."
Date, early part of twelfth century.
William de Burghill, lord of Benny, has the Prior's permission
to celebrate offices for the dead in his Chapel of Benny; such per^
mission not to prejudice the mother Church of Brecon, or the
attendance of his family and followers there :
" Carta Willelmi de Burchulle. — Omnibus Christi fidelibus ad
quos presens scriptum pervenerit Willelmus de Burchulle domi-
nus de Benni salutem in domino. Sciatis quod prior de Bre-
kenia ad peticionem meam et amicorum nostrorum permisit
quod faceremus capellanum nostrum sumptibus nostris celebrare
divina pro defunctis in capella de Benni et nos coram viris fide
dignis alfidavimus quod propter predictam permissionem non
fiet aliquid prejudicium matri ecclesie de Breconia et quod nos
et familia nostra et homines nostri de Benni sequemur matrem
ecclesiam sicut consuevimus et omnia jura parochialia eidem
plene et integre persolvemus et ejus mandatis et statutis sicut
prius obediemus. Valeat."
Matilda le Hagumer gives six acres of land bro^ight into culti-
vaUo7i hy Simon, son of 6 and held of Stephen de Surde-
val :
" Carta Matildis Le Hagumere. — Sciant presentes et futuri
quod ego Matildis la Hagurnere de voluntate et consensu here-
dum meorum dedi et concessi et hac presenti carta^ mea confir-
mavi Deo et ecclesie Sancti Johannis Evangeliste de Breconia
^ See the confirmatioD of this grant by Herbert Fitz- Peter, ante.
280 CARTULARIUM PRIORATUS
et munachis ibidem servientibus pro salute anime mee anteces-
sorum et successorum meonim sex acras terre scilicet totam
illam terrain que jacet juxta aquam Toui sive fuerit ibi plus sive
minus quam sex acre una cum prato adjacente et ad dictam
terram pertinente secundum quod marchiat^ ad pratum prioris
Breconie ex una parte et ad pratum Margarete sororis mee ex
altera parte et tendit a prefata terra in obliquum versus Aqui-
lonem usque ad rivulum Toui, quam terram Symon filius G.
quondam assartavit et de domino meo Stephano de Surdeual
tenuit et que ad me post mortem ejus ut ad veram dominam redijt,
habendam et tenendam libere et quiete ab omni servicio quod
ad terram pertinet vel pertinere potest et ab omni auxilio et
demanda in puram et perpetuam elemosinam ad augmentum
sustentacionis elemosine dicte domus; ita quod nee mihi nee
heredibus meis pro dicta terra aliquo tempore aliquid faciant vel
respondeant Ego vero Matildis et heredes mei warantizabimus
dictas sex acras sive totam dictam terram dictis monachis con-
tra omnes homines et omnes feminas cum predicto prato, et
quia volo quod hec mea donacio rata sit et in perpetuum stabilis
permaneat, presentem cai*tam meam sigillo meo una cum sigillis
Lewelini et Ythenardi officialium et Gerardi decani Breconie
teste capitulo Breconie duxi confirmare."
Date, about 1220-30.
Matilda le Hagumer confirms the donations of her sister Mar-
garet :
"Secunda carta ipsius Matildis. — Sciant presentes et futuri
quod ego Matildis filia Seer le Hagurner pro salute anime mee
antecessorum et successorum meorum ratas habeo et concede
omnes donaciones quas Margareta filia Seer le hagurner soror
mea dedit Deo et ecclesie Sancti Johannis EvangeUste de Bre-
chonia et monachis ibidem Deo servientibus tam in terris quam
in pratis libere et quiete sicut carte^ dicte Margarete sororis mee
testantur et proportant* Et ego Matildis et heredes mei banc
concessionem et ratam habissionem* contra omnes homines et
omnes feminas warantizabimus Quia volo etiam quod mea con-
cessio et rata habissio dictis domui et monachis in perpetuum
stabilis permaneat, presentem mee confirmacionis cartam sigilli
mei attestatione una cum sigillis Lewelini et Idenardi^ tunc offi-
cialium et Gerardi decani de Brecchonia corroboravi. Teste
capitulo de Brekenia."
Date, 1220-30.
^ Adjoins.
^ See confirmation by Herbert Fit z- Peter, ante.
3 Declare. ^ For '' habitionem", possession.
* Ythenardas.
S. JOHANNIS EVANO. DE BRECON. 281
Margaret le Hagumer, with the consent of David Roge, her
husband, gives five acres of land near her sisters land, describing
them :
" Carta Margarete filie Seer le Hagurner. — Sciant presentes et
futuri quod ego Margareta filia Seer le Hagurner de consensu et
assensu David Eoge mariti mei et heredum meorum dedi et con-
cessi et hac present! carta^ mea confirmavi Deo et Ecclesie sancti
Johannis Evangeliste de Brechonia et monachis ibidem Deo
servientibus pro salute anime mee antecessorum et successorum
meorum ad augmentum elemosine dicte domus in puram et per-
petuam elemosinam quinque acras terre, scilicet duas acras que
jacent juxta aquam Toui, quas Symon filius G. quondam assar-
tavit, et duas acras que jacent juxta fontem Eedwy, et unam
acrara desuper fontem que dicitur berde una cum prato quod
jacet juxta pratum quod Matildis soror mea dedit in elemosinam
dicte ecclesie sancti Johannis de Brekonia tenendum et haben-
dum dictas terras cum dicto prato libere et quiete ab omni ter-
rene servicio quod ad terram pertinet vel pertinere potest et ab
omni auxilio et demanda ita quod nee heredibus meis dicti
monachi pro dicta terra aliquo tempore aliquid faciant vel re-
spondeant. Ego vero Margareta et heredes mei dictas quinque
acras terre cum prato dicto contra omnes homines et omnes
feminas dictis monachis warantizabimus, et quia volo quod
hec mea donacio et concessio rata sit et in perpetuum stabilis
permaneat, presentem cartam sigillo meo una cum sigillis Lew-
elini et Idenardi tunc ofi&cialium et Gerardi decani Brechonie
teste capitulo Brechonie confirmavi/'
Date, 1220-30.
Stephen de Surdeval grants to Simon, son of G., six acres of
land, which he had cleared at his own expense, at the yearly rent
of\2d,,free of rent for seven years :
" Carta Stephani de Surdeual. — Sciant presentes et futuri quod
ego Stephanus de Surdeval consensu et assensu M. uxoris mee
et Willelini heredis mei dedi et concessi et hac mea carta et
sigillo meo confirmavi Symoni filio G. totam illam terram juxta
aquam Toui quam predictus Symon assartavit propriis expensis
tenendum pro sex acris sibi et heredibus suis de me et heredi-
bus meis libere et quiete ab omni servicio et omni exactione
salvo servicio capitals domini quantimi scilicet ad tantum terre
pertinet, reddendo per annum xij denarios ad festum Sancti
Michaelis ille et heredes sui mihi et heredibus meis ; et predictus
^ See confirmation by Herbert Fitz- Peter, ante.
282 CARTULARIUM PRIORATUS
Symon tenebit terrain illam vij annos a festo sancti Michaelis
post obitum^ Hubert! archiepiscopi sine censa et quando beres
mens non potent warantizare dicto Symoni dictam terram, faciet
ei eschangiam de duodeciin acris de sua propria bereditate ex
parte mea in Kilmeuawit de terra culta et tarn bona propter
predictum servicium et pro hac donacione et concessione dedit
inilii dictus Symon ij. solidos de introitu. Hijs testibus Johanne
priore de Brechonia, Ricardo decano de Brechonia, Willehno de
BurcbuUe, Willelmo de Weldeboef, Roberto le Wafre, Willehno
Havard,Radulfo Janitore,Rogero filio David, Reginaldo Bulvinch,
Johanne molendinario et multis alijs."
Date, 1205-6.
William of Broadfield gives to Richard Mareschal thirty acres
of land and a messuage and mill in Broadfield (Bodenham), also
a mill with right of vmter and cartway^ at a yearly rent of a
white glove at Easter^ with licence to sell or devise same to a reli-
gious house. (Date, 1220-30.)
"Carta Willelmi de Bradefeld. — Sciant presentes et futuri
quod egoWillelmus de Bradefeld dedi etconcessi Ricardo Mares-
callo triginta acras terre mee et unum mesuagium in villa de
Bradefeld cum communione pascue mee et omnibus alijs perti-
nencijs scilicet : sex acras que jacent juxta boscum, et viij acras
que jacent in boteford et sex acras que jacent juxta moram, et
tres acras que jacent juxta molendinum, et imam acram que
jacet super longelege, et iiij acras que jacent in Petecrofta que
se extendunt versus orientem, et unam acram que jacet in in-
bund, et mesuagium quod Johannes Seyhe aliquando tenuit
et unam acram que jacet juxta dictum mesuagium. Preterea
dedi et concessi dicto Ricardo molendinum meum, et aquam
superius et inferius ad molendinum pertinentem, et etiam viam
cum karris et quadrigis ad dictum molendinum et cum omnibus
alijs libertatibus et liberis consuetudinibus et utilibus exitibus
et sectis mei et heredum meorum et hominum meorum, tenen-
dum et habendum de me et heredibus meis sibi et heredibus
suis vel suis assignatis in feodo et bereditate libere et quiete in
omnibus locis et rebus cum omnibus libertatibus, reddendo
inde annuatim mihi et heredibus meis ipse et heredes sui vel
sui assignati unam cerotetam^ albam ad Pascham pro omni ser-
vicio et exactione et consuetudine que ad terram pertinent vel
pertinere possint. Licebit etiam dicto Ricardo et heredibus suis
vel suis assignatis totam dictam terram et molendinum cum
1 The Archbishop died in July 1205.
^ For " chirotheca", a glove or gauntlet.
S. JOHANNIS EVANO. DE BRECON. 283
omnibus pertinency's suis dare et vendere et legare, et etiam
in domum religionis transferre sine omni contradicione mei vel
heredum meonim. Pro hac autem donacione et concessione
dedit mihi dictus Bicardus sexdecimas marcas sterlingorum.
Ego vero Willelmus et heredes mei totam predictam terram cum
pertinencijs suis et dictum molendinum cum pertinencijs suis
prefato Ricardo et heredibus suis vel suis assignatis contra omnes
homines et feminas warantizabimus et de omnibus servicijs et
exactionibus et demandis versus dominum Begem et omnes
homines adquietabimus, et ut hec mea donacio et concessio rata
et stabilis permaneat, eam preseuti scripto et sigilli mei apposi-
tione confirmavi Hijs testibus Thoma decano^ de Herefordia,
Willelmo Archidiacono,^ Elia thesaurario,* Willelmo de furches,
Nicolao Seculari, Bogero de Bodeham, Johanne derico de fur-
ches, et multis alijs."
William of Broadfield grants to Brecon Priory the lands
granted hy him to Richard Maresch/ill, by a description slightly
different :
" Carta Willelmi de Bradefeld. — Sciant presentes et futuri
quod ego Willelmus de Bradefeld dedi et concessi Deo et Sancto
Johanni de Brekenie et monachis ibidem Deo servientibus in
puram et perpetuam elemosinam libere et quiete ab omni
exactione et seculari exactione quod ad terram pertinet vel
pertinere possit, triginta acras terre mee de Bradefeld, et
unum mesuagium in villa de Bradefeld cum communione pas-
ture mee et omnibus libertatibus et liberis consuetudinibus,
in bosco et piano in viis et semitis in aquis et pratis, et in
omnibus alijs eisiamentis que ego et heredes mei habemus vel
habere poterimus in dicta villa de Bradefeld ; videlicet sex
acras que jacent juxta boscum, et octo acras que jacent juxta
bodeford, et sex acras que jacent juxta maram in loco qui
vocatur Estlege, et tres acras que jacent juxta molendinimi
et unam acram que jacet super laneglege, et quinque acras que
jacent in Wetecroft proxime capelle et unum messuagium quod
Johannes Schie aliquando tenuit, et unam acram juxta dictum
mesuagium. Si vero aliquid dicte terre in locis predictis
defuerit, Ego Willelmus dictis monachis de terra mea in loco
sibi competenti plene perficiam . Preterea dedi et concessi dictis
monachis de Brekenia molendinum meum de Bradefeld et aquam
superius et inferius ad molendinum pertinentem et viam karretis
et quadrigis ad dictum molendinum^ cum omnibus libertatibus
^ Thomas de Bosbury, Dean circa 1218, ob. 1231.
2 Circa 1221.
3 Eliaa de Radnor, 1217; Bishop of Llandaff, 1230.
284 CARTULARIUM PRIOR ATUS
et liberis consuetudinibus et utilibus exitibus et sectis mei et
heredum meorum et hominum meorum, tenendum et haben-
dam libere et quiete in omnibus locis et rebus cum omnibus
libertatibus. Ego vero Willelraus de Bradefeld et heredes
mei has concessiones et donationes contra omnes homines et
omnes feminas predictis monachis warantizabimus, et de
omnibus omnino demandis adquietabimus . Ut autem bee mea
donacio et concessio rata permaneat et inconcussa, presentem
cartam sigilli mei impressione confirmavi Hijs testibus:
Waltero de Evereucs, Willebno de furchis, Johanne de Evereucs,
Eogero de Bodeham, Waltero de KiflSam, Ricardo de Grosmount,
Waltero de mora, Rogero filio Mauricij, Ricardo de Bolege, Thoma
de Bolege, Hugone de monachis, Waltero de Bokelinton^ Magistro
Thoma Brut, et multis alijs."
Walter de Riffe, with the assent of Amice his wife, gives an
a>cre of land before the dwelling of Broadjield Mill :
*' Carta Walteri de Rifle. — Sciant presentes et futuri quod ego
Walterus de Rifle assensu et consensu Amicie uxoris mee in
puram et perpetuam elemosinam dedi et concessi et hac presenti
carta mea confirmavi unam acram terre que jacet ante hostium^
molendini de Bradefeld quam acram aqua dividit ex omni parte,
cum omnibus pertineucijs suis domui sancti Johaunis de
Brekenia et ecclesie beate Marie de Bodeham pro animabus
omnium antecessorum nostrorum. Et ego Amicia juravi tactis
sacrosanctis et affidavi pro me et heredibus meis quod nunquam
artem nee ingeniimi adquirere debeo nee aliquis pro me quo-
minus dicta acra terre sicut predictum est ad easdem domum
et ecclesiam pacifice permaneat. Et ego Walterus et Amicia et
heredes uostri predictam acrani pi*enunciatis domui et ecclesie
contra omnes homines et feminas warantizabimus. Et ne alicui
vertatur in dubium, ego Walterus et Amicia uxor mea cartam
istam sigillorum meorum impressione corroborare et confirmare
curavimus. Hijs testibus Hugone vicario, Roberto et Rogero
de Bodeham capeUanis, Rogero de Bodeham, Ricardo de Bolis,
Ricardo de Gresmund, Rogero de Magene, Ricardo Marescallo,
Hugone de Monachis, et multis alijs."
Date 1220-30.
Nicholas de Machna, or Maund, grants to the church of St,
Mary, Bodenham, all his tUhes in Maund which he had already
delivered to the Bishop in the presence of the Prior of Brecon and
the parishioners :
"Carta Nicholai de Machne. — Sciant omnes presentes et
^ For " hostitiam", the house or dwelling.
S. JOHANNIS EVANG. DE BRECON. 285
futuri quod ego Nicliolaus de Machne concedo et do ecclesie
sancte Marie de Bodeham totam decimam meam in Machna
quam concessi coram G.^ Herefordensi Episcopo et aflBdavi in
manu ipsius coram E. priore de Brekenia et parochianis de
Bodeham sicut ejus carta et confirmacio melius et plenius
testatur. Et ut hec mea donacio rata et inconcussa permaneat
et ne ullius fraude vel fallacia in irritum vocetur sigilli mei
attestacione eam confirmo. Hijs testibus Eicardo capellano de
Bodeham, Mauhcio de Machne, Willelmo de Furchis, Bernardo
filio Hamonis, Nicholao Bret', Henrico de Kilpech, Willelmo de
Bradefeld et multis alijs."
Date about 1150.
BriaUy son of Nicholas Maund, confirms to the church of St,
Mary, Bodenham, all the tithes in his fee of Maund:
" Carta Briennij filii Nicholai de Machena. Universis sancte
matris ecclesie filijs ad quos presens carta pervenerit Briennus
filius Nicholai de Machena salutem. Notum sit universitati
vestre me Briennium filium Nicholai de Machena dedisse et con-
cessisse in perpetuam et puram elemosiuam ecclesie sancte
Marie de Bodeham totam decimam meam in feudo meo de
Machena* tam de toto dominico meo quam de villenagio liberam
et quietam ab omnibus rebus ettjonsuetudinibus pro salute anime
mee et uxoris mee et omnium antecessorum et heredum meorum
et maxime quia predicte decime sunt infra limites parochiales
de Bodeham et de jure parochiali spectant ad ecclesiam sancte
Marie de Bodeham, et quia ego et mea sponsa perspeximus
oculis nostris cartam Nicholai patris mei in qua predicte dona-
ciones et libertates continentur quam monachi de Brekenia
nobis ostenderunt et rogaverunt pro anima patris mei quod ego
antecessorum meorum donaciones sigilli mei testimonio confir*-
marem, et ego annuens racionabilibus precibus eorum donum
patris mei pro anima ipsius et mea confirmavi. Hijs testibus
Mauricio capellano, Eoberto capellano, Nicholao capellano, Os-
berto de Mo'har, Willelmo de Bedeford, Waltero Druard, et mul-
tis alijs."
Thomas Maund confirms the charter of his grandfather, Nicholas:
" Carta Thome de Magena. — Sciant presentes et futuri quod
ego Thomas de Magena pro salute anime mee et uxoris mee et
omnium antecessorum meorum et successorum meorum concedo
et hac presenti carta confirmo Deo et ecclesie sancte Marie de
1 Gilbert FoHott, 1148.62. > Now Maand Brian,
iru SIR., yoL. XIV. 20
286 CARTULARIITM PRIORATUS
Bodeham omne donum quod Nicholaus de Magena avus mens
eidem ecclesie dedit et carta sua confirmavit et ut hec mea
concessio et confirmacio rata et inconcussa permaneat presentem
cartam sigilli mei impressione roboratam priori et conventui de
Brekenia quorum est predicta ecclesia de Bodeham dedi in testi-
monium, et eandem coram parochianis de Bodeham super altare
sancte Marie posui. Hijs testibus Waltero Ever[eo], Willelmo
de furches, Waltero de Mora, Rogero de Bodeham, Eicardo
decano de Brekenia, Willelmo presbitero de Bodeham, Milone
de Beriton, Galfrido coco, et multis alijs."
Richard, ArMishop of Canterbury, inspects and confirms the
charters of the founder and other donors to the monks of Brecon :
"Confirmacio R Cantuariensis Archiepiscopi. — Omnibus
Christi fidelibus presens scriptum inspecturis R^ dei gratia
Cantuariensis Archiepiscopus totius Anglie Primas Salutem
gratiam et benedictionem. Noverit universitas vestra nos
inspexisse cartas dilectorum filiorum monachorum Brekenie in
hec verba."
(Here the charter of the founder, two charters of Roger Earl
of Hereford, the charter of Bernard, Bishop of St Davids,
relative to the chapel of St. Eleved, and the charters of Gerald
and Geoffrey, Bishops of St. David's, as to St. Hay, Llanigon and
Talgarth, are set out verbatim.)
Confirmacio domini A, Menevensis Episoopi:
" Omnibus Christi fidelibus presens scriptum inspecturis. A.*
divina permissione Menevensis Ecclesie minister humilis salu-
tem et benedictionem. Noverit universitas vestra nos inspexisse
transcriptum cartarum Monachorum de Brechonia signatarum
sigillo R bone memorie Cantuariensis Archiepiscopi in hec
verba. Omnibus Christi fidelibus presens scriptum inspecturis
R dei gratia Cantuariensis Archiepiscopus tocius Anglie primas,
salutem, gratiam, et benedictionem. Noverit universitas vestra
nos inspexisse cartas dilectorum filiorum monachonmi de Bre-
chonia in hec verba."
(Here follows the first charter of Bernard Newmarch.)
" Acta' in Capella Sancti Johannis de Straddewy anno domini
1234 Coram H. Archidiacono et officiale Menevensi et coram L.
^ Richard, Prior of Dover, consecrated April 1174, ob. Febmary
1183-i; or Richard Weathershed, 1229, ob. 1231.
2 Anselm, 1230-47.
) Added from Bishop Tanner's note of Br. MS., f. 83.
S. JOHANNIS EVANQ. DB BRECON. 287
et I. officialibus et G. decano in causa inter Priorem Brekenie et
Hothelum Bectorem Sancti Michaelis de Straddewy de duabus
partibus decimarum de Kilvaynor in presentia domini Bogeri
Pichard Domini de Straddewy."^
Alicia BaskervUle gives to the church of St, John a messiiage
and croft which Adam, the smith, formerly held of her brotJter
Hector in Bredwardine :
" Sciant presentes et futuri quod Ego Alicia de Baskervilla
dedi, concessi et hac presenti carta mea confirmavi Deo et
Ecclesie Sancti Johannis de Brechonia et monachis ibidem Deo
servientibus pro salute anime mee antecessorum meorum et
successorum meorum totum mesuagium integrum cum crofta
quod Adam faber quondam tenuit de Hectore fratre meo in
villa de Bredwardyn habendum et tenendum de me et heredibus
meis dictis monachis et successoribus eorum in liberam puram
et perpetuam elemosynam adeo libere et quiete sicut aliqua
elemosina alicui domui religiose conferri potest. Ego vero
dicta Alicia et heredes mei dictis monachis et successoribus
eorum totum predictum mesuagium cum crofta una cum omni-
bus ejus pertinenciis contra omnes gentes inperpetuum waranti-
sabimus et in omnibus versus quoscunque acquietabimus et
defendemus. In cujus rei testimonium huic scripto sigillum
meum apposui hijs testibus Domino Waltero de Baskervile,
Eogero de Kadenore, Howelo ap Meurich, Waltero de Brocbery,
Petro Clerico, Galfrido Cut, Johanne Muschet et multis alijs."
Date about 1220.
The following calculations were Apparently made in
the year 1300 :
** Summa totius decime in tota terra Scotie mmmDccccxlvij/i.
xixs, viijden,
" Summa totius decime terre Hibemie ml. dcxlvijK. xvjs.
iujden.
" Summa totius Anglie et Wallie xxmt DccclxijM. ijs. mjden.ob,
^ The following notes of docaments here wanting in the Carte MS.
are supplied from Bishop Tanner's notes of Br. MS. :
P. 97. " Liter» Conventas Brechon' Waltero Archiepiscopo Can-
tnar' constitnentes Philippnm do Crickowel procaratorem saam in
Conyocatione cleri in domo abbatie de Leyoestr'.'*
*' Carta Hamfridi Comitis Essex' restituens piioratui Brecon' liber-
iates qnaa in manns saas assampserat. Dat' 4 Martis xi Edward I.
" Carta Bogeri Comitis Hereford' confirmans monachis Brecon'
terram de Traveley. Testibus Reginaldo de Waldeboef, Seerio Ha-
gurner, Roberto filio Oanteri."
20 8
288 CARTULARIUM PRIORATUS
" Summa totalis omnium decimarum predictarom per annum
xxyjnil, cccclvij/i. xvij«. iiijden, ob.
'' Summa totalis de bonis Ecclesiasticis in provincia Can-
tuariensi (exceptis boms Templarionim et Hospitaliorum nee-
non bonis Archiepiseopi Eboracensis et episeopi Dunelmensis
in eadem provincia) ccnd. xlviij. ccclijmarc. Id, Inde summa
unius denarii de singulis Mareis erunt ml. cxvjlj. xijs. vj^. M.
quod in Anglia sunt ecclesie p(arocbiales) xlvm/. Item sunt
ville in Anglia lij. viij.
"Feoda militum Ix/ti/. ccxv de quibus religiosi habent xxml.
viij XV feoda.
" De qualibet marca secundum Norwyc(ensem) ad subsidium
Episeopi anno domini m^. ccc tres solidos de porcionibus prions
in Decanatu Brechonie.
" De Ecclesia de Haya - - xxjs. iiijrf.
« De Sancto Egino - - x& Camerariua
" De Talgarth - - . xxis,
" Sacrista in eadem - - vij«. vjrf.
" De Mara - - - - viij«.
" De Straddeu . - - yjs. viijrf.
" De Scatherec - - . iiij\<j. vjrf.
" De Devennoc - - - xiij*. iiijd.
" De Brechon - - - xxxvs. vjd.
" Cantor Gloucestrie id eadem- iiijs. vrf.
"Summa porcionis prioris in universo (cxa. iiijrf.); unam
medietatem in uno termino et aliam medietatem in secundo
termino^ videlicet in prime Ivs. ijd. et secundo termino lv«. ijrf.
"De qualibet marca secundum taxationem seu valorem ad
subsidium Episeopi viijcf. de porcionibus prioris Brecon in
Diocese Menevensi.
" De Ecclesia de Haya - - xxJ5.
" De Sancto Egino - - xjs. iijd.
" De Talgarth - - - xxiiijs.
" De Mara - - - - ixs.
" De Devennoc ... xiij«.
" De Straddewi - - - vija. vjd.
" De Brechon . - - xlijs. ixA
" De Lanveir in Buelt - - xviiij«.
" Summa vij/i. vis. yjrf.
Appointment of Thonias Cranbrook as proctor at the election
of an Abbot of Battle Abbey :
"Nos fratres Stephanus Feversayme, Johannes Exeter,
Thomas Cranbroke, Robertus Mawr, et Thomas Anselm
S. JOHANNIS EVANG. DE BRECON. 289
Monachi Prioratus Sancti Johannis Evangeliste Brechenie
ordinis Sancti Benedict! et Menevensis Diocesis^ dilectis nobis
in Christo comfratribus Domino Willelmd Marley Priori
Monasterii Sancti Martini de Bello et ejnsdem loci Conventui
significamus quod Dominum Thomam Cranbroke constituimus
et ordinamus nostrum legitimum procuratorera fore ad elec-
tionem futuri Abbatis de Bello faciendam in domo Capitulari
ejusdem Monasterii die Jovis proximo post festum Sancti
Laurentij proxime futurum. Datum in domo Capitulari Prioratus
predicti Sancti Johannis Brechonie, 1 Augusti anno domini
1529."
Dismissal by the Abbot of Battle Abbey of Thomas Martyr y
one of the monks, vrUh permission to enter the Priory of Aber-
gavenny, 10 November 1533 :
"Dimissio Fratris Thome Martyn*. — Johannes permissione
divina Abbas Monasterii Sancti Martini de Bello Cicestrensis
Diocesis dilecto fideli nostro in Christo Thome Martyn salutem
in Domino sempiternam. Sepius nobis tua fratemitas humiliter
supplicavit ut tecum misericorditer dispensare dignaremur
quatenus prioratum de Abergavenny Landavensis Diocesis certis
de causis ingredi et fratribus ibidem servientibus valeas incor-
porari ; Nos igitur tuis supplicacionibus crebrisque peticionibus
inclinantes tecum duximus dispensandum, ita tamen ut post
tunc in hujusmodi prioratum ingressus per literas ejusdem loci
sigillo conventuali roboratas quam citius poteris de tua ibidem
incorporatione nobis certifices. In cujus rei testimonium he
litere nostre nostro sigillo sunt munite date apud Bellum pre-
dictum x° die mensis Novembris Anno Domini mdxxxiij"*."
The Convent^ s claim of its rights and privileges before th^ King's
Commissioners. 9 August 1529:
"Anno Christi 1529, 9 Augusti, Clamacio* pro libertatibus
coram commissarijs regis. Prior et conventus prioratus Sancti
Johannis Euangeliste Brechonie clamant tenere omnes terras et
tenementa sua res et possessiones suas infra dominia Brechon,
Talgarth, et Haye et per totum regnum Anglie ubi res et posses-
siones habent in puram et perpetuam elemosinam.
ij. "Item quod omnes homines sui liberi sint et quieti ab
* The rest is sapplied from Bishop Tanner's note of the Brewster
MS., f. 3a.
2 "N.B. Lhaw dhiwedhaiV (N.B. A recent hand.)
s "N.B. Lhaw dhiwcdhar yw hon." (This is a recent hand.)
290 CARTULARIUM PR10RATU8
omni toloneo et omnia mercata sua ubique absque toloneo
faciant et quod habeant catalla fugitivoruin suspensorum et
quorumcunque dampnatorum qui de ipais demeritentur et eciam
catalla forinsecorum qui infra libertatem ipaorum judicati
fuerint que quidem catalla infra libertatem ipsorum cum ipsis
malefactoribus inventa fuerint, et quod cedentibus vel dece-
dentibus prioribus ejusdem loci ipsi monachi habeant custodiam
prioratus sui omnium terrarum et tenementorum ad ipsiun
prioratum pertinentium et liberam administracionem de omni-
bus rebus et possessionibus ad eundem prioratum pertinentibus.
iij. " Et quod omnes sui tam Burgenses quam alij liberi sint
et quieti de shiris et hundredis et placitis accionibus querelis
et si aliquis hominum suorum deprehensus fuerit latrocinio vel
aliquo modo convictus bona et catalla ipsius erunt priori et
monachis et sola executio mortis et membrorum erit Domino
Breconie et ejus ministris.
iiij. " Et quod nullus ballivus vel minister ingrediatur terras
aut tenementa eorundem prioris et conventus ad aliquas dis-
trictiones summoniciones seu ad aliquid faciendum quod ad
officium suum pertinet nisi ob defectu ipsius prioris et balli-
vorum suorum et quod habeant curiam suam per omnia dominia
sua et omnes Justicias suas tenendas de omnibus rebus et nego-
cijs suis.
V. "Et quod habeant piscacionem in Mara pro iij diebus
singulis septimanis et singulis diebus in Adventu et Quadrage-
sima cum una cimba libere et quiete sine aliquo impedimento
et contradicione cujuscunque.
vj. " Et quod habeant omnes decimas pullanorum vitulorum
agnorum et caseorum liiii (et) communium [rerum] unde decime
poterint promoveri de omnibus forestis domini per totum bono-
rem Breconie et totam decimam tocius ville Brecon et totam
decimam tocius expense in dominicis domini sive assit sive
absit et decimam lardarii de Hay a et decimam omnium vaccarum
de donis Wallensibus et decimam omnium predictorum quas
supra inimicos suos Dominus accipere poterit.
vij. " Et quod habeant curiam suam de omnibus hominibus
tenis possessionibus et omnibus rebus suis liberam et quietam
et decimam tocius panis et potus et tocius expense de Castello
de Haia et de ceteris dominijs Domini per totam Brechoniam.
Et si per subjectionem et diminucionem seu dilacionem
niinistrorum domini melius voluerint loco dicte decime habeant
decimam tocius bladi ad ostia grangiarum castronim Brechonie
et Ilaya, Et si qua terre et nianeria de honore Brechonie in
dominium domini aliquo casu devenerint tunc fore eadem in eis
de deciniis ct de oiimibus alijs prediclis habeant et propriant.
S. JOHANNIS EVANG. DE BRECON. 291
viij. "£t si sumagium portatur in terra Brechonia de
dominijs domini ab Anglia decimam habeant inde undecun-
que fuerit. Item clamamt habere decimas omnium placitorum
tolneorum donorum lucrorum reddituum de Brechonia proveni-
entium et omnium rerura et bonorum que dominus adqui-
sierit in Wallis et liberam pasturam omnibus animalibus suis
in forestis domini per totum honorem Breconie et decimas por-
corum de pannagio domini et vaccarum de donis Wallencibus
et decimas omnium molendinorum domini et omnium lucrorum
per totum honorem Brechonie.
" Item clamamt omnia molendina de parochia Brechonie cum
tota multura.
" De appropriacione Ecclesiarum de Haya Sancti Egion de
Mara et de Talgarth per Honorium auctoritate apostolica con-
firmata/'
"Honorius^ Episcopus Servus Servorum Dei dilectis filiis
priori et monachis Ecclesie Sancti Johannis de Brekemio
salutem et apostolicam Benedictionem." [Imperfect)
Bishop Tanner notes also the following documents as
in the Brewster MS. : —
p. 102. "Innocentij P. confirmatio appropriationis Ecclesias
de Ilanavan vaur et aliarum Ecclesiarum de Buelt.
p. 103. " Bonifacii P. confirmatio Johanni Priori et monachis
Brechon de appropriationibus omnibus anno Pontificatus xi™°.
p. 107. " Carta Eoberti Halden Prioris Brechon constituens
Procuratorem pro colligendis citra Dioc. Menev. elemosynis
fidelium imagini S. Crucis Brecon pro 3^" annis. Dat'
4 Maij 1530.
p. 110. "Termini terrarum de quibus dominus Prior Bre-
chon recipit duas partes decimarum in viUa de Straddewy."*
Since the preface was written I have obtained a copy
of Bishop Tanner's notes, made " ex libro Prioratus S.
Johannis Evang. Brechonie (membran. 8vo.)" on 27th
December 1 69 7. Acareful perusal of these notes satisfies
me that the Brewster MS. book was the original from
which the Carte MS. was directly or indirectly derived,
and that to which Bishop Kennett refers. The Brewster
* '* Lhaw hen yw hon'.'* (This is an old hand.)
^ Probably the first two documents iu Carte series.
292 CARTULAKIUM PRIORATUS
MS. was written on parchment. It commenced with
the account of the foundation of Brecon Priory in the
" Chronicon de Bello'', verbatim. Tanner then notes,
" Iterum de fundatione hujus cellse narratio sed priori
brevior, et in ea contenta ; ambo manu baud antiqua.*'
Then follows the appointment of Thomas Cranbrooke
as Proctor at the ensuing election of an Abbot of
Battle, Ist August 1529, imperfectly copied nearly at
the end of the Carte MS. Next the Charters of the
Conqueror and succeeding kings to Battle Abbey, fol-
lowed by Bernard Newmarchs Charters to Brecon
Priory.
Taking Bernard s Charters as a starting point, the
documents follow in regular sequence in both MSS.
down to the Charter of Payne de Burghill. The same
repetitions occur in both, and the same order generally
prevails, if the Carte MS. is rearranged with the light
of the Tanner notes, and allowance is made for omis-
sions in Carte. The Carte MS. was copied by three
different persons, who did not take the trouble to see
that the work of each fitted into that of the other, or
that the transcript was complete. Thus documents
have been omitted, while some remain unfinished, and
words, where the writing was unintelligible to the
writer, are copied in an imperfect fac-si7nile ; this ex-
planation seems the more necessary as the Brewster
MS. is not forthcoming. Dr. John Davies of Jesus
College, obtained the loan of it in 1697 for Bishop
Tanner; what became of it afterwards is unknown.
Dr. Brewstei* married Susannah, the widow of the
Eev. Rees Powell of Boughrood, as appears by the
tablet to her memory in Brecon Priory church. Powell
was the founder of an extensive charity still administered
at Brecon. Brewster may, from this connexion, have
become possessed of the MS. Shortly before his death
he gave five MSS. to the Bodleian library (Heame's
Diary, MS., 1715, No. 53, p. 156), where the following
passage occurs : — " Dr. William Brewster, the Physician
of Hereford, is dead, and hath left St. John s College
S. JOHANNIS EVANG. DE BRECON. 293
(of which he was a coramoner) £2,00u to purchase ad-
vowsons, besides a good number of books." These
five MSS. are described in Hearne's Diary, and also in
the donation book of the Bodleian library, which con-
tains the full titles of the printed books given by
Brewster to the library ; but no mention of the Brecon
Priory book is made, as one of the five MSS., nor is it
among the books in the donation book.
My attention has been called to the following docu-
ments among the muniments of Magdalen College,
Oxford, by ^e Rev. W. D. Macray, who has pub-
lished some extracts from the Prior's answers to the
articles exhibited against him by the Abbot of Battle,
in the Appendix to the Eighth Report of the Historical
MSS. Commission, p. 266, col. b. Mr. Macray, forming
his opinion from the character of the handwriting, con-
siders that the Prior s answers formed part of a roll of
the first half of the fourteenth century. A perusal of
them, however, inclines me to think that the roll be-
longs rather to the latter end of the thirteenth century.
My reasons for so thinking are : —
1. That the Prior refers to the period of his office as
a time of war, which may have been the war between
the barons and King Henry HI.
2. He refers, in another answer, to the lady of Bryn-
llys, who may be identified with Maude de Longesp^e.
Walter de Clifibrd, the owner of Brynllys Castle and
manor, had a daughter Maud, who married William
de Longesp6e, son of the Earl of Salisbury. Her hus-
band died in 1257, and she succeeded as heir to all her
father's possessions on his death in 1263. From that
time until 1270 she held Brynllys in her own right. In
the latter year she complained to the King that John
Gifford had taken her by force from her manor house
at Kanesford to his Castle of Briramesfield, — an offence
which John Gifford commuted by payment to the King
of 300 marcs, for marrying without the King's licence.
(Dugd., Baronage,) The lands of which John died
294 CARTULARIUM PRIORATUS
seized^ of Maud's inheritance, were, after tkeir deaths,
divided among her four daughters in 1298. {Abbrev.
Rot. Originalium, p. 107.)
3. Humphrey de Bohun is mentioned in a subsequent
answer of the Prior. The frequent occurrence of Hum-
phrey as a Christian name in the De Bohun family
creates confusion ; but I think he may be identified
with Humphrey de Bohun, the son of Humphrey de
Bohun and Eleanor de Braose, who succeeded to the
lordship of Brecon on his father's death in 1267, and on
the death of his grandfather in 1274 became Earl of
Hereford and Essex. He is further identified by the
mention, in the Prior's answers, of Gilbert as his bro-
ther, and the occurrence of the name of " Gilbert de
Boun" as one of the witnesses to Humphrey's confirma-
tion to Brecon Priory. We may therefore conclude that
the Prior held office from 1200 to 1270, if not until a
later period. It is unfortunate that the Prior's name
cannot be ascertained.
Magd. Coll. MunimerUs; Miscell.y 297. A Roll, on Parchment,
22 iiM. by 6.
"Ad primum Articulum respondet sic.
"De insufficiencia regiminis imposita priori sic respondet.
quod quamvis ad omne regimen sit insufficiens quia tamen ex
obediencia sibi injuncta datus fuit ad regimen et gwerra super-
veniens prime tempore sui adventus et hue vsque continuata
impossibilem se reddidit ad regimen quia depredatus et ex aliis
diuersis causis gravatus juvare se non poterat.
" De hoc quod dicitur quod non est discretus in factis sed tan-
tum in verbis respondet quod salva pace dicencium facta sua
secuta sunt uerba sicut potest videri in maneriorum emendaci-
one et debitorum exhoneracione siqut per compotum apparebit
" Item de hoc quod imponitur ei de neggligencia obsequii
divini respondet quod nisi occupatus fuerit in negotio domus vel
infirmitate detentus quod sepius contingit per quandam guttam^
supervenientem sue salutis immemor horas, missam et alia
divina non omisit nee contempsit.
" Item ad hoc quod amisit credenciaui pro infidelitate promis-
sorum respondet quod non stetit per eum quin promissa tene-
ret sed potius ex honere debitorum tempore suo sohitorum quo
1 The gout.
S. JOHA^NIS EVANO. D£ BRECON. 295
honere a tempore Stephani Piioris fuit domus ipsa honerata non
potuit tenere promissa.
"Item de tempore compoti sui non soluti coram conventu
respondet, quod paratus est solvere compotum de receptis suis
in fide vera & quia hactenus non soluit respondet quod non
poterat facere, quia non recepit compotum a suis servientibus
et quia obedientiarii sui nondum solvemnt ej compotum et
sunt parati ; non poterit coram conventu certum soluere compo-
tum quousque super hoc fuerit instructus et ipse audito compoto
eorum respondere paratus est.
''Item de ebrietate sua et aliis viciis maliciose ei impositis
respondet, quod ante tempora sua modus fuit priorie et est quod
inter hospites suos et Walenses necesse babet pretendere se
petere potum et potare cum eis salva disciplina sobrietatis : de
clamore et ostentacione sua et verbositate respondet quod in
publico nunquam exhibuit se clamosum nee verbosum nee con-
t^nciosum contra honestatem regule sed in mensa propter pacem
domus sese exhibuit jocundum.
'' Item ad hoc quod dicitur quod nimis aspere et inordinate et
cum toruo wltu^ et austero corripit fratres respondet quod
salva pace dicencium dictum non est verum quia ab inicio sue
puericie talia nunquam fuerunt ei objecta ; sed mitibus mitis,
et austeris et inordinatis minus quam decuit austerus apparuit.
" Item de hoc quod raro jacet in conventu respondet quod
hoc bene fatetur, quia gutta sua et morbus superveniens ali-
quando est ei in impedimento; nee est sine socio in camera^
quia cum sepius habeat fratrem et commonachum nunquam est
sine certo scutario'^ et hostium* inter conventum et ipsum sem-
per est patulum^ lucema semper de noctibus in ilia cajtnera
accensa.
" Item de hoc quod dicitur ipsum non debere revelasse con-
fessionem fratrum hoc omnino'et plane difficietur^et si sit aliquis
qui hoc voluerit probare, audiatur.
'* Item de hoc quod dicitur, quod ponit garciones indiscretos
et infideles et luxuriosos ad custodienda maneria sua, et amovit
fi deles, respondet quod quidam Jacobus qui fuit ballivus apud
Bodenham pro felonia sibi a Vicecomite Herefordie imposita
fuit amotus de cuius iniquitate iste articulus processit ut credi-
tur et alius loco ipsius subrogatus habebatur sufficiens & fidelis
secundum conscienciam suam secundum quod apparebit in fine
1 For "vultu".
2 As to the arrangements of the dormitory, see Bloxam's Gothic
A rchitecture, vol. ii, p. 263.
3 An attendant; but the meaning is obscare.
* For "ostium'*, the door or passage. * Open.
296 CARTULARIDM PHIORATUS
sui finalis compoti de cuius luxuria ignorat Item de bonis
illorum maneriorum videlicet Beritone et Bodeham in vsus con-
uentus ut dicitur non conversis respondet quod blada in vsus
conventus et releuacionem debitorum et exaccionem ordinario-
rum et decimarum regis et solucionem debitorum Gaudini et
ballivorum regis ibidem confluentium tota die sunt expensa
sicut per compotum vltimum invenietur.
" Item de hoc quod dicitur de infidelitate cuiusdam Dodini
custodientis grangiam respondet quod a puericia sua ipsum est
secutus et fidelem ipsum invenit nee constat ei de contrario et
compotum suum fideliter reddit et si sit aliquis qui ei furtum
velit imponere, respondebit.
" Item ad hoc quod dicitur quod manumisit quosdam absque
consensu conventus salua pace dicencium negat de piano quia
unus ipsorum videlicet ille de Berytona optinuit super hoc gra-
tiam conuentus et habet sigillum capituli quod non liberatur
nisi de consensu totius capituli Item de alio videlicet Bene-
dicto Portario castri respondet quod ad instanciam Domini Abba-
tis conuentus concessit ei libertatem corporis sui sine gleba et
de hoc habuit sigillum capituli.^
" Item de pignoribus appositis in Judaismo pro duodecim
libris respondet verum esse quod de consensu conuentus accepit
duodecim marcas in vsum decimarum regis Willelmo de Sca-
therok* soluendas et visa magna curialitate^ Judeorum et maxima
necessitate domus ingruente* quamuis inuitus recepit sex mar-
cas quarum quatuor liberavit apud Herefordiam pro decima
regis de anno preterito et viginti solidos pro decima manerii de
Berytona et circa mutuum contra[h]endum dimidiam tnarcam
ad suas expensas, et de hoc quod dicitur quod libri adhuc de
armariolo* remanent apud Judeos hoc penitus negat quia qui-
dam burgensis de Lodelawe® ipso§ habet in salua custodia ad
vsum domus ; et de^ cipho et cocleariis® impignoratis inuenit
amicum qui tradidit ei mutuo apud Herefordiam viginti solidos
quos soluit Eogero Gontyer Preterea ille ciphus non fuit de
domo Breconie sed coclearia sunt.
" Item de hoc quod dicitur quod vendidit vnum conredium*
^ This is an interesting instance of the manamission of villeins
(**ad8cripti glehsB*'). See a series of notes of grants, sales, and
manumissions of serfs about this period, in Muniments of Magdalen
College^ Oxford, by Rev. W. D. Murray, p. 132.
^ Scetbrog. * Courtesy or kindness.
* Attacking or pressing.
^ Small library or bookcase. • Ludlow.
^ For " scypho", a vase. ® Cups.
* A corrody, a sum of money, or allowance of food, drink, cloth-
S. JOHANNIS EVANG. DE BRECON. 297
irrequisito Episcopo respondet quod libenter et deuote requisis-
set assensum Episcopi super hoc et ipsius adquievisset consilio
sed quia in remotis fuit partibus et magna necessitas ingruebat
et aspera fuit annona recepit pecuniam ipsam conuersam in sus-
tentacionem conuentus quam pecuniam gessit in proposito libe-
rasse cauersinis^ propter jui»mentum quod fecerat coram con-
uentu nisi maior necessitas ad hoc eum coegisset et de conredio
vendito et iuramento summittit se gratie.
" Item de hoc quod dicitur quod dixit fratribus ante visitacio-
nem Episcopi si qua essent corrigenda tangencia personam suam
bene corrigerentur sine Episcopo per Abbatem qui in breui ven-
turns est, salua pace dicentium minus bene dicitur quia ex dis-
ciplina regulari et obediencia uult et semper voluit domino Epis-
copo obedire et Abbati secundum regulam et suam professionem
et ita semper wlt^ et voluit quod fratres sui faciant et si super
hoc reperiatur se deliquisse summittit se gratie.
" Item de hoc quod dicitur quod tenet Johannem Page inho-
iiestum et luxuriosum respondet quod quamcito deuenit ad eius
notitiam ipsum amouit.
"Item de hoc quod dicitur quod quidam monachus mitissimus
transtulit se ad predicatores' propter malitiam prioris respondet
salua pace dicencium non esse verum quia cum secum esset
associatus de abbacia usque ad Breconiam et ibi aliquamdiu ste-
tisset transtulit se licencia non petita cum pannis^ suis furtiue
ad fratres cum crederetur ipsum celebrasse apud capellam de
bello et postea coniitebatur coram domina de Brendles^ erga
priorem deliquisse et pecijt instantissime diuine caritatis intuitu
et illius domine precum interuentu cum lacrimis quod ipsa
interponeret preces pro eo quod indulgeret ei de recessu suo illi-
cito ; teste domina ilia.
" Item de hoc quod dicitur quod vendidit de bosco de Bery-
tona viginti solidatas respondet quod non vendidit nisi septem-
decim solidatas ; si deliquit summittit se gratie.
" Item de hoc quod dicitur quod consanguineum suum Samp-
sonem sustinet in scolis de bonis prioratus absque consensu con-
uentus, respondet quod credidit super hoc conuentus sui con-
sensum et voluntatem ad plenum interuenisse eo quod in iactu^
ing, and lodging, due from a monastery on a conditional grant to it
by the donor. For an example of a corrody, see Mun, Magd, OolL,
Oxford, p. 21.
* For "caorcinis", asnrere. * Fop "vult".
' Probably the friars preachers of the religions house in Llan7aeBy
known since as Christ's College.
* Dress of his order, garments. * Brynllys.
^ Statement or casting.
298 CARTULARIUM PRIORATUS
singulotum compotonim f&cUi foil de eo mencio et non fait ali-
quis qui obloqueretur.
" Item de hoc quod dicitur quod non debuit tradidisse ad fir-
mam poTcionem suam in ecclesia de Devennok^ Johanni vaghan
Yxorato contra prohibicionem Episcopi respondet quod dominus
Episcopus apud Lantefey^ constitutus super hoc ipsum priorem
posuit ad rationem et reprehendit et in fine ei iniunxit quod ita
de cetero non faceret vnde quamcito terminus transient amove-
bitur.
" Item de hoc quod dicitur quod fecit firmacionem' cum Gron-
nov ab Sampson de debito in quo ei tenentur non computatis
magnis expensis quas frequenter fecerunt in domo pro ipso cum
statutum esset contrarium per Episcopum, respondet quod scit
et credit statutum Episcopi esse pium et karitatiuum maxime
interuentu et consensu fratrum, quia cum idem Gronnotus
miseria et inedia et fame pressus ad ipsum cum declinaret mise-
ricordia ductus ipsum ad mensam admisit nolens computare
sortem in vsuras ; si in hoc deliquit summittit se gratie.
" Item in hoc quod dicitur statuta episcopi non esse obser-
uata nee recitata debito modo, respondet non solum statuta sive
ordinaciones et precepta et cetera que ej erunt iniuncta obedi-
enter et reuerenter velle debere obseruare ; et si in hoc in ali-
quo prius deliquit reddit se culpabilem et petit gratiam.
" Item de hoc quod dicitur quod tradidit ad firmam quandam
terram Rogero Guntyer sine consensu conuentus, respondet
quod non . . . sed mutuum cum eo contraxit et mutuum ei soluit.
* quod dedit domino Humfredo de Bohon vnum
palefridum et faceret ei habere*
" Item* de hoc quod dicitur quod deficiunt eis quatuor mona-
chi de numero debito, respondet quod non stat per eum sed
pocius per dominum Abbatem et quanto plures haberet bonos
socios tanto mains haberet gaudium, hoc sciat Deus.
" Item de hoc quod dicitur quod domus midto plus est obli-
gata de debitis quam dicat prior et de multis debitis solutis et
expensis ab eodem factis pro vt ostendit in quodam rotulo multa
falsa dicit et multa recepit que ibidem non computat, respondet
quod in rotulo compotj non continentur nisi vera preter quam
hoc quod tacuit per obliuionem duas marcas et dimidiam in qui-
bus tenetur Dauid Portarius, et si inquirere poterit per suos bal-
liuos quod mains sit debitum, quam in rotulo contineatur appo-
^ Devynock. ' Lampfaey.
^ "Firmacio**, same as "Brmitas", au arrangement.
* Two inches torn off. ^ A Iso a line, lines, or part of a line.
* The back of the roll begins here. Margin of three inches at the
top, with B reckon only written upon it.
8. JOHANNIS EVANG. DE BRECON. 299
iietur in rotulo et respondebit fideliter coram illis qtiibus reddi-
turus est compotam.
" Item de hoc quod dicitur quod cum corripitur ab aliquo
fratre minatur ipsum mittere ad Abbatem respondet quod cum
aliquis fratrum minus ciuili modo et in spiritu furoris ipsum
reprehendat affectans pacem pectoris tacet, sed si denuo impetu-
ose ipsum reprehendat modeste respondit quod si fuerit necesse
Abbas ipsum castigabit secundum formam regule.
"Item de hoc quod dicitur quod contra aduentum episcopi
attraxerat sibi socios quosdam et maxime suppriorem qui prius
sibi erat contrarius et fratrem Eobertum quem friuolis suis ver-
bis decepit, respondet quod quia vidit fratrem Eicardum sup-
priorem in consiliis et in aliis expediendis sibi necessarium et
subtilem in negociis et discipline regularis strictum conseruato-
rem confederauit eum sibi et fratrem Robertum quem Dominus
Abbas ad eum misit tanquam sodalem similiter ei confederauit
et maxime quia ab infancia ipsum dilexit quia fuit magister
suus in scolis et homo naturalis amoris et sciat Deus quod non
est aliud in causa.
" Item de hoc quod dicitur quod tradidit ad firmam ecclesiam
de Talgar pro Ixx. marcis quas soluit cauersinis quibus debuit
satisfecisse de xxxv marcis receptis de conredio vendito, respon-
det ut supra in illo articulo de conredio vendito.
" Item de hoc quod dicitur quod prostrauit boscum de Mone-
ketona de quo solebant habere meremium ad molendina et ad
gurgites et ad alia necessaria, respondet quod de bosco ipso nun-
quam vastum fecit sed tempore illo quo molendina sua omnia
f uerunt combusta et gurgites et vnum molendinum per aquarum
alluuionem penitus asportatum et molendinum fullonum peni-
tus destructum nee ad ipsorum reparacionem aliunde posset
habere meremium propter temporis maliciam necesse habuit de
meremio proprio amputare ne molendina ociosa iacerent in qui-
bus magna pars substancie eorum consistit.
" Item de hoc quod dicitur quod cellararius^ per priorem habet
tres obediencias^ scilicet cellarariam camerariam' elemosinariam*
contra statutum episcopi, respondet quod quia vidit ipsum cel-
lararium fidelem secundum conscienciam suam et in negotiis
multum diligentem et soUicitum pro ut apparet per suam admi-
^ For "cellarius", one who has charge of the provisions and
management of the honse.
' " Terme g^n^riqae, par leqnel on d6signait tontes les charges et
dignity dans les maisons oonventuelles, m^me celle d' Abbe on snp^-
^rienr." (Migne, Lex, Med. et Inf, Laiinitatis.)
^ Chamberlain, who had care of the dormitory. ^ Almoner.
300 CARTULARIUM PRIORATUS
iiistracionem commisit ei curam ad tempus elemosinarie proui-
debit tamen in breui de alio per consiUum seniorum fratrum,
et si in hoc deliquit sumraittit se gracie.
"Item de hoc quod dicitur de sua incontinencia in tribus arti-
culis subscriptis oflfert suam purgacioneni et a Deo expectat
vindictam ab eis qui sibi tale crimen imposuerunt.
" Item de hoc quod dicitur quod amoueri fecit ones de quibus
consueuerunt singulis diebus duos caseos facere et dedit false
intelligere conuentui quod mortue sunt omnes, respondet quod
visa mortalitate communi ipsarum ouium et cum melius expe-
diret eas vendere quam mortalitatem sustiuere vendidit super-
stites singula capita pro viij denariis et ementes sustinuerunt
magnam iacturam pro mortalitate ipsarum ouium subsequente.
" Item de hoc quod dicitur quod dedit equas cues et boues et
multa alia sine consilio et (Consensu conuentus, respondet quod
sepius conquerebatur ei dominus Humfridus de sua paupertate
et insufficiencia bonorum volens ipsum sicut patronum suum
pro vt decuit releuare dedit ei duas equas et postea vnum equimi
precii v. marcarum; Item Amiano consiliario ipsius vnam equam,
et Abbati quia conquerebatur quod non habuit equam in parco
suo portatilem de voluntate conuentus dedit ei duas, quia dice-
bat conuentus quod parum esset dare vnam Abbati Item dedit
domino Gileberto fratri Comitis vnum bouem ad instaurandum
suum nouum manerium Item dedit vnam equam domino
Johanni de Scalariis^ Senescallo et consiliario Comitis Item
dedit tres iuuenculas fetas pueris domini Johannis Tregand et
vnam equam de consensu conuentus, qui nobis magnam curiali-
tatem^ fecit de bonis suis scilicet vnum carriim ferratum nouum
et unam carectam nouam et duo paria rotarum ad carrum et
duo dolia plena de sicera' et quatuor bacones et vnum carcoys
bonis, et de venacione sua et vino et medone* sepius largitus est
conuentui, et est in omnibus nobis propicius et amicus specialis ;
si in hoc deliquit summittit se gracie.
" Item de hoc quod dicitur quod prior est dilapidator tempo-
ralium domus et omnino insufi&ciens ut predictum est ad regi-
men domus mendax adulator et suspectus de furtiua alienacione
bonorum domus, respondet se esse insufficientem sicut in prime
articulo qui de insufficiencia notatur superius De ceteris reddit
se culpabilem coram Deo et vobis et petit veniam et promittit
^ Probably John de Scales, 83-49 Henry III, mentioned in Dug-
dale's Baroiiage, tome i, 617.
^ Kindness or courtesy.
^ A term which includes beer, cider, or perry, or other like drink,
not wine.
* Mead.
S. JOHAKNIS EVANG. DE BRECON. 301
emendam excepto vno videlicet de fiirtiaa alienacione quia sciat
Deus quod nuuquam fait fur Bed a fidelibus parentibus oriundus
et in puericia bene disciplinatus et de hoc inuocat Deum testem
et dominum Abbatem de bello et fratrem Eobertum quondam
suum magistnim.
" Item de hoc quod dicitur quod dedit fratri Eicardo suppriori
tunicam de bumeto* parum ante visitacionem episcopi ut attra-
heret ipsum ad partem suam et celaret facta ipsius, respondet
quod nichil sciuit de futura visitacione eo tempore quo dedit
sed parum ante Natale domini anni presentis dedit ei tunicam
et hoc propter suam magnam curialitatem quam ei facit sup-
portando onus ordinis in sua absencia.
" Item de hoc quod dicitur quod prior seminat multas discor-
dias et viles in domo inter fratres et extra et mentitus est Abbati
super pluribus contra fratres suos, respondet quod super hoc
laudat Abbatem auctorem et conuentum inter quos in pluribus
officiis scilicet in sacristaria' in hostelaria' in refectorio et in
cellararia per quinque annos et in officio Senescalli per tres
annos et nunquam ei talia fuerunt obiecta."
Magd. Coll MunimenU, Oaford, MiscelLy 227. (1435.)
AppoiTUment of Thomas Hairwn as Prior of Brecon,
10 July 1435.
" Willelmus permissione divina Abbas Monasterii Sancti Mar-
tini de Bello dilectis nobis in Christo Johanni Exceter, Willelmo
Oxenford, Stephano Feveresham, Thome Bridde et Michaeli
Dyst, monachis Celle nostre Brekonie, cum benediccione salu-
tem. Quia ad prioratum dicte Celle nostre Brekonie per libe-
ram resignacionem nostri predicti Willelmi Abbatis nuper ipsius
prioratus Prioris vacantem et ad nostram prouisionem spectan-
tern Fratrem Thomam Hamon providimus et prefecimus in Pri-
orem Vobis igitur omnibus et singulis precipimus et mandamus
quatinus dicto Fratri, Thome Hamon, tanquam legitimo Priori
vestro humiliter obediatis reverenciam ei debitam ut condecet
exhibendo In cujus rei testimonium presentibus sigillum nos-
trum apposuimus. Datum in Monasterio nostro predicto decimo
die mensis Julii Anno Domini Millesimo .cccc™®. tricesimo
quinto.^'
^ For "bmneto", a cloth or stuff djed, and not of the natural
colour of the wool.
s Sacristan or treasurer.
^ As the mouk who receives strangers in the guest-chamber.
4th 8SB., TOL. ZIT. 21
302 CABTULABIUM PRIORATUS
Magd. CoU. Muniments, Oxford. MUc. 230.^
The Prior's Oath of Office.
[ *'' de Monachis] Monaster!] Sancti Martini de Bello
et in eodem expresse professus ad p[rioratum sive cellam ?]
Sancti Johannis Euangeliste de Breconia Meneuensis diocesis
ab eodem Monasterio de Bello ' et eidem subditiun et
subiectum presentatum juro ad hec sancta Dei euangelia pro
me corponditer tacta canonicam obedienciam Yenerabili in
Cbristo patri domino Thome Dei gracia Abbati dicti Monastenj
prelato meo et successoribus in forma subscripta, videlicet quod
postquam ad dictum prioratum siue cellam admissus fuero et
institutus ac inductus in eodem jura et possessiones dicti prio-
ratus pro viribus sustinebo et manutenebo, ac ilia illesa con-
seruabo, necnon iura et possessiones amissa et deperdita pro
posse recuperabo, ac recuperari procurabo De possessionibus
eciam ad dictum prioratum siue cellam pertinentibus nuUas
faciam alienaciones Corrodia insuper seu pensiones a dicto pri-
oratu non concedam absque consensu Abbatis et Conventus
monasterij prelibati Monachis michi a Monasterio predicto per
Abbatem [meum*] missis seu mittendis iuxta facultates priora-
tus predicti suflBcienter in \ite necessarijs Monachis
eciam ad dictum prioratum mittendis reraittendis seu reuocan-
dis equitaturam competentem vna cum solitis expensis faciam
prouideri. Monachos insuper ab Abbate meo predicto et succes-
soribus suis [mihi ?] destinatos seu destinandos omni excusaci-
one postposita acceptabo Eeuocatos eciam monachos per eun-
dem Abbatem et successores suos Uteris meis commendaticijs si
quas meruerint remittam ad dictiun monasterium sine mora
Aliquosque Monachos absque speciali Commission e Abbatis raei
predicti vel successorum suorum in dicto prioratu radi non
^ Amongst the Magdalen College Maniments (MisceU. 234) is a
fragment of a deed dated 1435, which appears to relate to the elec-
tion of the Prior of Brecon, and to have been an appointment of
proctors for the occasion. The name of Stephen Feversham occurs
in it, also " John William Morgan ap David"; but the right hand
half of the deed alone remains, the original deed having been cut in
half. The back of the right hand half has been used for an inden-
ture containing an inventory of the plate belonging to Battle Abbey.
2 Two or three words are worm-eaten here, — " Ego Thomas
nnus" ?
• Two words gone.
^ '^ Meum" is crossed through, and some words have been written
above, bat they are quite gone.
S. JOHANNIS EVANG. DB BRECON. 303
faciam seu quomodolibet profiteri Et cum per Abbatem meum
predictum seu aliquos successorum suorum vocatus fuero pro
aliquibus negocijs monasterium vel prioratum predictum con-
cementibus cessante legitimo impecQmento personaliter acce-
dain excusationes minus veras seu legitimas totaliter postpo-
nendo In negocijs utramque domum concementibus pro posse
meo coQsilium prebebo et iuuamen Et si placuerit abbati meo
predicto seu alicui successorum suorum dictum prioratum siue
cellam tanquam sibi subiectum seu subiectam per se vel per
alium seu alios visitare ipsum vt Abbatem meum et prelatum
tanquam meum in ea parte superiorem ac eius Commissarium
seu Commissarios tanquam meos eciam in ea parte superiores
cum debita reuerencia acceptabo visitacionemque dicti Abba-
tis Commissarij seu Commissariorum suorum obedienter et
humiliter subibo Sibi eciam et suis ac Commissario seu Com-
missarijs suis necessaria in esculentis et poculentis quamdiu
visitacio huiusmodi durauerit prouidebo Reformacioni correc-
cioni et punicioni eiusdem seu eorundem parebo et obediam
cum efifectu Pensionem annuam xx solidorum monasterio pre-
dicto nomine subieccionis abolim debitam et consuetam fideUter
soluam Jocalia eciam conuentualia de triennio in triennium
nomine specierum debita vel saltem tres libros sterlingorum pro
eisdem solui faciam indilate Monachis insuper de Bello Oxonie
vel alibi studentibus pro rata porcione facultatis prioratus pre-
dicti seu ad Capitulum generale missis tanquam ad communem
vtilitatem proficiscentibus de expensis prouidebo cum debite
fuero requisitus Et quod nuUi persone Abbati meo predicto
seu Monasterio de Bello in aliquo aduersanti consilium prebebo
auxilium seu fauorem sed dampnis siue periculis Abbati seu
monasterio predicto imminentibus totis viribus obuiabo Et si
contingat quod absit me premissis aut alicui parti eorum quouis-
modo contrauenire, tunc volo et consencio quod admissio insti-
tucioque et induccio de me in dicto prioratu siue cella de B[re-
chonia] facte ipso iure sint nulle, et nuUius extunc sint roboris
vel momenti ; sed eisdem admissioni institucioui et induccioni
ac ipsi prioratui siue celle necnon iuri et titulo quibuscunque
michi pretextu presentacionis ad dictum prioratum siue cellam
adquisitis seu adquirendis necnon omnibus et singulis prouo-
cacionibus appellacionibus exceptionibus alijsque Juris Civilis
et Cauonici atque Regij remedijs quibuscunque palam publice
et expresse mea pura et spontanea voluntate exnunc prout ex-
tunc et extunc prout exnunc cedo recedo et renuncio ; et volo
et consencio quod extunc a dicto prioratu siue cella ipso facto
sim aiiimotus pariter et pviuatus ita quod tunc liceat Abbati
dicti Monasterii de Bello cuicunque pro tempore existenti alium
21 «
304 CARTULARroM PRIORATUS
•
monachum ad dictum piioratum siue cellam de B[reclionia]
predictam tanquam vacantem vigore renunciacionis mee predicte
presentare, quem sic presentatum volo et consencio in ipso pri-
oratu siue cella intitulari nulla alia ammocione siue priuacione
de me quouismodo in ea parte faciend&. Omnia similiter et sin-
gula premissa iuxta formam suprascnptam Abbati predicto et
successoribus suis me fideliter obseruaturum promitto in hijs
scriptis sicut me deus adiuuet et hec facta Dei euangelia."
Letters of Archbishop Peckham to Regirudd fitz Peter, com-
plaining of his injuries to the men and animals of the Prior of
Brecknock :
" Domino Reginaldo filio Petri pro Abbate de Bello* Prater
Johannes, etc. — Nobili viro domino Eeginaldo filio Petri*
salutem, etc. Non sine vehementi admiracione et amaritudine
cordis intelleximus quia vos libertatibus ecclesiasticis non satis
ut houestatem vestram decuit deferentes occasione cujusdam
Monacbi de Brekynok sue regularis discipline censuram ipsius
exigentibus meritis ab eo loco nuper amoti predicti prioratus
capi jet attachiari fecistis averiam et quasdam personas carcerali
custodie mancipari in non modicam Ubertatis ecclesie lesionem
et detrimentum et animarum, cum igitur talem presumpcionis
enormitatem negamus convenientibus oculis pertransire, que
famam et honestatem vestram deformat plurimum ac in Dei et
ecclesie necnon tocius religionis redundat injuriam vos ut filium
carissimum rogamus monemus pariter et hortamur quatenus
predicta gravamina sine dilacionis tedio revocetis et errata
faciatis in melius reformari ne urgente necessitate pro hujus
facti remedio alitor manus nostras extendere compellamur. Quid
autem super hoc decreveritis rescribatis per presencium portito-
rem. Valeat. — Data apud Suthmall viij Idui Julii anno quinto
(1283).
" Domino Eeginaldo filio Petri pro Priore Breconie,* Frater
Johannes etc. nobili viro domino Eeginaldo filio Petri salutem
gratiam et benedictionem. In progressu vicitacionis nostre* in
diocese Menevensi non sine cordis amaritudine quedam relatione
didicimus fidedigna quod vos videlicet Dei timore postposito et
^ Register of Archbishop Peckham, fo. 198b. Lambeth Palace.
^ Lord of Blaenlljfni and Dinas, yoanger son of Peter Fitz Her-
bert. He died in 1285.
8 Ibid., fo. 209.
^ The Archbishop beld a metropolitan visitation of the Welsh
dioceses in 1284. i^Eistory of Si, David's, p. 299.)
S. J0HANI4IS EVANG. D£ BRECON.
305
spreto religionis honore prioratum Breconie gravatis multipli-
citer ultra modo ejusdem homines destruentes et eorum averia
et bona alia per vos et ballivos vestros contra Deum et justiciam
occupantes ac alias domum ipsam diversimodo molestantes
propter quod regnlaris disciplina minuitur subtrahuntur inibi
opera caritatis et subvertitur religio quasi tota. Et quia non
possumus sicut nee debemus tarn enormes excessus convenienti-
bus oculis ulterius pertransire, nobilitatem vestram et servum
cui mors minatur de die in diem rogamus monemus in Domino
pariter et hortamur quatenus ab his molestiis et gravaminibus
et injuriis a modo penitus desistatis, ita quod inde clamor non
perveniat iteratus, scituri pro certo quod nisi monicionibus
nostris parueritis in hac parte, non dissimulabimus amplius quin
contra vos et vestros in iis et aliis prout justum fuerit pro-
cedamus. Data apud Hampton Idibus Augusti anno sexto
(1284)."
CAETULAEIUM PEIORATUS S. JOH. EVANG.
DE BRECON.
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
Preface .....
Bernard Newmarch'a Charter to Battle Abbey
His second Charter ....
William Bevel's endowment of Church of St. Mary,
Hay .....
Bernard Bishop of St David's confirmation of the
founder's donations, and grant of Chapel of St.
Alived .....
His notification to Roger Elarl of Hereford of the
Priory of Brecon's right to the Church of Llangorse
Charter of Roger Earl of Hereford
The Earl's second Charter
The Earl's fourth Charter
The Earl's sixth Charter
His confirmation of his previous Charters
His confirmation of Church of Humber and lands of
Benni .....
His grant of the mills of BurghUl and Cowame
His confirmation of Osmimd de Traveley's grant
David Bishop of St David's confirmation of Earl
Roger's Charters ....
His institution of William, foster son of Eli, to the
Church of St Paulinus, Llangorse
Fol. in Brew-
ster Ma
Page, Arch.
Camb.
{ XUl
275
9a
141
9b
142
47
48
46
46
46
47
10b
148
11a
145
146
12a
147
12b
148
.13a
149
13b
150
14a
150
45a
43
45a
44
Approximate
Date.
1100, 1103
1115, 1120
1115, 1147
1143, 1147
1143, 1154
1148, 1162
306
OARTULARIUM PRIORATUS
His confirmation of the grants of churches by Roger
Earl of Hereford and the founder
His dedication of the Church of St. Alived
Walter of Hereford, Constable, confirms the dona-
tions of his ancestors, and grants the tithes of
bread, drink, and fish, in the Honor of Brecon
His further grant . . . •
His grant of a right of fishing in Llangorse Lake
Henry of Hereford confirms the grants of Churches
of Hay and Llanigon, and the grants of his ances-
tors ■ . . . •
His grant of a yearly sum for lighting the Church of
St. John .....
Mahel of Hereford confirms the grants of his ances-
tors .....
Nicholas of Machna (Maund), grant of tithes to the
Church of Bodenham
Brian, son of Nicholas, confirmation of his father's
grant . . . . •
Thomas de Machna's confirmation of his grandfather
Nicholas' grant ....
Gilbert Bishop of Hereford, directions relative to
Chapel of Maund Brian and Church of Bodenham
Decision of William Bishop of Hereford in dispute
between the monks of Hereford and Brecon as to
tithes of lordship of Herbert de Euras in Boden*
ham .....
Ralph Bishop of Hereford confirms right to Church
of Bodenham ....
Arrangement between the monks of Brecon and
Nicholas, Dean of Stoke, as to tithes of Broadfield,
Bodenham ....
William of Broadfield grants Richard Ifareschall a
mill and lands at Broadfield, Bodenham
His grant to the monks of Brecon of lands granted
to Richard Mareschall
Walter de Riffe grants an acre of land before the
dwelling-house of Broadfield Mill
Decision that the Canons of Landa shall pay, after
the death of their incumbent of Bodenhun, 30«.
yearly to the monks of Brecon
Confirmation of this yearly payment from the Church
of Pattingham by Gkoffi-ey Bishop of Coventry .
The Prior of Landa acknowledges the liability of his
Convent .....
Order to the Prior of Landa to pay same sum yearly
at Bodenham . . . .
Inspeximus by R. Archbishop of Canterbury, of the
Charters of the founder and Roger Earl of Here-
ford . . . ...
Walter de Mans' grant of Church of Humber
Confirmation of his grant by Gilbert Bishop of Here-
ford .....
45b
46
15
16a
16b
14a
15
16b
77
77
78
53
55
59
76
76
77
65
55
65
64
77
SlB
54
Approximate
Date.
45
46
152
153
154
151
152
154
284
285
285
20
25
24
228
282
283
284
274
23
276
275
286
33
21
1152
1154,1164
1150
1150,1162
1195, 1199
1237
1176
1220, 1230
1198,1208
M
f>
1
I
1174, 1183
1148,1154
>»
8. JOHANNIS £VAKO. DE BRECON.
307
The same Biahop notifies the grant of the milLs of
Burghill and Cowame
Giles Bishop of Hereford institutes his chaplain to
the vicarage of Humber
Ralph Bishop of Hereford confirms rent-charge pay-
able by the Church of Humber to the Priory
Decision as to the respective rights of the Convents
oi St. Quthlac and Brecon to certain tithes in
Humber .....
Settlement of dispute between the monks of Bead-
ing and Adam, Dean of Humber
Abbot of Reading's Charter giving effect to the ar-
rangement ....
Settlement of dispute between the vicar of Humber
and the Convent of Lire
Grant of Emma of Melinog
Agreement between the monks of Glo.ucester and
Brecon as to the parochial right of Melinog
Richard of Einnardesley's agreement as to lands
given by Roger, son of Emma of Melinog
Decision as to the respective rights of monks of Qloa-
cester and Brecon in the tithes of Talgarth
Arrangement between the respective Priors as to the
tithes of Talgarth ....
Agreement between Philip de Hay and his brother
Richard as to the tithes of Hay and Llanigon
Confirmation of Church of Llanddew yr Cwm, in
Buelt, by Peter Bishop of St. David's .
The same Bishop confirms the grants of the founder,
Roger Earl of Hereford, his brothers, and William
de Braose, in the districts of Brecon and Builth .
Gerald Bishop of St. David's confirms the grants of
Churches of Hay, Llanigon, Talgarth, and Llangorse
Confirmation of the last named churches by William
de Braose and Maud his wife .
Geofirey Bishop of St. David's confirms the grant of
the same churches ....
The same Bishop confirms grant of the Church of
Llangorse, and assigns a vicarage there
Also the grant of the Church of Hay, and assigns a
vicarage there ....
William de Braose confirms the gr&nt of his ancestors
William de Braose gives a yearly sum out of his Bre-
con rente for lighting the Church of St. John
Roger Fitz Pichani grants two parts of his tithes in
Ystradwy and Llansaintfread
John Pichard grants a rent-charge for Ughting the
church
He confirms the grants of Roger his father, and grand-
father, and the grants of his followers .
Roger Pichard, son of John, grants part of his land
at Ystradwy, near the Boket Gate
His bond for payment of a yearly rent-charge for the
Monkland in Ystradwy
64
54
56a
58
60b
61
63
35
67a
28
67b
69
66b
47
it
43
17a
49
48
48
17b
18b
23b
24a
24b
25
Approximate
Date.
21
22
Cxiu
(305
26
229
330
233
39
18
28
19
226
( xui
1307
137
137
40
155
( 138
139
139
156
157
167
168
168
221
( zui
1286
1148, 1154
1200, 1216
1238
1215
1217
1222
1164
1200, 1220
1163,1174
1175
1176, 1198
»
1199, 1203
1203, 1208
1203, 1214
1203','l208
ft
1140, 1160
1230
»i
308
CARTULARIUM PRIORATUS
Reginald de Braose oonfinus the grants of his anoes-
tore . . , , .
Hia grant of a yearly rent charge for lighting the
church .....
John of Monmouth grante the Prior's men freedom
from tolls and other customs in Monmouth
Robert de Baskerville's grant of land at Brecon on
his son being made a monk
Ralph de Baskeirille grants the mill of Troedref
He notifies the boundary between his tenement of
Trosdref and the monks' land, and confirms Robert
de Baskerville's grant
William de Braose confirms the grant of Troedref
Mill . . . . .
Robert le Wafre, with consent of his wife, oonl&rms
same grant ....
The Lady Nest, daughter of Griffith, recognises the
Prior's right to Trosdref Mill
Ralph de Baskerville grants a messuage and lands at
Bredwardine ....
His grant of a wood at Bredwardine
His further grant of the lands at Bredwardine
Alice de Baskerville grants a messuage and croft, late
of her brother Hector, in Bredwardine .
Walter de Traveley grants the Church of Byford .
He confirms his grant . * .
He relinquishes all his right to the same Church
Confirmation of right of patronage by Hugh
Bishop of Hereford ....
Walter de Traveley grants his mill and land in the
vill of St. Michael, Ystradwy .
His grant of the mill and reception into the fra-
ternity .....
Walter de Traveley, his son, confirms grant of Churph
of Byford. ....
Ralph Bishop of Hereford confirms the right of
patronage to same Church
The same Bishop confirms a yearly sum, payable by
the Church of Cleobury North
The Dean and Chapter of Hereford confirm prior
grants .....
Ridph Torell g^rants lands in Brinsop
His further grant of lands in Brinsop
His further grant of land in Brinsop
Ralph Torell, his son, confirms his father's two first
grants .....
He confirms his father's third grant
Decision of dispute between the Monks of Brecon
and the Canons of Llanthony, relative to the tithes
of Brinsop ...
Ralph Bishop of Hereford confirms tithes of Brin-
sop .....
The Archbishop's declaration how the dispute
between the Prior of Brecon and Peter fitz
Herbert was settled ....
19a
25a
20a
22a
21a
18b
22b
56b
21b
22b
22b
99
25b
26a
26a
54
d2B
82b
83a
55
"55
56a
29
29
80
80b
30b
63
52a
44
168
159
222
160
164
162
158
165
806
163
164
165
287
222
223
223
22
34
35
85
28
Jxui
1305
n
29
80
80
31
81
233
xiu
304
Approximate
Date.
1215, 1222
n
Prior to
1175
1176, 1198
1180, 1200
)f
*>
1218, 12:16
1180, 1200
1215, 1222
1236
1238
1240
Early part of
13th century
42
1215
1237
1206, 1228
S. JOHANNIS EVANG. DE BRECON.
309
TermB of settlement between the Prior and Peter
fitz Herbert, as regards the Churches of Talgarth,
Llangorse, Cathedin, and Llanelieu
Peter fitz Herbert confirms the right of fishing in
Llangorse, the land of St. Paulinus, pasture near
Trewalkin, and grants rentcharge
Herbert fitz Peter's grant and confirmation of the
grants of his followers
Letters of Archbishop Peckham to Reginald fitz
Peter (Lambeth Palace Library)
John, son of Reginald fitz Peter, confirms the deci-
gion that the Churches of Llangorse and Talgarth
belong to the Priory
He confirms his previous Charter
He grants to the Prior a free Court and privileges
in the forest of Talgarth
Humphrey de Bohun and Eleanor, his wife, confirm
the grants of their ancestors .
Decision of dispute between Monks of Brecon and
the Convent of Qreat Malvern, relative to tithes
of the forest of Brecon and part of the parish of
Llanspyddid ....
Decision of Jorwerth, Bishop of St. David's, of dis-
pute between the Convent and Hothelen, rector
of Bt, Michael, Tstradwy
Proceedings of the Chapter relative thereto
Further proceedings and final judgment .
Confirmation by Pope Honorius of right to Churches
of Hay, Llanigon, Llangorse, and Talgarth
Inspeximus of privileges granted by the same Pope
to Battle Abbey . . .
Order of Thomas Bishop of St. David's regulating
the payments of the Priory to the mother CHurch
of Brecon ....
The Chapter confirms his oi^er .
Charter of Henry III to Battle Abbey
The same king's further Charter
Richard Brito grants Gilbert's messuage and land .
William de Weldebeof grants the wood above the
road leading from Brecon to Abereskyr
William Peytivin grants lands, part of Kilmanaut .
M. le Bret grants a yearly rent-chai^ge for lighting
the Church of St. Mary, Brecon
John le Puher gives 20 gallons of wine yearly
Walter de Ebroicis (d'Evreux) grants 12 acres of
land \ . . . •
Isabella, daughter of Gilbert, grants 30 acres of
land, near the highway from Brecon to Trawscoed .
a ^
2dA
19b
98
91
92
92b
98
64
66
110
»
85
85
86
87
88
28
27a
27a
28
32a
d2A
34a
r
166
159
t ...
Ixm
)800
804
) xm
1295
xm
297
• • •
xiu
298
xm
)299
285
276
xiu
283
• ••
XUl
284
• • ■
XIU
286
xm
287
xm
288
...
XUl
289
■ • •
XUl
289
xm
291
27
224
225
28
84
83
87
Approximate
Date.
1206, 1228
n
1284, 1247
1288, 1284
1290
1270
1228, 1225
1218
1284
1222
1248, 1249
1253
1270
1190, 1200
»
1200, 1220
f>
f»
1220, 1240
310
CABTULARIUM PBIORATUS.
Richard Hagumell grants a rent-charge and a bushel
of com yearly ....
Margaret, daughter of Seer le Hagumer, grants
lajQds near Brecon ....
She makes a further grant of land for support of
the poor .....
Matilda le Hagumer grants lands adjoining her
sister Margaret's meadoW) held of Stephen de
Surdeval ....
She confirms the donations of her sister Margaret
Margaret le Hagumer, with her husband's consent
grants lands .
Stephen de Surdeval grants to Simon, son of Q.
lands which the latter had brought into cultiva
tion at a yearly rent
William de Burghill, rector of St. Michael, farms of
the Priory certain tithes of the parish of Scethrog
He recognises the right of the Priory to the
same . . . .
Payne de BurghiU confirms the grant of his uncle
Hugh, in the vill of St. Michael
William de Burghill, son of Robert, grants five
acres of his land of Benny
William de Burghill, as the Lord of Benny, has the
Prior's permLBsion to celebrate offices for the dead
in his chapel of Benny
William de Mara gives the Prior liberty to build up
on his land of Little Hereford the pool of Berring-
ton mill .....
The Abbot of Lire acknowledges that the manor
and mill of Berrington are free from tithes .
Notification of settlement of dispute accordingly
Ralph Bishop of Hereford confirms this agreement .
Inspezimus by A., Bishop of St. David's, of a tran-
script of the Charters of Brecon Priory, signed
by the Archbishop . . - .
Archbishop Boniface confirms the donations of the
founder, R Earl of Hereford, his brothers, and
the de Braose family-
Norwich taxation of tne possessions of the Priory in
the Archdeaconry of Brecon, and in the diocese o
Hereford ....
Answers of Prior of Brecon to the Abbot of Battle
(M^ ColL, Oxford)
Pope Nicholas' taxation
Further calculations on the basis of taxation
The Buigesses of Brecon agree to pay the Prior a
yearly sum for the tithes of Brecon
Exemplification of royal letter 20 Edward I, relative
to the rights and privileges of the Priory in the
town and lands of Builth
Letters of general procuration .
7i
75
33a
33b
27b
73
ti
3lA
61
62
55
82
44
89
88
99
94b
95
4lB
1^
Arch,
mb.
5s
aS
1"
a
3lA
32
34b
87
S4b
87
74
279
74
280
281
281
36
36
225
278
279
32
231
231
24
286
42
( xui
(293
Approzimata
Date.
Xlll
292
287
xm
301
xm
303
39
1220, 1240
M
1205,1206
1215, 1222
n
1223
1236
1234,1247
1260, 1270
1253
294 End of 13th
century
1291
1300
1305
1314
1496
S. JOHANNIS EVAKQ. DE BRECON.
311
Appointment of Thomas Hamon as Prior of Brecon
(Magd. Coll., Oxford)
The Prior's oath of ofl&ce (Magd. ColL, Oxford)
Declaration of rights and privileges of the Convent .
Appointment hy the Monks of Brecon of Thomas
Cranbrooke as their proctor on the election of an
Abbot of Battle ....
Dismissal of Thomas Martyn, one of the Monks, by
the Abbot of Battle
L
.0 nS
Arch.
FoLin
ster
f
301
302
101
289
3a
288
289
Approximate
Date.
1435
1529
1529
1533
THE FRENCH LANDING AT FISHGUARD.
On the third day of the month Ventose, in the sixth
year of the Revolution (or, as Christian folks prefer to
call it, February 21st, 1797), the inhabitants of Ilfra-
combe, North Devon, were terribly upset by the entry
of three French frigates into their little harbour. The
unwelcome strangers proceeded forthwith to scuttle
certain luckless merchantmen which were lying along-
side, and having performed this friendly action, stood
out to sea again, steering north-west.
One can fancy what the good men talked about over
the cider that night in the old Britannia Inn ; telling
their cronies how these unbreeched, frog-eating Moun-
seers had denied their God, and chosen a harlot in His
stead ; how they had murdered King and Queen, and
deluged France in her best blood ; how Carrier had
travestied marriage, binding men and women in pairs,
and cast them into the Loire ; how even at that very
time a young Corsican brigand was ravaging, plunder-
ing, and murdering the Italians in spite of Pope and
Kaiser. Such things were, no doubt, common enough
on that terribly comical Continent ; but it was prepos-
terous that freeborn Britons should be annoyed in their
island sanctuary by this horde of tiger-monkeys. What
312 FRENCH LANDING AT FISHGUARD.
were the sailors about ? Where was Lord Howe, who
had swept the Frenchmen from the sea at Ushant last
June twelvemonth ? Where was Admiral Jervis, who
turned them out of the West Indies, neck and crop, the
year before ? And that new man. Nelson, folks talked
so much about, where was he ? There must have been
sad mismanagement somewhere, or these murderous
villains would never have dared to scuttle ships under
Hillsboro Hill. At all events they were gone now, and
seemed to be steering for Tenby, or mayhap Milford
Haven, to give the Welshmen a turn.
An old sailor, by name Thomas Williams, had settled
down on a little farm called Trelythin, about half-way
between St. Davids and the sea, where he had pros-
pered, and eventually blossomed into a justice of the
peace. This good man was taking his walks abroad on
Wednesday the 22nd of February, about ten o'clock in
the forenoon, and, as was his wont, had one eye on the
sea, the other on his crops, when he caught sight of a
lugger and three men-of-war passing the North Bishops.
So near were the vessels to the shore that Mr. Williams
made out a number of troops on board. English colours
were flying ; but the old sea-dog was not to be gulled
by that stale device. At a glance he recognised the
craft to be Frenchmen, and immediately sent off a farm-
boy on horseback to rouse the St. David's men. Num-
bers of these came running down to Trelythin, and fol-
lowed WUliams along the coast until they came to
Pencaer, keeping the enemy well in sight all the while.
About 2 P.M. the Frenchmen dropped anchor, and for
some little time there was a lull in the proceedings.
At 4 o'clock a sloop, The Britannia (Owen, master),
bound for Fishguard with a cargo of culm for Colonel
Knox of Llanstinan, came by. The frigates signalled
that she should heave to. This she did, and was at
once boarded and brought to anchor. Williams then
sent a messenger into Fishguard, and an oflScer (most
likely of the coast-guard) ran to the fort, and fired a
salute to the British flag. Then the most incredulous
FRENCH LANDING AT FISHGUARD. 313
onlooker was convinced, for the English colours were
struck, and the French ensign run up in their place.
By this time the whole population of Fishguard had
turned out, and when they recognized the tricolour a
general scare resulted. Every beast of burden and
every vehicle in the little town was brought into requi-
sition ; messengers were packed off in all directions,
with orders to raise the country as they went; the pos-
sessors of carts and wheelbarrows crammed them with
their worldly goods, while the less fortunate carried off
their gear pickaback.
The enemy, numbering 1,400 men and two women,
effected a landing on Carrig Gwastad Point without
opposition. Nearly all of them disembarked on the
evening of the 22nd, and the remainder reached the
shore early the next morning. They had seventeen
boats in all ; but one, laden with ammunition, was up-
set in the surf, and the contents lost. However, they
brought safely to shore forty-seven barrels, ten ham-
pers, and a large sheet full of ball-cartridges, twelve
boxes of hand-grenades, but no field-pieces nor artillery
of any sort. It was no light task to land what they
had in a rolling surf, and then carry it up the steep
and slippery cliff. Twenty determinea men might have
stopped the way. The force consisted of 600 regulars
and 800 convicts. They were commanded by a Wex-
ford man named Tate, who called himself an American,
and held a commission as general in the French army.
Mr. Mortimer, of Trehowel Farm, was one of those
who had insisted that the frigates were King George's
ships, and, like a good fellow, prepared an excellent
supper for the oflBcers. Perceiving his mistake in time,
he escaped on horseback, carrying with him his money
and papers ; and his maidservant, Anne George, secured
the silver spoons by putting them in her pocket ; but
the supper, a pipe of wine, and plenty of cwrw-da were
left behind. The Hibemo-Franco-American General
Tate seems to have been instinctively attracted by this
good cheer ; and so well contented was he with the
314
FRENCH LANDINO AT FISHGUARD.
supper that he constituted Trehowel the headquarters
of the French army of occupation. The sailors who
came on shore with Tate looted an eight-day clock ;
and as their kits were in need of replenishment, cut
open the beds, turned out the feathers, and converted
the ticking into duck-trousers. But although the sup-
per was conceived in the most hospitable spirit, it
proved insuflBcient for 1,400 men ; so when the General
and his staff had taken the edge off their own appe-
tites, they directed both rank and file to investigate the
resources of the larders in the neighbourhood. The
following is a list of the houses visited :
Llannnner
Treatbro
Tresinwen
Carlem
Talygare
Tanymuydd
Trefiseg
Tanbach
Trenewydd
Llanwnda and St. Nicholas Church were also examined,
and the Communion plate from the former looted. This,
however, was eventually recovered. Wonderfully little
mischief, and scarcely any violence was done : indeed,
when we remember that more than half of the invad-
ing force were " the sweepings of the jails, convicts who
bore the marks of chains on wrists and legs", their con-
duct leads us to suppose that the occupants of French
prisons towards the end of the last century were an
eminently respectable class of men. For instance, at a
farm called Cotts, a poor woman who had recently been
confined was abandoned by her cowardly husband.
When the Frenchmen entered the house, in her despair
she held up her baby in her arms, and implored mercy.
As soon as they comprehended the situation, having
soothed her fears as well as they could, they left her in
peace.
Mr. Thomas of Mathry went to his relative's house
Brestgaru
Lanverran
Llandridion
Castell
Felindre
Rbosycawre
Llannnda
Tregeddulan
Finondridion
Trefanwn
Trelimmin
Garuecocb
Crimcoed
St. Nicbolas
Cotts
Cillan
Trefasser
Trefwrgy
TresissilH vacb
Trehelin
Bwlcbyrbose
Penyrhiw
Pantyrig
Carngowil
Tresinwen
Penysgwam
Stepin
FRENCH LANDING AT FISHQUAKD. 315
at Penrhew, which, to his astonishment, he found filled
with plundering Frenchmen, who requisitioned his
watch, silver knee-buckles, and money which he had
secreted in his shoes and stockings, and then took him
as a prisoner to Trehowel. Tate was exceedingly angry
at the treatment Thomas had received, and requested
him to point out the offenders. This the Welshman
was afraid to do, so he was dismissed miniLS his watch
and buckles.
The worst case was that of Mary Williams of Car-
lem. She, while running away, was first wounded with
a gunshot, and then maltreated, probably by drunken
men. However, even she, poor soul, did not make a
bad bargain, for she received a pension o{£iOper annum^
which she was still enjoying when the narrative from
which my story is taken was written, forty-five years
after the invasion.
Near Carlem two Welshmen summoned two French-
mep to surrender ; but they showed fight, and one of
the foreigners was killed ; the other yielded, giving up
his musket to his captors, with which one of them hit
him over the head. He then drew his bayonet, kiUed
them both, and escaped.
The Welsh altogether lost only these two men, and
Mary Williams and a sailor were the only wounded.
Three Frenchmen in all were killed (one of whom fell
over the cliflf), three were reported wounded, and two
died either of wounds or disease. The plunder taken
consisted chiefly of eatables. The invaders seem espe-
cially to have affected poultry ; and tales used to be
told of how they boiled geese in melted butter, and
washed them down with huge draughts of port wine,
large quantities of which were to be found in all the
houses, as a Portuguese vessel had lately been wrecked,
and the cargo stolen by the country folk.
After gorging goose and guzzling port wine all night,
the invaders were scarcely in a condition to meet the
force which had assembled to oppose them, though it
was nothing more than a mob of rustics armed with
316 FRENCH LANDING AT FISHGUAKD.
fowliDg-pieces, scythe-blades fixed on poles, and the
like. The citizens of St. David's stripped the lead off
their Cathedral to make bullets : a proceeding which
vexed the righteous souls of Dean and Chapter, but
does not appear to have inflicted any injury on the
French.
Mr. Whitesides, a Liverpool contractor, who was en-
gaged in the erection of the Smalls Lighthouse, raised
the sailors of Solva. Five of these engaged five French-
men, one of whom they killed, two they wounded, and
two ran away. One Welsh sailor was wounded in the
foot, for which he received a pension. The field where
this fight took place is called " French Park", and in it
the foreigner was buried.
Lord Cawdor, who was at Stackpole, did not hear of
the invasion until " the middle of Wednesday night,
when he immediately set off ; Lord Milford, the Lord-
Lieutenant of the county, having desired him to take
command of the troops, being too infirm to do so him-
self ^ though he (Lord Milford) made his way to Fish-
guard with the rest. The troops consisted of the Castle-
martin Yeomanry Cavalry, the Cardiganshire Militia^
the Cardiff Militia (which was then stationed in Pem-
brokeshire), Colonel Knox of Llanstinan, and Major
Ackland of Llannion, with their respective companies
of fencible infantry; some sailors under Lieutenants
Mears and Perkins : in all, 750 men. It happened that
with the other gentlemen who had assembled and
offered their services, there was one Captain William
Da vies, a veteran who had seen service, having, indeed,
fought at Bunker s Hill. Lord Cawdor had great con-
fidence in his judgment, and requested him to draw up
the troops so as to deceive the French as to their real
number. This was most successfully managed. The
ill-natured declare that the women in their high hats
and red "whittles" assisted him considerably by their
resemblance to regiments of the line.
At noon on Thursday both French and English were
astounded to see the French frigates weigh anchor and
FRENCH* LANDING AT FISHGUARD. 317
sail away. Whether Tate perceived that the whole
affiiir had . proved a fiasco, and signalled them to that
effect,or whether the captains acted on their own respon-
sibility, it is impossible to say. They took a course
across the Channel. One of them struck on the Arklow
Bank, and was taken in tow by the corvette. These
two were eventually captured off Brest by the St. Fio-
renzo frigate (Captain Sir H. B. Neale, Bart.) and the
La Nymphe (Captain J. Cooke), who took them into
Portsmouth, where the frigate was repaired and re-
christened the "Fisgard", presumably the French pro-
nunciation of Fishguard, aad was until quite lately the
receiving ship at Sheerness. The other frigate and the
lugger managed to get safely into Brest.
The French force had occupied a strong position on
a high rock just above the village of Llanwnda. The
English prepared to assail this station on Thursday
evening, but changing their plans, returned to Fishguard.
At 10 P.M. two officers arrived in the town with a flag
of truce, and inquired for Colonel Knox. A council of
war was then called at The Royal Oak. Present, Lord
Milford, Lord-Lieutenant, Lord Cawdor, Colonel Knox,
Colonel Colby, Major Ackland, Colonel Dan. Vaughan,
Colonel James, Colonel George Vaughan, the Governor
of the Fishguard Fort, and other gentlemen. The
French officers were then admitted, and offered to capi-
tulate on condition that all the French should be sent
back to Brest at the expense of the English Govern-
ment. Colonel Knox, who appears to have been blessed
with a vivid imagination, replied that the only terms
which could be entertained were unconditional surren-
der ; and that unless these were complied with by
2 o'clock on the following day, the French force would
be attacked by 20,000 men ; 10,000 of whom were then
in Fishguard, and 10,000 more on the road. Impressed
by this magnificent piece of bunkum, the French officers
then produced the following letter :
iTH 8ER., VOL. XIV. *J,2
318 FRENCH LANDING AT FISHGUARD.
Cardigan Bay.
5th Ventose, 5th Tear of the Republic
''Sir, — The circumstances under which the body of troops
under my command were landed at this place render it unneces-
sary to attempt any military operations, as they would tend
only to bloodshed and pillage. The oflRcers of the whole corps
have, therefore, intimated their desire of entering into a nego-
tiation, upon principles of humanity, for a surrender. If you
are influenced by similar considerations, you may signify the
same to the bearer, and in the meantime hostilities shall cease.
Health and respect.
" Tate, Chef de Brigaded
The officers were informed that an answer should be
returned to General Tate, but that they might inform
him that his troops would be expected to parade for
surrender the following afternoon. They were then
blindfolded and conducted outside the town. At day-
break on Thursday morning Major Ackland of Llanion
carried the following ultimatum to Llanwnda :
" Fishguard. Feby 23.
" Sir, — The superiority of the force under my command, which
is hourly increasing, must prevent my treating upon any other
terms short of your surrendering your whole force prisoners of
war. I enter fully into your wish of preventing an unnecessary
effusion of blood, which your speedy surrender can alone pre-
vent, and which will entitle you to that consideration it is ever
the wish of British troops to show an enemy whose numbers are
inferior. My Major will deliver you this letter, and I shall
expect your determination by 10 o'clock, by your oflScer, whom
I have furnished with an escort who will conduct him to me
without molestation.
" I am, etc., Cawdor.
" To the Officer commanding the French troops."
At noon the British force was drawn up in line on
Windy HiU, within sight of the enemy's advanced posts,
and was inspected by Colonel Colby. Lord Cawdor
despatched his aide-de-camp, the Hon. Capt. Edwardes,
with a flag of truce, which was carried by Mr. Milling-
champ, one of the yeomen, Messrs. Williams of Llan-
degigge and Morgans of Abercastle accompanying them.
FRENCH LANDING AT FISHGUARD. 319
On reaching Trehowel they found 600 Frenchmen
drawn up in line. Capt. Edwardes gave his message
to Tate, which was to the eflfect that time was up ; that
if the enemy did not "open pans, shed priming, and
march peaceably, they would forthwith be attacked by
an overwhelming force."
The remainder of the Frenchmen were now assembled,
and the ammunition and spare arms having been depo-
sited in camp, the enemy, without colours, but with
drums beating, marched to Goodwick, where they were
received by the Cardigan Militia and Fishguard Fenci-
bles, the Gastlemartin Yeomanry having been told off
to protect the Bridge. The French were ordered to
pile arms, and were then marched into Haverfordwest,
which place they reached at 2 o'clock on Saturday
morning. 700 were put into St. Mary's Church, 500
into the old Town Hall, and the rest into the Store-
houses, That day, twenty-one carts laden with arms
arrived, and in the course of the week the ammunition
and remainder of the arms were brought in, filling
thirty-four more carts. The French soldiers were clad
in old English uniforms which had been dyed a rusty
brown ; they stUl bore the regimental buttons ; the
belts, however, were black leather; and their head-gear
was composed of old cavalry helmets. Their muskets
were the ordinary weapon of the period, with flint
locks ; barrels 3 feet 7, whole length 4 feet 1 0, weight
9f lbs. There is a stand of these arms in Stackpole
Court, and two of them, which Lord Cawdor has kindly
presented to the Tenby Museum, can be examined in
that place ; where there is also a short sword taken
from a non-commissioned officer (presented by H.
Mathias, Esq.) On this latter weapon, on each side,
are sun, moon, and stars, with the inscription " Cassag-
nard, Fourbisseur du Roy, Nantes." The king can
scarcely have been Louis XVI, as the archaic spelHng
of " roi" seems to have disappeared before his time ;
anyhow, the republicans have done their best to
obliterate the word with a punch. Thus ended the
22 »
320 FRENCH LANDING AT FISHGUARD.
great fiasco of the French invasion. What did it all
mean? It has generally been considered that the des-
tination of the force was Ireland, at that time in a
state of disaffection bordering on rebellion ; indeed,
during the following year the Great Rebellion broke out,
and the lives of 150,000 Irish and 20,000 English were
sacrificed before it was suppressed.
But this idea proves to be erroneous, for among
General Tate's papers were found the instructions he
had received from General Hoche. From these it
seems that the body which landed at Fishguard was
called " La Legion Seconde des Francs", and that two
other legions were to have simultaneously invaded the
counties of Northumberland, Durham, and York ; these
latter, however, never put in an appearance. The
primary object to be attained by the Second Legion
was the destruction of Bristol and Liverpool. On
reaching Severn Sea, should the former prove im-
practicable, then the legion was to land in Cardigan
Bay, and march through Wales to Chester and Liver-
pool.
" The expedition under the command of Col. Tate
has in view three principal objects. The first is, if
possible, to raise an insurrection in the country. The
second is to interrupt and embarrass the commerce of
the enemy. The third is to prepare and facilitate the
way for a descent, by distracting the attention of the
English government.''^
There seems to have been a strong suspicion of dis-
affection among the Welsh. The French exaggerated
its importance ; but for all that there can be no doubt
it did exist, for we find that subsequently "a respectable
minister was taken down from his pulpit, his desk was
ransacked, and his papers searched, with a view of dis-
covering whether he carried on treasonable correspond-
ence with disaffected persons". Certain farmers, too, were
charged with treason, and committed for trial at the
1 See pamphlet printed for J. Wright, 169, Piccadilly (1798), the
text copied from attested transcripts of the original docaments.
FRENCH LANDING AT FISHGUARD. 321
assizes, and a French oflScer detained to give evidence
against them, but the judge ruled that a foreigner and
common enemy was incapable of giving evidence in an
English court of justice, and as no otler witness was
forthcoming they were discharged. That Welshmen
were among the invaders seems certain.
James Bowen, who had been a farm servant at Tre-
howel for five years, and then tried and transported
for horse stealing, was recognised by his fellow ser-
vants— this was the man who is said to have piloted
the Frenchmen to Carreg Gwastad point.
Again, a respectable man, named Meyler, overheard
two of the prisoners talking Welsh.
" Where do you come from", said he, "as you speak
Welsh?"
" We come from the upper part of Pembrokeshire."
" Then how came you to be soldiers in the French
army?"
" We have been taken prisoners in France, and were
taken out with the other convicts."
" Then why don't you leave them ?"
" Because we are afraid of being discovered and
shot."
They then asked Meyler to apprise their friends of
their whereabouts.
Mr. Bowen of Fynondrudion informed the writer of
this paper that his grandfather fled from Fynondrudion
with his family and servants for refuge to Wolfs
Castle. After the capture of the French they went
out on the roadside to see the prisoners go by. One
of the maidservants recognised an acquaintance in the
ranks, and the man called out — " le a thyna Catrin
Trerhonw hefyd", Englished, " And there is Catherine
of Trerhonw, too." The idea naturally occurs that these
men were Bretons posing as Welsh, but that can
scarcely have been the case. Granting that the Breton
language would have been intelligible to Pembroke-
shire folks, no prisoner of war in those rough and
ready days would have dared to incur the charge of
322 FRENCH LANDING AT FISHGUARD.
treason by way of a practical joke. He would have
run a great chance of being shot first, and identified
afterwards. If the French and their. Welsh recruits
really relied on the disaffection of Pembrokeshire men,
they were grievously disappointed; and so far from
finding friends, met an enemy that was by no means
disposed to err on the side of mercy, for they cut off
the ears of the Frenchman who was killed by the
Solva sailors, and bandied them about the country as
trophies. Another unfortunate foreigner fell over the
cliff and was killed. "A reverend gentleman" went
down and cut off his finger, and kept it as a memorial
of the invasion ; the poor wretch's body was then
buried on the shore, but in such a slovenly fashion, that
it was soon washed up again and cast among the rocks,
where it was left until it became a skeleton. This was
carried off, bone by bone, by the curious. Such was the
feeling of contemporaries. Eeaders of Fenton will notice
that m a few years the Fishguardians had worked
themselves up into a fever of loyalty and rage when
attempts were made "to tarnish the lustre of this
event, and involve a most loyal country in a charge of
disaffection to government, by coupling it with a cir-
cumstance which then made a great noise, and was
prosecuted with more rancour than sound policy."
This invasion of the French not only roused the
patriotism of the neighbourhood but led to several
false alarms. One night, soon afterwards, a Mr. John
Roach of Lythir, near St. David's, heard boats near
Y Gesial vawr, and rushing into St. David's announced
another invasion. Mr. Arthur Richardson, the organist
of the cathedral, at once set off for Haverford, which
he reached in forty-five minutes (good going), and in-
formed the Mayor of the impending danger. A meeting
was called, and the necessity of putting all the prisoners
of war to death in cold blood was seriously debated ;
fortunately the town council shirked the responsibility
of such an atrocious proposition.
In this chronicle of an invasion, characterised on the
FRENCH LANDING AT FISHGUARD. 323
one side by hopeless incapacity, and on the other by
treason, swagger, panic, and cruelty, it is pleasant to
dwell on a single instance of wholesome kindly human
nature.
Five hundred prisoners of war were confined in a
building on Golden Hill, near Pembroke ; and, as was the
custom, they were allowed to eke out the very meagre
allowance voted by government for their subsistence by
the sale of toys, which they carved out of wood and
bone. Two Pembroke lassies were employed in bring-
ing them the odds and ends requisite for this work,
and in carrying away refuse from the prison. These
girls not having the law of nations or the high policy
of Europe before their eyes, dared to fall in love with
two of the Frenchmen, and formed a desperate resolve
not only to rescue their lovers, but the whole of the
prisoners in the same ward, one hundred in number.
It was impossible to smuggle any tools into the prison,
but a shin of horse beef, seemed harmless even in the
eyes of a Pembroke Cerberus. With the bone extracted
from this delicacy the Frenchmen undermined the wall,
the faithful girls carrying off the soil in their refuse
buckets. When the subway was complete the lasses
watehed the hill until some vessel should arrive.* At
length a sloop came in loaded with a consignment of
culm for Stackpole. That night the liberated men
made their way down to the water, boarded the sloop,
and bound the crew hand and foot, but unfortunately
the vessel was high and dry, and it was found impossi-
ble to get her off. Alongside her there was a small
yacht belonging to Lord Cawdor which they managed
to launch. This, of course, would not take them all ;
but the two women and twenty-five men got on board,
taking with them the compass, water casks, and pro-
visions from the sloop.
In the morning there was a grand hue and cry. Dr.
Mansell, who was a leading man in Pembroke, posted
handbills over the whole country, offering 500 guineas
for the recovery of these two traitorous women, alive
324 FRENCH LANDING AT FISHGUARD.
or dead. But in a few days the stem of the yacht
and other wreckage being picked up, the patriotic
party were satisfied that the vengeance of Heaven had
overtaken the traitors. They were, however, mistaken,
for the Frenchmen captured a sloop laden with com,
and, abandoning the yacht, compelled the crew to carry
them to France. When they were safe, it is pleasant
to read that the commissary and the engineer married
the girls ; during the short peace, the engineer and his
wife returned to Pembroke and told their story, they
then went to Merthyr, and obtained employment in the
mines, but on the renewal of hostilities went back to
France, where it is to be hoped they lived very happily
ever afterwards.
E. Laws.
Tenby.
Note, — The authorities for this paper are : —
Ist, " An Authentic Account of the Invasion by the
French Troops (under the command of General Tate)
on Carrig Gwasted point, near Fishguard, Wednesday,
the 22nd day of February 1797, and their surrender
to the forces of His Britannic Majesty, on Goodwick
Sands, on Friday, the 24th of February; likewise some
occurrences connected therewith. Never before pub-
lished. Haverfordwest : Joseph Potter, printer, High
Street, 1842." Its author, H. L. ap Gwilym, dedicates
it to Major Bowling, the only surviving oflBcer of the
Castlemartin Yeomanry Cavalry, who was present at the
surrender of the French troops on Goodwick Sands ;
and Peter Davies, innkeeper, and Owen Griffiths,
schoolmaster, who served in the Fishguard Fencibles
under Col. Knox, sign as having examined the account
and found it correct.
2nd. A letter from the first Earl of Cawdor to the
editor of the Times, dated December 27th, 1859.
3rd. A letter from G. Massy, Esq., Lech, to the
editor of the Tunes, dated December 21st, 1859, in
STONE IN FISHGUARD CHURCHYARD. 325
which he largely quotes from " aai old writing in, his
possession written at the time."
4th. From a letter written at the time by John
Parry, and published in the Haverfordwest and Milford
Haven Telegraphy July 7th, 1875 ; and, finally —
A pamphlet printed for J. Wright, 169, Piccadilly,
in 1798 ; and Chambers* Journal of January 14, 1860,
both of which are quoted in Bye-gones of July 1883.
SEPULCHRAL STONE IN THE CHURCHYARD
OF FISHGUARD.
In the ArchcBologia Cambrensis for 1856 (p. 72), the
late Rev. H. L. Jones, alluding to the rebuilding of the
church of Fishguard, which was then taking place, took
occasion to mention that there were one or two window-
heads in the old church which were worth preserving
as well as the font. The latter is now placed within
the new church, on the north side of the east end of
the nave, — a position where the ceremony of baptism
can be perceived from the western gallery, much fre-
quented, and close to the large bath for immersion, at
the entrance to the short chancel. He thus proceeds :
" The incised slab now standing in the churchyard,
which will be illustrated in our pages on a future occa-
sion, should be surrounded with a fence or removed to
the interior of the new church." (Op. ciL^ p. 364.) In
the Report of the Haverfordwest Meeting of the Cam-
brian Archaeological Association, in August 1864, it is
stated that rubbings and a drawing of this stone were
exhibited bv the Rev. W. Rowlands. No further notice
of the stone has hitherto appeared, and the stone itself
still stands erect in the churchyard, not far from the
north-west angle of the church, amongst the other
numerous memorials of the dead in that cemetery.
Rubbings of the stone were also forwarded to me by
the Rev. H. L. Jones ; but they remained in my port-
folio until I had an opportunity of examining the
326 SEPULCHRAL STONE
monument itself, as the inscriptions presented consider-
able difficulty in their interpretation. This was afforded
by the Meeting of the Cambrian Archaeological Associ-
ation at Fishguard last August, and I now forward a
drawing of the stone and its inscriptions.
The stone stands 5 feet out of the earth, and is 18
inches wide, and nearly 6 inches thick. The top is ob-
liquely truncated, and the lower half of one edge has
been cut away for the depth of nearly 2 inches ; this
gives an irregular shape to the otherwise oblong sur-
face of the monument, the western face of which is
ornamented in a remarkable mannet*, which, with the
inscriptions, give an apparent contradiction to the sup-
posed dates of the different parts. The centre of the
stone is occupied with a Latin cross, 45 inches high,
formed of two incised outlines, the bottom resting on a
basement of four steps. The top and each of the two
arms of the cross terminate in three rounded lobes. In
the upper angle of the stone is a square ornament
formed of double incised lines, which are continued at
the angles in rounded lobes, so as to give the idea of a
continuous pattern. In the lower part of the stone, on
the left side, is a pretty, knotted pattern formed of two
interlaced cords with free ends ; whilst on the right
side is a verv unusual ornament formed of three hearts
conjoined, so as to form a triquetrous design, the outlines
of which are single.
Below the arms of the cross are the two lines of the
inscription, in capital letters of the thirteenth or four-
teenth century, of a peculiar shape, the ends of the top
and bottom cross-strokes being elongated and knobbed,
the two lines reading
DAuid
mcdd'
All the d's and the other letters in the top line have
the top and bottom strokes elongated and curved. The
A has the first stroke very oblique, and the top angle
tipped with a cross-stroke. The m at the beginning of
the second line is of the rounded form, with a central
IN FISHGUARD CHURCHYARD. 327
upright stroke and a curved bottom stroke ; and the B
is of the rounded, uncial shape. The i in the upper line
has the top and bottom strokes so much elongated as
to be easily mistaken for x. Above the end of the
second line there is a curved stroke such as is usually
employed in mediaeval manuscripts for "us", which
would possibly be intended for the name "Meddus" or
" Meadows". Such is, at all events, the only explana*
tion I can suggest of this very clear mark.
The long, straight edge of the stone is inscribed
throughout its whole length, commencing at the top
with a six-rayed star within a circle formed of single
incised lines, and followed by the words "dfle miserere"
in tall, minuscule, Gothic letters, 4 inches high. Then
follows a plain space of 8 inches, succeeded by a curi-
ously shaped letter like an o with two curved lines
arising from the top of it. Then two minuscule Gothic
dd 8 conjoined ; the second downstroke of the first
forming the first stroke of the second ; and terminating
with the word " me". The curious, o-shaped letter has
much perplexed most archaeologists ; but I am inclined
to adopt the suggestion made to me by the Rev. W.
Macray of the Bodleian Library, that it is really in-
tended for the ordinary contraction of"ou"in Greek
manuscripts of the middle ages ; just as the two con-
joined dd's represent the ordinary Greek mode of con-
traction of the word " David". So that we thus obtain
the exclamation given in St. Matthew's Gospel, xv, 22 :
" Miserere me, KvptCy vtk AafilS" It will be noticed in
support of this suggestion that the Christian name of
the deceased was also David.
The southern edge of the stone commences with the
contracted form of the name of the Saviour, as usual in
mediaeval manuscripts, "ihc xpc", followed by "An° d'
mM'^i"; and the single letter h, as a Gothic capital, in
the curved part of the edge formed by the narrowing
of the side. This would apparently give "Anno Domini
M**D*'i..." as the date of the inscription : a date too
328 HISTORICAL MSS. COMMISSION.
recent, by two hundred years, for the form of the letters
of the inscription on the face of the monument, whilst
the interlaced ornaments on the west face of the stone
would indicate a still earlier Norman period.
It must in conclusion be observed that the east face
of the stone is entirely plain.
I. O. Westwood.
HISTORICAL MSS. COMMISSION.
{Continued from p, 248.)
1641, Feb. 1. Copy [signed by H. Elsynge) of the order by
the House of Commons that Sir W. Brereton should write to the
Mayor of Chester to send the examinations of suspected persons
staid at Chester.
1641, Feb. 2. Eeceipt by Capt. John Boys for £132 6*. from
the Mayor and two aldermen of Chester.
1641, Feb. 8, Covent Garden. Tho. Smithe to the Mayor of
Chester. As the citizens feel aggrieved by the intention of their
apprentices to go for Ireland as soldiers, he puts the Mayor in
mind, that by statute four justices may compel an apprentice to
serve his time. He and Franc. Gamull attended the Lord-
Lieutenant yesterday, who promised them that it should not be
so (i.e., that apprentices should not be taken).
1641, Feby. 21, Covent Garden. Tho. Smithe to the Mayor
of Chester. Encloses copy of order of House of Commons, so
that now, having an order of either House, the Mayor and the
Sheriff may (notwithstanding any Habeas Corpus) convey pri-
soners who may be stayed at Chester from Sheriff to Sheriff.
Will obtain an order that no soldiers shall have arms delivered
until they are ready to be shipped. " Those members of our
House that have the protestation are not put to take it again."
Thinks the Mayor may, like his predecessors, use his discretion
in conniving at slaughtering and eating of flesh when fish and
white meat are scarce, especially at this time, considering the
great confluence of soldiers and others to Chester.
1641, Feb. 4 and 9, and 10, and 16, and 18, Puddington ; Feb.
18, no place ; Feb. 20, New Key. Seven letters of these dates,
by Sir Richard Grenville to the Mayor of Chester, about sup-
])lies to men and ships being transported to Ireland ; and an
account (signed by Grenville) of £100 received by him from the
HISTORICAL MSS. COMMISSION. 329
Mayor to pay for provisions for four horse troops to be trans-
ported from Chester to Dublin.
1641, Feb. 22, York Housa A (Earl of) Northumberland,
Lord High Admiral, to the Mayor of Chester. The Mayor hav-
ing given a pass to one Connell, servant to the Recorder of
Dublin, notwithstanding the Mayor knew he was a Papist, the
Earl warns him to be cautious how he gives passes to Papists,
as an ill construction may be made thereof.
1641, Feb. 26. Copy of letter by Thomas Cowper, Mayor of
Chester, to the Earl of Northumberland, explaining the circum-
stances under which he granted the pass to the servant of Mr.
John Bysse, the Recorder of Dublin.
1641, March 2. Receipt signed by Edward Dymocke, Lieu-
tenant to Capt. Biddulph (by order of Parliament, and direction
of Sir W. Brereton, M.P.), for £60 : 4 : 8 paid by the Mayor and
Aldermen of Chester for pay due to Dymocke and others.
Attached is a copy of the order of the House of Commons, dated
16 Feb. 1641.
1641, March 7. Receipt for £12 paid by the Mayor and
Aldermen of Chester for transportation from Liverpool to Dub-
lin of twenty horse, part of Capt. Vaughan's troop.
1641, March 8. Similar receipt for £14 8a. for twenty-four
horses of Capt. Vaughan's troop.
1641, March 17. Similar receipt for £21 12& for thirty-six
horses of Capt. Vaughan's troop.
1641, March 8. Indorsed copy of a letter sent to my Lord
Lieutenant, 12 March, 1641. The writer ^the Mayor) defends
himself from the charge of inhospitality to the soldiers at Chester.
1642, March 26. Copy of a letter by Thomas Cowper, Mayor
of Chester, to Sir Thomas Smithe and Mr.' Francis Gamul.
Refers to an order of the House of Commons, made 9 Sept. 1641,
for removing scandalous pictures from churches. He says that
he believes the order has beea observed in all the churches in
Chester, except the Cathedral, where he is informed there are
several scandalous pictures. Mr. Bispham, the Sub-Dean, to
whom he sent a message on the subject, said that he could not
move without the Dean and the rest of his brethren. Eacloses
the Sub-Dean's letter, and asks that it, and if necessary the
writer's letter, may be laid before the House.
1641, Feb. 19. Copy of a letter by the Mayor of Chester to
Sir Thomas Siuythe and Mr. Thomas Gane, requesting them to
get the House of Commons to say whether they mean the Pro-
testation to be tendered to such as had already taken it ; and to
move the House that inasmuch as they had no provision of her-
rings or other fish to furnish the city for that Lent season, the
330 HISTORICAL MSS. COMMISSION.
House would grant him power to appoint six butchers out of
the city, or otherwise out of the county, to slaughter and kill
victual towards the maintenance of the citizens and others that
might in that season be billeted in the city.
1641, March 24, Chester. Copy of a letter by the Mayor of
Chester to Sir Thomas Smy the and Mr. Francis GamuU, sending
a list of all such as have taken the Protestation within the city
of Chester ; none, to their knowledge, having refused.
1642, July 2. H. Rigby to the Mayor of Chester, advising
him to look after a prisoner in the Northgate, charged with hav-
ing stolen a mare, because he had ''an art to dissolve anie boltes
laid on him.''
N. d. Copy of petition to the Bight Honourable Court of
Parliament, of the nobility, knights, gentry, and freeholders of
the County Palatine of Chester, whose names are subscribed.
(The names are not copied. The petition is in favour of episco-
pal government in the Church.)
N. d. Copy of a petition intended to have been presented to
His Majesty for the fortification of Chester.
1648, Feb. 23, Goldsmiths' Hall. The Committee for com-
pounding with delinquents to the Committee and Sequestrators
for the County of Chester. Robert Tatton of Wilhenshaw,
county Chester, has submitted to a fine, and paid and secured
the same according to order. They are to forbear all further
proceedings in the sequestration of the estate of the said R Tat-
ton. If further estate is discovered, the same is to be seques-
tered until compounded for. Directions concerning the estate.
The particulars of Tatton's estata
1688, Dec. 19, Chester Castle. The Earl of Derby to the Duke
of Ormonde. Sends enclosed the desire of the gentlemen who
were oflScers in that garrison to have laid down their arms on
sight of the King's letter to Lord Feversham....He continues
the restraint, being all Roman Catholics, until he receives direc-
tions. Their case is hard ; he does not hear of any in their cir-
cumstances being detained. Has written to Lord Churchill
much to the same purpose. Asks favour for Sir Edward Byron,
who has just come in.
331
Corresq[i0nlience*
TO THE EDITOK OF THE ARCBAOLOOIA CA1IBBBN8I8.
From " The Antiquary", Sept. 1888, p. 130.
*
Sir, — A writer in the North Wales Ghronicle says " The following
has been fonnd in Rhiwia Farm, Aber, near the other milestone.
It was erected to commemorate the two Emperors, Lncins Septimus
Severns and Marcns Anrelius Antonius, accyyi." Is there a local
secretary for Carnarvonshire ? If there is, why has he not forwarded
this intelligence to the Rev. R. Trevor Owen of Llang^dwyn, Oswes-
try, the General Secretary for North Wales, so that further inquiry
might be made about what appears to be a discovery of great inte-
rest.
I am, Sir, yours obediently, B. L. E.
Sib, — The following brief notice may be acceptable to some of
our younger friends, and more particularly to such as were so
cordially entertained at the CaRtle during the late meeting of the
Society at Fishguard. — I am, Sir, yours faithfully.
Amicus.
" Newport, called also in Welsh ' Trefdraeth', and in Latin ' Novum
Burgum', is situated at the mouth of the river Nevem, in the county
of Pembroke, and is the principal town of the Barony of Kemes,
this latter being a feudal tenure of a most peculiar character, the
last and only Lordship Marcher now in the kingdom.
" The feudal Barony of Kemes is co-extensive with the modem
hundred of that name, and embraces within its limits twenty- five
parishes, is divided into several manors and lordships, and measures
in circumference some sixty miles.
" Kemes was erected into a Lordship Marcher by Martin de Tours,
one of the principal companions in arms of William the Conqueror,
who obtained it by conquest from the Welsh. Martin and his
descendants, the Lords of Kemes, sat in Parliament for several
generations as Peers of the Realm by tenure, the same as the Lords
Berkeley and Arundel ; and also by writs of summons in the reigns
of Henry III, Edward I, II, and III.
" These noblemen enjoyed several peculiar privileges as Lords
Marchers, of which a row are still exercised by their descendant
and representative, Sir Marteine Owen Moubray Lloyd of Bronwydd,
the twenty-fourth Lord of the Barony of Kemes, who still holds
his Baronial Courts, and yearly exercises the unique privilege of
appointing the Mayor of Newport. They also enjoyed the privilege
332 CORRESPONDENCE.
of giving the sHver harp as a prize at the Eisteddfodan or meetings
of the Bards, and in their absence the Abbots of Saint Dogmads
presided.
" Robert, eldest son of Martin de Tours, founded the Abbey of
Saint Dogmaels near Cardigan, which he endowed with lands ; and
his son William, as Lord Marcher, granted a charter of incorpora-
tion to the Burgesses of Newport, which is still in force and
recognised by the Courts of Westminster.
" Immediately behind the town of Newport rises the lofty and
picturesque mountain of Cam Ingli, called also Mons Angelornm,
in reference to a tradition that a Saint of the fourth century — Saint
Brynach, who resided there, was favoured by a visitation of Angels.
" As an illustration how old customs are perpetuated through the
lapse of centuries, it may be mentioned that in one of the parishe»
within this Barony, that of White Church, the game of chess was
extensively played by th^ labouring classes down to the last century,
having learnt it, no doubt, from the Norman invaders of the
country.
*' There still exist the remains of the ancient castle of Newport,
consisting of a towdr, quite entire, and late repairs and additions
have been made to render this hoary witness of antiquity habitable.
" The castle was Qrst erected by Martin de Tours, and partially
rebuilt by William Martin in the reign of Edward I.
"Immediately under the Castle stands the tower of the Old
' Church, the advowson of which is in the gift of the Lord of the
Barony."
CambrCan 9rtf)aeologtcal 2[d£(ociat<on.
THE THIRTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL MEETING
WAS HBLD AT
FISHGUARD
ON
MONDAY, AUGUST 13th, 1883,
AND FOLLOWINO DATS.
PSESIDEVT.
a B. Q. PHILIPPS, Esq., Picton Castle.
The arrangements were nnder the management of the following
LOCAL COXXHTEE.
HUGH LLWYD HABBIES, Esq., Cefnydre, Chairman.
HUGH OWEN, Esq., Goodwick, Vice-chairman.
The Bight Hon. Lord Kensington,
M.P.
W. Davies, Esq., M.P.
The Dean and Chapter of St. David's
J. B. Bowen, Esq., Llwyngwair
J. Worthington, Esq., Glynymel
Bev. W. I^wliuids, Yioarage, Fish-
guard
Miss Schaw-Protheroe, Biynteg
Miss Bowen, Cotham, Newport
Bey. J. C. Mortimer, Court
D. Williams, Esq., Drim
Colonel Owen, Bosebnsh
W. Williams, Esq., Drim
C. Matthias, Esq., Lamphey Coort
The Arohdeacon of St. David's
Bev. A. M. Mathew, StonehaU
Capt. Edwardes, SeaJyham
Capt. Edwardes, Tyrhos
Bev. P. Phelps, Ambleston Vicarage
Bev. T. Johns, Manorowen
Bev. J. Bowen, St. Lawrence
W. P. Williams, Esq., Trehowel
F. Lloyd Philippe, Esq., Penty Park
John Owen, Esq., Surgeon, Brynymor
J. James, Esq., Trenewydd
4th sir., vol. XIV.
W. James, Esq., Trenewydd
H. J. Thomas, Esq., Lochturffin
Theo. Thomas. Esq., Trehale
J. Marychurch, Esq., Longhouse
Bev. J. Lewis, Llanrhian Vicarage
Dr. Williams, Trearched
Bev. D. L. Jones, Mathry Vicarage
Bev. D. Morgan, Bectory, St. Nicholas
Bev. Arthur H. Bichardson, St. Dog-
well's Vicarage
Bev. J. Williams, Dinas Bectory
Bev. E. Jones, Newport Bectory
Dr. Havard, Newport
Bev. Mr. Morris, Independent Minister
Capt. Bichardson, Fishguard
G. V. Bowen, Esq., Fynondrudion
J. C. Davies, Esq., Baulway House
W. Bennett, Esq., Castle Hill
Bev. Bees Williams, Whitchurch Vi-
carage
Morgan Owen, Esq., Brynymor
Hugh Mortimer, Esq., Tower Hill
Mr. W. Vaughan, Fishguard
Capt. Williams, Fi^h^ard
Capt. Titus Evans, Fishguard
Mr. Perkms, Hendrewen
23
334 CAMBRIAN ARCHiEOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION.
Sev. T. WaJten, Maenolochog Rec-
tory
Mr. iniomas Harriee, Trellaa
J. Harries, Esq., Olanymor, Dinas
Rev. J. Tombs, Barton Rectory
Rev. T. Mathias, Henry's Mote Rec-
tory
J. Perkins, Esq., Priskilly Forest i Capt. Bowen, Ooodwick
J. W. Qoilter, £8q., Fish^ard Mr. J. Perkins, Blaenwem
Herbert Worthington, Esq., Glyny-
mel
W. D. Wathen, Esq., Fishguard
Rev. Mr. Davies, LLuigloffan
Rev. Jaa. Symmonds, Fishgaard
Rev. D. Symmonds, Fishguard
Rev. B. Thomas, Letterston
Hngh Davies, Esq., Tower Hill
Looal Treasurer.
J. W. Qailter, Esq., London and Provincial Bank.
Curator of Knseiun.
Morgan Owen, Esq.
Loeal Seeretaries.
Rev. D. O. James, Letterston Rectory.
Rev. J. Lloyd Jones, Fishgaard.
REPORT OF MEETING.
MONDAY, AUGUST 13th.
The General Committee met at the Temperance Hall at 7.15 p.m.,
to receive and discuss the Report of the past year. The Rev. E. L.
Barnwell objected to one part of it.
At 8 P.M. a public meeting was held. Professor Babington com-
menced the proceedings by reading a letter in which the outgoing
President, H. R. Sandbach, Esq., of Hafodnnos, expressed bis regret
at being unable to attend the Meeting. He then requested the Pre-
sident-Elect to take the chair.
Mr. G. E. G. Philipps, on assuming the chair, said that in the
first place he must thank the members for the honour of having so
kindly re-elected him as President. In 1880 they had met in a part
of. Pembrokeshire where a Welsh-speaking Wales sunrounds a very
England in language, thought, and tradition. Those who had come
that day from Haverfordwest had travelled but a few miles before
they had crossed the border-line where this ''England beyond
Walea" ceased. And as was the contrast of race and language,
so would they find a contrast in the objects which would demand
their attention from those in South Pembrokeshire and Castle Mar-
tin. Thej would not be occupied in visiting, day after day, magni-
ficent ruins that told of past days of feudal splendour ; but they
would see one great Castle rich in memories of a mighty past, where
the lords of Cemmaes held state little less than regal, and not only
had the command of. and led their own tenants to war, but likewise
presided over courts of civil and criminal jurisdiction. Their visit
to the cromlech of Pentre Evan, unequalled in Wales, might, per-
FISHGUARD MEETING. — REPORT. 335
haps, once more raise the question how stones of snch colossal size
as would puzzle even the engineers of the present day to move, had
been brought together. It was one of the largest existing crom-
lechsy and was included in the "Act for the Preservation of Ancient
Monuments." Manj churches dissimilar from the Flemish-towered
churches of Castle Martin would be visited, and the week would
very fitlj close with the inspection of that grand old Cathedral to
which many a pilgrimage of the learned and great had been directed.
They were specially fortunate in having for their guide the vener-
able Dean, who loved St. David's so dearly, and who had so care-
fully presided over the restoration of that ancient church.
On the conclusion of his address, the President called on Mr.
G. E. Bobinson to read the Report of the Society for the past year.
REPORT.
*' It was with some misgivings as to the capacity of the town of
Fishguard to accommodate the members of our Association, that
your Committee were induced to acquiesce in its selection as the
place in which to hold the Thirty-eighth Annual General Meeting
of the Society. Of its fitness in an archeeologic sense there was
never a doubt, but to most of us Fishguard — or Fiseguard, as
an eminent historian thinks the more correct reading — and its
vicinity were a terra incognita. Placed upon the western confines of
the country, and from its geographic and somewhat isolated position
difficult of access, it has not hitherto received attention commensu-
rate with its merits ; an attention which it is assuredly both the
duty and the pleasure of our Association to render to all parts of
that Principality they claim as peculiarly their own. The cordial
manner of our reception, and the numerous and influential local
committee formed to receive as and aid in our researches, are
sufficient evidence that the selection is a good one, and your Com-
mittee desire to congratulate your members on their assembling for
the fourth time in this most interesting and hospitable county of
Pembroke, and under auspices so favourable.
'* They venture confidently to anticipate their meeting here will
be the means of eliciting further information concerning those
megalithic remains which are so peculiarly abundant in this district,
and it is hoped the researches and deliberations of the Association
may in some measure determine what are the true origin and
purpose of these ancient monuments.^
" The first duty of your committee is to dir'ect attention to
those changes in the official staff of the Association which have
taken place since our last autumnal meeting, and to lay before the
> The words " they venture*', etc., to ^* monuments", were in Committee
objected to by Mr. BaruweU, as the question alluded to had been deter-
mined forty or fifty years ago in the opinion of all the antiquaries of
Europe. He proposed that they should be omitted ; but no member
seconded him. He therefore claims that his protest should be recorded.
23«
336 CAMBRIAN ARCHiEOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION.
members the names of those gentlemen who have been selected to
fill the vacancies thus created. The foremost of these changes u
the resignation of the presidential chair by Mr. Sand bach, and the
election of his successor, Mr. Philipps of Picton Castle, who, for the
second time, places the Association nnder a great obligation for
his kindness in acting as President. Your Committee wonld
suggest that in the course of the present Meeting a special vote of
thanks be passed to Mr. Sandbach, the outgoing President, for his
courteous and energetic exertions to render the meeting at Llanrwst
a successful one. How well he succeeded, those who were present
will not soon forget.
''The retiring members of the Committee are the Bey. Hugh
Pritchard, Arthur Gore, Esq., and W. Trevor Parkins, Esq., and
your Committee recommend the re-election of these gentlemen. A
further vacancy occurs in the Committee through the death of
the late Prebendary Da vies ; and, in accordance with Rule 4, it is
competent for any member of the Association to nominate a candi-
date either to fill this vacancy or to vary the election of the gentle-
men before named. The election will take place at the final evening
meeting.
'* Your Committee recommend that the name of the Bight Hon.
Lord Tredegar be added to the list of the patrons of the Society.
They also recommend the following appointments of Local Secre-
taries be made in the respective counties, to fill vacancies caused by
retirement : — In Glamorganshire, Chas. Wilkins, Esq., vice Rev, John
Griffiths, Merthyr ; in Pembrokeshire, E. Laws, Esq., Tenby ; in Car-
marthenshire, Bcv. C. Childlow, Cayo, vice Bev. Aaron Boberts ; in
Anglesea,Mr. Lloyd Griffith, Bangor, in place of the late Bev. W.Wynn
Williams, many years Local Secretary for the Island ; in Carnarvon-
shire, H. Barker, Esq. ; in Merioneth, B. H. Wood, Esq., F.SA. ;
in Flintshire, Bev. M. H. Lee. The names of the following noble-
men and gentlemen will come before you for confirmation of election
at the final evening meeting : — South Wales : the Bight Hon. Lord
Tredegar ; the Bight Bev. Lord Bishop of Llandafif; Mrs. Thomas,
Ysguborwen, Aberdare ; Morton Thomas, Esq., Coity, Brecon ; Alfred
Chas. Jones, Esq., Trafalgar House, Swansea ; the Library, Lampeter
College ; Morris T. Hancocke, Esq., Quay Street, Carmarthen ; Wm.
Bisset, Esq., Clive Boad, Penarth, Cardiff. North Wales : General
Blake, Bryn Gwalia, Denbighshire ; S. Dew, Esq., Llanercbymedd,
Anglesea ; Bev. Llewellyn Nicholas, Flint ; Bev. D. Edwards, Coin
Bectory, St. Asaph. Elsewhere : the University of Toronto ; Owen
Boberts, Esq., York Terrace, London ; Miss Bevan, Hay Castle.
** While your Committee congratulates the Association upon the
satisfactory increase in the list of members, they cannot refrain from
saying there is room for considerable improvement in the regu-
larity with which the subscriptions of a large number of the members
are paid. The subject of arrears has been an old-standing complaint
of your executive ; and it must be repeated with emphasis, in the
hope that amendment will follow. It ought to be widely known that
FISHGUARD MEETING. — REPORT. 337
laxity in this respect hampers the progress of the Society, and
greatly impairs its nsefnlness.
" Year Committee desire to tender the very cordial thanks of the
Association to those gentlemen who have contribnted articles for
pnblication in its Journal daring the past year. The natnre and
valne of these contribntions will commend them to all archaeolo-
gists. In an especial degree are the thanks of the Association
due to Mr. Q. T. Clark for his contribation towards the history of
the earlier Lords of Glamorgan, issued to our subscribers as a
supplemental volume for the current year, half the cost of publica-
tion being borne by Mr. Clark himself. Of the historic value of the
work it is impossible to speak too highly. The thanks of the
Association are also due to Mr. R. W. Banks for defraying the cost
of the illustration which accompanies his account of the Charters of
Brecon Priory. Your Committee suggest also a special vote of
thanks to B. H. Wood, Esq., F.S.A., for presenting to the Associa-
tion the impressions of the admirable likeness of Mr. Matthew
Holbeche Bloxam, accompanying the short biographic notice of that
learned and valued member of our Society.
''Your Committee can also point with satisfaction to another
work as issued under the auspices of this Society, Y Cwtta
Cyfarwydd^ or the Journal of Peter Roberts, together with the Note-
book of Thomas Rowlands. Both of them have been carefully
edited by the Rev. Canon Thomas, the learned historian of the
diocese of St. Asaph, and the thanks of the Association are due
to him for his judicious and successful labours.
'' Satisfactory in some respects as this retrospect of the work ejected
by, or under the auspices of, the Society must be, it is to the older and
more tried members it is almost exclusively indebted. Contributions
to the pages of the Journal from younger members of the Association
are conspicuous by their absence. From whatever cause this apathy
on their part arises, it is fraught with serious injury to the Society
in the present, and if persisted in will bring about its eventual
extinguishment. In a Society such as ours, dependent exclusively
upon the voluntary efforts of but a few of its members, it is
essentially necessary, as the ranks of the older ones become thinned
from retirement, or other cause, that younger men should step
forward to till the blank. The field is ample; there yet remain
great numbers of unrestored and most interesting churches, castles,
monastic and domestic buildings, besides the numerous earth-
works and other similar monuments, all worthy of careful and exact
examination and illustration. And your General and Editorial
Committee invite the serious attention of all who are interested in
the well-being of this Society, to carefully consider this subject
during the present meeting, with a view to the devising of some
scheme for reaching the sympathies and enlisting the active co-
operation of a succession of its younger members.
*' It is with feelings of profound regret your Committee have to
record the demise of two of our old and most valued members and
338 CAMBRIAN AKCHiSSOLUGICAL ASSOCIATION.
contribators, in the persons of the Rev. W. Wynn Williams and the
Rev. Prebendary Da vies. To the former, the Isle of Anglesea and the
county of Carnarvon, as well as this Association, owe a lasting debt of
gratitude for the series of able papers from his pen that enriched
the earlier volumes of our Journal. The loss of the latter comes
home to many of us, who remember the invariable courtesy and
kindness which, marked the expression of his opinions upon all
occasions."
The Very Rev. the Dean of St. David's moved the adoption of
the Report. On his way there that day, with a relative, he had
been shown two very fine Ogham stones which had never been
described. He had no doubt that during the preseut meeting thej
would find objects of very great interest, such as would help
towards formiug material for a supplement to Professor Westwood's
most valuable work on the Sculptured Stones of Wales. It would
give him great pleasure to see the members of the Association once
more at St. David's.
Professor Westwood, in seconding the motion, said there were
some things to which he would have thought it necessary to call
attention, had they not been mentioned in the Report One thing
he thought that especially required mention was the want of con-
tributions from the younger/members of the Association.
The report was then adopted.
Professor Babington moved a vote of thanks to the President for
his address ; and the motion was seconded by the Yen. Archdeacon
of St. David's, who thought it was an excellent thing that people
should take a pride in the works of their ancestors. Professor
Babington put the motion, which was carried unanimously.
The Secretary for South Wales, Mr. Q. E. Robinson, then
announced the particulars of the next day's arrangements, and the
meeting separated.
TUESDAY, AUGUST 14th.
The first halt was at the Church of Letterston, which takes its
name from Lettard, one of the followers of the Lords of Cemmaes,
a member of which family granted the church to the Commandery
of Slebech. The present church was built two years ago, and
consists of nave, chancel, and a western porch.
The so-called effigy of St. Leotard, whose name is not in the list
of British Saints, is that of a female of the latter part of the four-
teenth century or of the early part of the fifteenth. The figure has
suiTered much from rough treatment, but sufficient details are left to
fix its date. In Fenton's time it was within the altar rails, but this
probably was not its original position. When the church was rebuilt
it was placed near the font, where it now is, but it will probably be
removed to a more suitable position during the course of the present
FISHGUARD MEETING. — REPORT. 339
improyement being carried out. During the rebuilding the yery
curious piscina was transferred to the porch, but will be replaced
in its proper position when funds are supplied. About £800
are required to complete the good work. What gives an special
interest to this piscina is the cross issuing which surmounts it, the
stem and arms of which are, in heraldic phrase, ragide. No similar
one is known to exist. The chalice with the paten cover is Elizabe-
than, and is inscribed *' Poculum Eclesie de Leterstoun." At a short
distance of about a mile is a place called '* Heneglwys", probably
an earlier site of the church; and near it '^Dolychwareu", ''the
field of sports",— one of which, according to local tradition, was a
race to Trefgarn and back, a distance of seven miles. Nearer to
the church is the earthwork called the Castell, a circular space of
about twelve yards in diameter, protected by a rampart of earth
thrown up from the encircling ditch.
The next place visited was a farm-house called Trefgarn Fach.
Here the members examined a stone, described by Mr. J. B. Allen,
in Arch, CamhrensiSf vol. vii, 4th series, pp. 54, 55, and Professor
Khys, Lectures on Welsh Philology^ p. 295. There are two inscrip-
tions, one in debased Latin characters, and the other in Oghams.
Near Trefgarn Fach is a humble farm-house still retaining portions
of a superior building, the windows of which have chamfered
mouldings. Owen Glyndwr is reported to have either been bom
or at one time resided here. We believe there is no authority for
such a' statement.
Spittal, once a hospice belonging to the Knights Commanders
of Slebech, to whom it was g^ranted, together with Bndbaxton
Church, by Alexander Rudebac, another of the Norman retainers,
shows but little evidence of its former importance. A small
enclosure within walls about ten feet high, now used for farmyard
purposes, with a few indications of other walls, some of which
were pulled down about fourteen years ago to build the adjoining
house, is all that now remains of the hospice. The churcn, how-
ever, has more of interest ; near its south porch stands the inscribed
stone, described and illustrated by the Rev. H. L. Jones, Jrr.h
Camh,, I86I, p. 802. Professor Rhys, in his Lectures on Welsh
Philology^ p. 406, gives the inscription as *' Evali Fili Dencui Cuni-
ovende Mater Ejus". Internally, the nave and chancel are divided
by a narrow pointed arch, which has on either side a hagioscope.
The turret of the Sanctus bell marks the junction externally. The
western gable has a turret with two bells. A recess in the north
wall of the chancel seems to have once contained a tomb. The
chalice, which here likewise is Elizabethan, has the name omitted.
The font is noticeable as a specimen of the type which appears to
be the most prevalent in the district, namely a square top with
cushion sides, supported by a round pillar standing on a square
base. The church of New Moat, St. Nicholas, has much of
interest, but appears to be little cared for. In form it is a double
parallelogram with a good Pembrokeshire tower. The chancel,
340 CAMBRIAN ARCHiBOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION.
embellished with a good deal of stncco and colour, is of the last
century, and filled with monuments of the Scourfields of the Moat ;
it has also a marble altar slab. From its being called the Soourfield
Chapel, and being shut off from the nave bj iron gat^, it is not
improbable that the chancel may have been in the north aisle. At
present this part of the church is a sort of lumber-room where the
disused bells are stored, and in it are the steps by which the Scour-
field Vault is entered. The north wall retains one of the small
loop windows, and between two of the arches of the nave there is
still a niche for an image. The font is similar to that at Spittal,
but smaller.
At Castle Henry, or rather Castle Hendre, the charch was
rebuilt in 1778, bat upon the old foundations. It comprises a
chancel, nave, and south transept. In the older foundation wall -of
the transept are the remains of an arch ; and on the south side of
the same is inserted a stone ten feet in length, which may have
been a Maenhir. Nearly opposite to it is the base of a churchyard
cross. The font is a trapezium, supported by a low round pillan. The
chalice has the inscription, " Poculum de Eclesie Habstshot", and
the date-mark of 1574. On its cover is the same date.
On the return journey the members passed quickly through the
Roman station of "Ad Yicesimum", and drew up for a short halt
at Cam Twme, a remarkable outcrop of rock, some portions of
which appear to have been used for circles and cyttiau,'and some
for fences. In historic times the place has been famous as the spot
on which the three Lords of Cemmaes, Dewisland, and Daugleddaa
used to meet to decide questions bearing on their mutual jurisdic-
tion, a purpose that meets with its parallel in Bwlch y Tri
Arglwyddi, where the Lords of Mawddwy, Cyfeiliog, and Estimaner
used to meet for a like object.
At the evening meeting, after Professor Babington had given
an account of the day's proceedings, Mr. Edward Laws read a paper
on the "Landing of the French at Fishguard in 1797", which
appears in the Journal. The President read the original instructions
given by General Hoche to General Tate for his guidance in the
conduct of the expedition. Mr. Barnwell added the story of the
present Lord Cawdor's grandfather visiting the French prisoners in
Porchester Castle, and how some of those who were kept on scanty
fare took his horse and eat it, leaving him only the saddle and
bridle.
Mr. Barnwell was then called upon by the President to speak
on the subject of Cromlechs, with special reference to the grand
specimen to be visited the next day at Pentre Evan. After a short
discussion as to their use, in which Mr. Robinson, Mr. Laws, Mr.
Drinkwater, and Canon D. R. Thomas, joined, the Secretary an-
nounced the programme for the morrow."
FISHGUARD MEETING. — REPORT. 341
WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 16th.
The first halt was made this morning, in a drenching dolv^nponr,
at the little church of Llanychllwydog. The ehnrch has lately
been rebuilt, and has a chancel, nave, and south porch, so that we
mins the curious features of the older church with its south chapel,
the broad passage connecting it with the chancel and the stone
altar at its junction with the nave, as it appears in the engraving
in the Journal for the year 1865, p. 182. Only two sculptured
stones are mentioned in the account given by the Rev. H.
Longueville Jones, as " nearly buried in the growing soil, and com-
monly said to have reference to the Saint's grave — one of them
bearing a cross cut in low relief, and of a design not hitherto
observed in Wales." There are, however, three other stones, and
the character of the crosses is different in each case. In one, the
arms and stem are composed of ribbed lines ; in another, the limbs
form crosslets ; in a third, they terminate in the T, and the fourth,
with this termination, has a circle at its intersection.
At Pontfaen also there have been great changes for the better
as compared with its roofless condition in 1859. Here there has
been no change in the construction, only a renovation, and the
chapel on the north side still remains with its wide passage, giving
access to the chanceL In the engraving given by the Rev. H.
Longueville Jones in the volume for 1865, p. 179, two stone altars
are represented as standing — one against the east wall of the
chapel, and the other, as at LlanychUwydog, at its junction with the
nave; whilst a third slab is shown standing against the passage
wall, which he also considers to have been an altar slab. This is of
very rough character, and now forms the sill of the entrance door.
In the churchyard there are two stones, both of which are en-
graved in the Lapidarium Watties, plate Ivii, figs. 3 and 4, and in
Arch, Camh,, vol. vii, 8rd Series, p. 212. The longer one, how-
ever, which is there represented as in a leaning position, has com-
pletely fallen down, and now lies almost hidden in the grass. It
is to be hoped that steps will be taken to re-erect the stone. The
other stone does duty as a gate-post at the entrance of the church-
yard.
A very pleasant drive along the upper valleys of the Owaen and
the Nevern brought the members to Llwyngwair, where Mr. J. B.
Bowen most hospitably entertained them, as he had done twenty-
four years before, when the Association met at Cardigan.
The church of Nevern, which has recently been judiciously re-
stored, is cruciform, with short transepts, that on the north forming
a vestry ; and over that on the south, which has a groined roof, and
over the outside buttress a cross, a long, low priest's chamber.
There are recesses both north and south of the chancel. The gene-
ral character of the church is Late Transitional. In the churchyard
342 CAMBRIAN ARCHiEOLOGlCAL ASSOCIATION.
is the great cross, which is only surpassed by that at Carew and
Maen Achwyfan, near Newmarket, in Flintshire. The height^ from
the sarfaco of the ground to the top of the shaft, is 10 feet. The
shaft is formed of a squared block of stoue, the top narrowed ob-
liquely on the west face. The north and south sides are not quite
so wide as the east and west faces. The letters of the inscriptions
agree with the letters in the Gospels of St. Chad, Mac Regol, Inn-
disfame, and in Irish MSS. On the other sides of the Bbsfi is a
series of compartments, each containing a di£ferently arranged inter-
laced ribbon or other patterns. It is described in Professor West-
wood's Lapidarium Wallioey and by the same author in the volume
of the Arch, Camh, Journal for 1860, p. 47.
On the old road (now partially cut off by a hedge), on the north
side of the church, is the cross cut in the face of the rock, with a
kneeling-place hollowed out below it This is given from a drawing
by Mr. Blight in the Arch. Camb. for 1873, p. 373. This road was
on the direct route from Holywell, in Flintshire, and also, as stated,
from Strata Florida,
The magnificent cromlech at Pentre Evan, which, when visited
by the Association in 1859, admitted three persons on horseback
under its capstone, stands on the moorland to the east of Cam
Ingli, about six miles from the sea. The capstone, which is 8 feet
from the ground, and is poised on three of the uprights, measures,
in extreme length, 16 feet 9 inches ; in average width about 8 feet;
and in thickness, 2 feet 8 inches; its approximate weight is from
ten to twelve tons. It has been described by Owen, the Pembroke-
shire historian, by Fenton, the late Sir Gardner Wilkinson in the
Collectanea of the British ArcheBological Association, and by Mr.
Barnwell.
The church of Newport, well restored in 1880, consists of chancel,
nave with wide north and south transepts, and a western tower. In
Buck's view of the Castle, the church is represented as having a
south aisle both to the naVe and chancel ; but as the external walls
follow the same lines, this must have been a difference in the con-
struction rather than in the ground-plan. Under the tower stands
a tombstone of the fourteenth century. A foliated cross with the
head alone appears. The inscription reads thus : CES : ANE : GIT : ici :
DEV : DEL : ALMS : EiT : MEBCiE. The stoup has an ogee arch, the font
is a good specimen of the well known Pembrokeshire form.
The Castle was next visited, which, after passing through many
vicissitudes, remains still in the possession of a descendant of its
founder, William, son of Martin de Tours, who built it at a spot then
and still by the Welsh called Trefdraeth. Its owners continued
to exercise, as lords of Cemmaes, independent authonty until
the time of Henry VIII, when such rights were finally abolished,
save that Sir Marteine Lloyd still continues to exercise the peculiar
privilege of appointing the mayor, — a privilege still reserved to him
notwithstanding the recent Unreformed Corporations' Act. Of its
destruction we have no historical record ; but probably it shared the
FISHGUAKD MEETING. — REPORT. 343
fate of other castles daring the Commonwealth. Of the ruins, the
principal feature is a thirteenth centarj tower, rising from a square
basement into a circular form, and surmounted bj a polygonal story
of later date. In the south-east angle are the remains of a large
round tower rising from a square base. On the north side of this
tower, and adjacent to it, is a vaulted chamber with a central pier
of early Decorated character, from which spring eight ribs terminat-
ing in as many pilasters on the sides and corners of the chamber.
A long day's work and the pressure of time prevented a proper
examination of the ground- plan ; but it is hoped that at some future
time a full and connected account will be printed in the Journal.
It only remains here to acknowledge the welcome with which
Sir Henry and Lady Beecher received the members of the Associa-
tion.
THURSDAY, AUGUST 16th.
BsFOBB starting on this day*8 excursion, several of the members
went to examine the stone in Fishguard Churchyard, an account of
which, by Professor Westwood, is given at p. 325 of this volume.
At ten o'clock a start was made for Goodwic and the Hill of Penrhiw,
which, as well as the whole of the promontory of Pencaer, abounds in
cromlechs and stone remains. In one place three cromlechs in a line
direct north and south stand at a short distance from each other.
The first of these, locally called " CaiTeg Samson", has its capstone,
12 ft. 9 in. in length, by 11 ft in breadth, and an average thickness
of 2 fb. ; the supporting stones have been displaced, but the line of
the enclosing circle is distinct enough. The same remark will
apply to numbers two and three. In the second case, the supporting
stones, six and seven feet in length, have given way ; the capstone
is 12 ft. by 8 fb., with an average thickness of 12 inches. Close
to these is a well defined circle, divided by a line through the
centre, and approached by a passage which pointed towards a low
tumulus. Owing, however, to the great quantity of stones scattered
about in all directions, and the luxurious growth of the fern, but
little could be made out in the time allowed. Similar remains were
passed, in the now enclosed portion of the hill, on the way to the very
fine remains which give its name to the field as Pare y Cromlech, near
Penrhiw fetrm-house. This cromlech partakes more of the nature of
a very large cistvaen than any of the others, as the capstone, which
averages 13 ft. by 7 ft., and lies east and west, rests upon supports
laid lengthwise, and not upright; that on the south side being
10 ft. long, and 3 fib. 6 in. above the ground. At an angle of the
cross roads, on the way to Llanwnda, stands a stone with an inscribed
cross, one of four that existed within memory. On the north-west
slope of the Gam, just above the village of Llanwnda, are the
remains of another cromlech, which however has slipped con-
siderably out of position. It has, indeed, been asserted that the
344 CAMBRIAN ARCH^OLOOICAL ASSOCIATION.
stone is simply a slab of rock which has slipped down to its present
position, but the discovery, some years ago, of an urn and bones
beneath it must settle the question. Fenton speaks of it as snch
and seems to have had no donbt as to its natare.
Llanwnda Chnrch is craciform, the transepts being widened into
chantry chapels; that on the north side is stone vaulted. The
stairs to the rood-loft exist, as also the corbels in the walls by
which it was supported. A stone seat runs round the west end.
The porch has a squint. The font is rude and of the local type a
square bason supported by a round pillar standing on a 8quai« base.
At the junction of the nave and chancel is the small belfry for the
Sanctns bell, similar to the one at Spittal. The chancel walla,
lately rebuilt, have several early crosses built up into them which
were found in the foundations. The chalice and paten have each of
them the same maker's initials, but the date mark is different
Both were looted by the French on their memorable landing, and
when offered for sale, were identified by the inscription on the
chalice, poculum eclesie de lanwnda, and restored to the church-
wardens. On the way from the village, at Pont Eglwys, there is a
stone with a cross inscribed on it, which now forms one of the
supporters of the bridge.
At the farm-house of Llanwnwr, a number of graves dug in the
surface of the rock were seen in the yard, and a small one was
opened for the occasion. They were not more than a foot in depth ;
and some of them were said to have contained ashes as well as
bones. A sculptured stone, now serving as a gate-post, was found
near it, and in the dingle, a little below the house, the remains of
a quern.
On the summit of Garn Vawr is a remarkable stone fortress,
similar in character to, though not so extensive as, those on Treceiri
and Penmaenmawr. On the north, south, and west, the sides of
the hill are steep and^ difficult of access, and on the west it also
overhangs precipitous rocks. On the east and more accessible side
it is defended by two strong walls of loose stones. Here and there,
and notably at the outer entrance on the western slope, may be seen
the remains of loose and wide jointed primitive masonry. Close to
the inner walls of the camp proper, is plainly seen a range of stone
circles, the remains of huts.
Passing thence rapidly by the moated earthwork of Castell Poeth,
where some years ago a number of urns were unearthed, the mem-
bers next examined, at the village of St. Nicholas, the stone with
the following inscription: tunccetaceux sordaarihicu cit.* The
church consists of chancel and nave, with a vaulted chapel on the
south side, connected with the chancel by one of the Pembrokeshire
passages or enlarged squints reaching to the ground. The font is
of the local type. The west end is original, and has a remarkably
massive buttress.
* Rhys, Lectures on Welsh Philology, p. 406 ; Fenton's Pembrokeshire^ p. 23.
FISHGUARD MEETING. — REPORT. 345
The cromlech at Trelljs, although not so large as some of the
others that were seen this day, stands on the brow of a hill to the
south of the village. The capstone is 7 ft. 6 in. in length, by 6 ft.
3 in. in breadth, with an average thickness of 1 ft. 9 in. Two of
the supporting stones are 5 ft. 5 in. and 6 ft. respectively in height.
On the way home the members halted to examine the great oval
earthwork at Hendre Wen. Its diameter taken lengthwise is 80
yards, and across 80 yards. The circumference measured along
the top of the vallum is 240 yards. The external dyke is deep and
wide, and for the most part still perfect. The surrounding ground
level and unbroken.
At the evening meeting the President, in opening the proceed-
ings, corrected a statement in his inaugural address by saying he
was glad to find that Sir Marteine Lloyd still retained his privilege,
as Lord Marcher, of appointing the Mayor of Newport. He then
called on Professor Baoington to give a resume of the day's pro-
ceedings.
The Rev. D. H. Davies of Genarth read a paper on the earthworks
of the parish of Llanon.
The Rev. E. L. Barnwell proposed, and Mr. H. W. Lloyd seconded,
a vote of thanks to the Local Committee, and especially to Mr. H.
Llwyd Harries, the Chairman.
A vote of thanks was also given to the Curators and contributors
to the Museum.
FRIDAY, AUGUST 17.
The first halt to-day was made at Loughouse, to inspect the crom-
lech mentioned by Fenton, the capstone of which has six supports,
is 18 ft. long, 9 ft. 8 ins. wide, and 4 ft. 6 ins. at the thickest part.
Feuton's measurements are, 16 fb. to 18 ft. in length. A section of
the company went to explore an ancient work which Fenton
thought was a summer camp of the Romans. A difference of opinion
exists on that point ; but none can exist as to the beauty of the
small bay below, terminated by Strumble Head. Members were
received at Longhouse by Mr. Marychurch with ample hospitality.
This house was formerly a temporary residence of the Bishop, and
according to Fenton Bishop TuUy lived there entirely.
When the President had returned thanks to Mr. Marychurch for
his courteous reception, a start was made for Si David's. The
Cathedral was first examined under the guidance of the Very Rev.
the Dean. The nave, generally assigned to Bishop Peter de Leia
(1176-90), consists of six bays. With the exception of the western-
most bay, which is narrower than the rest, all the arches of the
main arcades are rounded, the piers being alternately round and
octagonal, with shafts attached. The timber ceiling is said to have
been erected during the treasurership of Owen Pole (1472-1509).
It is of Irish oak, — a wood that is said to be free from rot. It re-
346 CAMBRIAN ARCHAEOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION.
places an earlier one which was groined, bttt had become decayed,
according to Fenton. A massive Decorated rood-screen separates
the nave from the choir. A vaulted passage of two bays leads
through the centre of the screen into the choir. On the south side
of the western bay are two compartments containing tombs. In the
one adjoining the entrance is the recumbent e^gj, on a high tomb,
of a priest in encharistic vestments. The shoes are pointed, and the
feet rest against a lion. The compartment beyond this contains a
high tomb bearing the recumbent ef^gj of a bishop who is repre-
sented as wearing the mitra pretiosa. Along the south side of the
tomb are seen statuettes in relief. The compartment on the north
side contains also the recumbent ef&gj of a priest. The ritual choir
occupies the space beneath the central tower and half the bay
beyond it. The presbytery takes the remaining half of the bay and
three bays eastward. Of the four main arches of the tower, the
western is circular ; the other three, constructed after the- fall of
the tower in 1220, are pointed. The stalls, the work of Bishop
Tully, are twenty-eight in number. The Sovei*eign is entitled to a
stall in the choir. The east end of the presbytery has been restored
to the form it presented after the rebuilding of 1220, with the ex-
ception that the lower tier of three windows is closed up. On a
brass beneath the central window is the inscription, *' In honorem
Dei, et in memoriam Oulielmi Lucy S.T.P., hujus Ecclesiie Cathe-
dralis regnante Carolo Secundo prsdclari I- piscopi, pietate adductus,
dat dedicat Johannes Lucy per mnltos annos Hampton Lucy Rec-
tor. A.D. 1871.'* In the third bay from the east, on the south side
of the presbytery, are effigies of two bishops side by side. The one
on the north is of dark marble, and commemorative of Bishop An-
selm. He is represented with a moustache and short, curled beard,
vested in eucharistic garments, and wears a mitre ; the right hand
on the breast, downwards ; the pastoral staff witli the crook, which
has Early English foliage, and is turned outwards, well defined.
Southward of this is another recumbent effigy, on a stone coffin, of
a bishop similarly vested ; the remains of the pastoral staff, partly
enveloped in a veil, are much mutilated. In the middle of the pres-
bytery is the altar-tomb of Edmund Tudor, Earl of Richmond, and
father of Henry Yll. In the west wall of Bishop Yanghan's Chapel,
immediately at the back of the high altar, is a recess in which are
placed five crosses ; a larger one in the centre surrounded by four
smaller ones. They were discovered in 1866, and are described by
the Rev. E. L. Barnwell (Arch, Camb., 1867, p. 68). The illustra-
tion here g^ven gives a correct idea of this singular g^up of open*
ings, giving a view of the series at the altar. In the Lady Chapel,
built during the episcopate of Bishop Martyn, are triple sedilia,
Decorated insertions, and two tomb-recesses of the same date.
To the north of the Cathedral are the remains of the chapel, with
a sacristy at the south-east angle, of the College of St. Mary, founded
by Bishop Adam Houghton.
On the right bank of the Alan, opposite the Cathedral, are the
FISHaUARD MEETIKG. — REPORT. 347
mina of the Episcopal Palace, the work of Bishop Gowar, It is
impoBBible to convey any notion of the beantj and details of this
nagniScfiDt specimen of a bishop's palace, nniqae, as each, in theBe
islands. The late Mr. C. Norris published, in the early part of this
Crossea Id BItbop VanglisD'a Chape), SL DtTtd'i.
centnry, in an oblong qnarto, elaborate enTrarings of these rains ;
a book easily procored, nmi at a very moderat« price.
After partaking of the Dean's hospitality, the members retnrncd
to Fishgnard. There was no evening meeting.
348 CAMBRIAN ARCHAEOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION.
FISHGUARD MEETmG, 1883.
STATEMKNT OF ACCOUNTS.
Receipts.
Subscriptions .
Tickets sold
£ «. d.
25 14 0
8 0 6
£33 14 6
Patmeittb. £ 9. d.
Printing, etc. . . 1 16 8
Rent and expenses of Hall 1 15 0
Keeper of Hall and watch-
man . I 15 0
Postages, telegrams, and
stationery . . 1 O 0
Sundry small expenses .0 8 11^
Balance remitted to Trea-
surer 26 18 lOJ
£33 14 6
Examined and found correct,
this 27th day of October 1883.
Hugh Ll. Habbibs, Chairman of Local Committee.
JoHv Llotd Jo5bb, Local Secretary.
(Countersigned) C. C. Babihotov.
SUBSCRIBERS TO LOCAL FUND.
C. £. G. Philipps, Esq., President, Picton Castle, Hayerfordwest
The Very Reverend the Dean of St. Dayid*s
The Yen. Archdeacon of St. David's, Warren Rectory, Pembroke
William Davies, Esq., M.P., Haverfordwest
Rev. William Davies, Llanychaer, Fishguard
H. Ll. Harries, Esq. (Chairman of Local Committee), Cefnydre
Fishguard ......
Rev. D. 0. James, Letterston Rectory, Haverfordwest
Rev. James Lewis, Llanrhian Rectory, Haverfordwest
Rev. J. Johns, Manorowen, Fishguard
Rev. T. G. Mortimer, Court, Fishguard
Mr. Owen, Bryn y Mor, Fishguard
Colonel Owen, Rosebush, Clvnderwen, R.S.O.
Fred. Lloyd-Phillips, Esq., Penty Park, Clarbaston Road, B.S.O.
Pembrokeshire .....
R. H. Wood, Esq., F.R.G.8., F.S.A., etc., Rugby
Lord Kensington, M.P., St. Bride's, Haverfordwest
J. B. Bowen, Esq., Lwyngwair, Crymmych, R.S.O., Pembrokeshire
Rev. David Morgan, Rectory, St. Nicholas, Fishguard
Rev. J. Tombs, Burton Rectory, Haverfordwest .
£
#.
d.
5
0
0
5
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
12
0
0
10
0
£25 14 0
349
ALPHABETICAL INDEX OF CONTENTS.
VOL. XIV. FOURTH SERIES.
Aberqble, 248
Aber, inscribed stone at, 331
Accounts, statement of, 1882, 252
Altar- tomb at Edington, 114
Anglesey, William ap Robert,
Archdeacon of, 14
Atis Cross, Flintshire, 16
Bangor, John Oljnne, Dean of, 14
— William Oljnne, Bishop
of, 237
Bettws y Coed effigy, 127
Bloxam (M. H.), F.S.A., biogra-
phical notice of, 84
Bohan (Humphrey de), 181
Braose (William de), 177
(G. de). Bishop of Here-
ford, 179
(Reginald de), 180
(William de), Reginald's
son, 181
Brecon charters, 18, 137, 221,
274 ; index, 305
Buckingham (Humphrey), first
Duke of, 188
(Henry), second Duke of,
188
191
(Edward), third Duke of,
Carnarvonshire, Edmund Lloyd,
Sheriff of, 14
Carnarvonshire, MSS. (House of
Lords) relating to, 81
wills, 14, 237
Cardiff, Benedictine Priory at, 1 1 2
Castle Henry Church, 340
Castle, Newport, 331
Pembroke, 196, 264
— Dolwyddelan, 49
4th scb.. vol. xit.
Chester, MSS. at Condover relat-
ing to, 130, 242, 244, 328
Church stoke, 17
Coldry, manor of, 78
Compostella, copper shell from,
259
Condover MSS., 130, 242, 328
Cromlech, Longhouse, 345
Penrhiw, 343
Peutre Evan, 342
Trellys, 345
Crosses at St. Edren's Church,
262
Denbighshire wills, 15
Derby (Charles Earl of), 81
(Henry Earl' of), Henry
IV, 187
Disserth, Flintshire, 16
Dolwyddelan Castle, 49
E&rthwork at Hendre Wen, 345
Edington, altar- tomb at, 114
Effigy at Bettws y Coed, 127
350
ALPHABETICAL INDEX OF CONTENTS.
Effigy at Haverfordwest, 253
at Letterston, 338
at Newport, Pembroke-
shire, 342
at Pennant Melangel, 54
Emijn Stone at Pool Park, Ba-
thin, 251
Fisbgnard, French landing near,
311
inscribed stone in church-
yard, 325
Oarn Vawr, Pembrokeshire, 344
Glasbury, 173
Gloucester, St.Peter'sCburch,! 73
Glynne (John), Dean of Bangor,
14
Glynne (William), Bishop of Ban-
gor, 237
Goldcliffe, manor of, Monmouth,
78
Griffithsmore, manor of, Glamor-
gan, 113
Hampton Bishop Rectory, 79
Hay Church, endowment of, 175
Hay Lordship, 173
Haverfordwest, effigy at, 253
Heneglwys, Anglesey, 237
Hereford, Bishop of (Leofgar),
. 173
(Giles de Braose), 179
Hope, manor of, Flintshire, 80
lorwerth Drwyndwn, 4if
Inscribed stone, Aber, Carnar-
vonshire, 331
Bwlchyddanfaeu, Carnar-
vonshire, 170
Fishguard Churchyard,
325
Nevem, 341
St. Nicholas, 344
Spittal, 339
Trefgam, 339
Kemeys (Sir Charles), 114, 118
Kerry Church, 172
Letterston Church, 338
Llandaff, Bishop of (Morgan
Owen), 80
Llanedern Manor, 113, 121
Llanychllwydog Church, 341
Llanwnda Church, 344
Llanwnwr, graves at, 344
Longhouse Cromlech, 345
Leofgar, Bishop of Herefordy
173
Montgomeryshire Wills, 17
notes of names of persona
living in, 1645, 239
Manor of Golddiffe, Monmouth,
78
Coldry, Monmouth 78
Nash, Monmouth, 78
Mold, Flintshire, 80
Hope, Flintshire, 80
Boath-Keynsham, Gla-
morgan, 109
Roath-Dogfild, Glamor-
gan, 111
Boath- Tewkesbury, 111
Llanedern, 113
MSS. in House of Lords, 77, 130
at Condover, 130, 242,
328
172
burning of St. David's,
Northop, 16
Nash, manor of, 78
Newtown Nottage Rectory, 79
Newmarch, Bernard, 178
Newport Castle, Pembrokeshire,
332
Church, Pembrokeshire,
342
Newmoat, 339
Nevem Church, 341
ALPHABETICAL INDEX OP CONTENTS.
351
Owen Olendower, insurrection
of, 187
Morgan (Bishop of Llan-
daff), 80
Pembroke Castle, 196, 264
surrender of, 272
Poyer, Mayor of Pembroke, 267
Pen Caer Helen, 192
Pennant Melangel effigy, 54
Pentre Evan Cromlech, 842
Penrhiw Cromlech, 343
Pool Park, Rnthin, Emlyn Stone
at, 251
Pont&en Church, 341
Bevell (William) endows Hay
Church, 175
Boath-Keynsham, 109
Dogfild, 111
Tewkesbury, 111
St. Dayid's Cathedral, 345
St. Edren's Grosses, 262
St. George, Denbigh, 15
St. Nicholas, Pembrokeshire, 344
Spittal, 339
Splot, manor of, Glamorgan, 112
Stanley, Sir William, 57
Stafford, 3 Earl of (Thomas), 187
Stafford, 5 Earl of (Edmund) , 18 7
Shrewsbury, MSB. at Condover,
relating to, 243
Trevor (Sir John), 79
Twisselton (Col. George), 79
Trewalchmai, 237
Trefgarn, 339
Trellys Cromlech, 345
Wales, the Northern Shores
(their legends and traditions),
248
Woodstock, Thomas of (Duke of
Gloucester), 187
Wales, MSS. relating to (House
of Lords), 77, 130
at Condover, 130, 242
Will of Robert Lloyd ap Mere-
dith ap Hwlkyn, 14
Alice Lloyd of Kinmel,15
John Stockley, 15
Henry ap Thomas ap
William, 16
Nicholas Ghriffith, 16
Cadwaladr ap leuan ap
Mad', 17
Rees ap Edward Appall,
16
17
Richard Powell of Ednop,
William Glynne, Bishop
of Bangor, 237
352
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.
M. H. Blozam, F.S.A. Froniispiece
Dolwyddelan Castle ... . . .49
Effigy in Bettws y Coed Chnrch, North Wales . 128
Chevanx-de-frise, Pen Caer Helen . 192
Plan of Pen Caer Helen . . .193
Sepulchral Effigy of Pilgrim in St. Mary*s Church, Haverford-
west ...... 253
Copper Shell, or Pilgrim's Sign, from Compostella 259
Crosses at St. Edren's .... 262
Sepulchral Stone in Fishguard Churchyard . 325
Nevem Bock Cross ..... 342
Crosses in the Niche in Bishop Yaughan's Chapel, St. David's 347
LONDOH :
WHITIWQ AXD CO., LIMITXO, SABOIHIA 8TRKBT, LIKCOLIf'A IKK VIKLDft.
ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS. Ivii
Baron and bis heirs, of his L'dship or Manor of Denbigh, from three weeks
to three weeks annaally, upon reasonable and lawftill summons.
" And rendering ^yearly to the s'd Earl and his assigns, for the prem'es in
Bodryghwyn, JBo 5«. 3id., and for the rest of the lands in Maesegwig, 6d.,
payable half yearly at the Feasts of St. Philip and Jacob and St. Michael, or
within 15 days after.
" Indors. Glaus. Cancellar. Domiuee reginee infrascript'."
" 10 March 1573, 15 Eliz.— Deed Poll. Ambrose Earl of Warwick, Baron
Lesley, Knight of the most hon'ble Order of the Garter, Master of her
Mf^esty*8 Ordnance, and Chief Butler of England, and the Lady Ann,
Countess of Warwick, his wife.
"The s'd Earl and Countess, for divers consid's, covenant with their ten-
ant, Harry ap David ap John, his h'rs, ez'ters, adm'rs, and ass', that the s'd
Earl and Countess have not at any time theretofore made or granted, nor at
any time after, during the lives of the longer liver of them, will make any
grant, alienation, lease, or demise, to any person or persons, of any messu-
ages, iniles, lands, tenem'ts, or heredit's, which the s'd Harry did or doth
hold of the lord of the manor and lordship of Dyffren Cloyd and Ruthin, as
of the s'd lordship or manor.
" Covenant that the s'd Harry ap David ap John, his h'ra, ex'ters, adm'rs,
and ass's, shall quietly ex^oy the prem'es (except such as he holds for terme
of years) during the lives of the s'd Earl and Countess, and the longest liver
of them, and such as are held for term of years, during the residue of ye
term, if ye Earl and Countess, or either of them, so long live.
" Teilding (sic) and paying such yearly rents and services as are due and
accustomably used to be paid for the prem'es, without interruption of any
person claiming under them, the heirs male of the body of the Earl excepted."
"20 March, 30 Q. Eliz., 1588. — Ind're between the Countess of Warwick,
S'r Wm. Bussell, Knt., and Arthur Atye, Esq., of one part, and Edwd.
Lloyd, Esq., of the other part. The Countess and Sir Wm. and Arthur
let to farm to Edwd. Lloyd —
" All that one mill in the township of Keidio, in the oommot of Dogvillin,
in the county of Denbigh, called Mill Vaghes, in the tenure of s'd Edwd.
Lloyd, and one acre of land with the app's thereto belonging (the woods and
underwoods excepted), to hold from Mich'ass last past for 18 years.
" Paying to the Countess or to such person as the reversion shall belong,
26s. yearly ; and at the death or surrender of every tenant, on^ of his best
oattels, or in want of cattle, one of his best goods, for a heriot, according to
the use and custom of the s'd Manor of Dy ffrin Cloyde.
" Conven' to pay the rent and do all manner of suit and court and other
dutys, suit, and service, as well in time of war as otherwise, as has been
used within the L'dship or Manner of Dyffrin Cloyde. And within 4 years
to plant 20 oaks, ashes, or elms, in the Outring, 20 yearda asunder, and
maintain that No. during the term."
VOL. II.
Iviii
ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS.
Exchequer, Treoiuvy of the Beeeipt CowUy Bag; Wain. Bag of UtseeUanea,
No, 5. Chirk, No. 4.
Vahiation <^ih€ LordMhip of Chirk, 12-13 Henry VII (a.d. 1496-7).
[Dominium] de Chirk.
Dedaratio tarn Yaloris Dominii ibidem qaam repriBanim ^n«dem a Tigilia
Sancti Michaelis Arohangeli anno x^'mo Regis Henrioi Septimi osqae
eandem vigiliam Sanoti Michaelia tano proximo seqaentem anno pze-
dicti Regis zi^'mo pro anno integro.
Chirk Villa.
Reditos assisus ibidem hoc anno
Tolletum ibidem eodem anno
Perquisita Coriad ibidem dicto anno
xzi^«. Vigo.
yjW.
Istlanth.
Reditua assiBas ibidem hoc anno
Firma terr' dominie* ibidem
Firm a herbagii parvi parci ibidem
Molendinum de Trevour Issa
Molendinum de Crostith'
Molendinum de Chirk
Molendinum fullonicum de Chirk predicta
DomuB Capella ....
Divers' Custum' super tenentes ibidem
Ezitus terr* et ten' nuper Ricardi Trevour causa
utlagarisB susb in manus Domini ezistentium
causa prediota . . . .
Perquisita Curiae ibidem hoc anno .
Glyn Ringild'.
Reditus assisus cum consuetnd' ibidem
Molendinum de Glyn Vaure
Molendinum de Crogen
Capella de Chirke
Reditus advocar* ibidem
Kilth' Ringild' . . . .
Perquisita Curi» ibidem
Llangollen.
Reditus assisus cum oonsuetnd' hoc anno
Molendinum de Llangollen' hoc anno
Molendinum de Glyn' Vaghan eodem anno .
Molendinum fullonicum ibidem
Capella ibidem eodem anno
Consuetud' voc' Kilgh Ringild'
Perquisita Curiae
Y^li. vs. zd.
zijjli. zvi^s. vijd. ob. q.
lzv«. \j(i.
zijjff. uijd.
viy». 11yd.
zzigs. ilga.
zls.
Nihil, quia ad terram pros-
tratum.
v«.
lzj«. yd.
zizs. vjd. ob.
z\j«. iijd.
zzv\jli. xvj». vd. q.
zij li. zziijd. ob. di. q.
Izzviga. li^d.
zs.
zii)]s. va^d,
yi\)«. li^d.
vj«. viyd.
Z8. jd.
zzv\jli. vi^s. vi^d. ob. di. q.
JB19 13 III
I 13 O
I 18 o
o II 8
084
o 10 o
3 ' 8
27 14 ^l
OltlGINAL DOCUMENTS.
lix
Moughnaunte.
BeditoB aesiflos cam oonsaetad' ibidem
Advocar* ibidem hoo anno
Perquisita Curifla eodem anno
EenUeth' Bing'.
BedituB assiflins ibidem cam diversis cuBtamis
Molendinum de Llanarmon
Molendinnm de Tregerioke
EUghe Bingilde hoo anno .
Pexqaisita Cnrin ibidem eodem anno
Carreghoua.
Beditns assiBaB ibidem
Molendinum ibidem eodem anno
Advocar' ibidem •
Vnt' ibidem
Perquisita Conn ibidem
Moaghnannte P^»poBitoza.
ToUetam ei molendinnm ibidem hoc anno in appmamento
(Tamen in ann' prsBoeden' Bolebat reddere Sli. 2f.)
Perqnisita CurisB ibidem ....
Kenllegh' PrspoBitora.
ATiTinaliB reddituB ibidem hoc anno
ToUetum ibidem
Molendinum de Bodelegh .
Advocar* ibidem .
PexquiBita Curiae .
Firma ibidem hoc anno
Moughnaunte i^oroBta.
LlangoUen Foreeta too' Comoath'.
Firma ibidem hoc anno ....
Firma ibidem
Firma ibidem
Lstlanth' ForoBta.
...
Glyn Carregnaunte Foreeta.
. • *
Kynllegh* ForeBta.
JB $.
25 16
0 5
a 13
d.
7
4
II
28 14
10
15 3
0 II
4«
0
I I
0
0 4
2 10
0
II
19 13
3*
6 9
I 6
0
8
0 3
0 6
0 16
4
8
8
9 2
4
3 4
3
0 II
2
3 15
5
0 4
1 13
2 0
0 I
0
4
0
8
0 0
10
3 19
10
2 5
4
Firma ibidem ......
Summa totalis valoris Dominii predicti in redditibus
et firmiB hoc anno ....
Item de Cur* Ibidem eodem anno
468
068
1 6 8
2 5 10
153 II io|
12 8 8
166 o 6i
Inde
Ix
ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS.
Feoda et Tadia.
In feodo Edwardi Pikeryng Militis Senescalli CuriiB ibidem per
annum at in oompotis pnecedentibos
Et eidem Edwardo Constabolario Castri de Chirke per annum
ut in compotis preceden'
Et residuum restrictum per Dominum Begem.
Et Johanni Edwardes Beceptori ibidem ut in compotis preoeden
per annum .....
Et Bicardo Grenewej Auditori ibidem similiter ut in oompotis
proceden' per annum ....
Et Boberto Irelonde locumtenenti Senescalli Curie ibidem per an
Et Thomad Irelonde Clerico Curie ibidem per annum .
Et Willelmo Gruffith Ballivo Itineranti ibidem per annum
Et Thome Straunge Custodi Porte Castri ibidem per annum
Et Johanni Holande parcario nigri parol per annum .
Et Nicholao Pulforde parcario parci subtus Castrnm per annum
Et dericis compotorum pro scriptura Botulorum Compotorum
ibidem per annum .....
Summa
CustuB necessarii cum forinsecis.
Et in pergameno encausto tam pro scriptura Botulorum compoto-
rum quam Botulis Curie superscribendis in computis preceden'
Et in ezpensis Audit' Bee' et omnium officiariorum ibidem exis-
tentium tempore Auditus hoc anno
Et solutum diversis personis prostementibus ramos (95.8d.)arbo-
rum et huss' pro sustentatione ferarum in yeme infra parcos
ibidem unacum reparac' {28.) pinfold' Domini Begis ibidem hoc
anno .......
£ 9, d.
lO o o
5 o o
500
5
0
0
2
0
0
I
10
0
0
10
0
3
0
10
3
0
10
2
0
0
I
*
6
8
38 8 4
o 10 o
2 12 9
o ir 8
Summa 3 14 5
Beparationes Molendinorum.
Et in diversis custibus factis super reparationem Molendinorum
de Chirk (41s. lod.) Mougbnaunte (4I. 4s. 8^.) et Carreghoua
(4I. 19*. 4d.) hoc anno . . . 11 5 10
Summa 11 5 10
Custus Castri de Chirk.
Et in consimilibus custibus et expensis factis super reparationem
domorum Castri et extra hoc anno . . 4 8 10
Summa 4 8 10
Summa feodorum vadiorum ac aliarum reprisarum . 57 17 5
Et restant 108 3 i|
Item debentur prefato Domino Begi de arr'anni prox' preceden' 47 5 5
iSS 8 61
De quibus
Deducuntur de arr' de redditu Johannis Trevonr^ Indus' infra
Parcum subtus Castrum de Chirk de anno ij'mo Begis predicti
et constat quod ita sit . . . . .076
Item in allocatione de parte firme Hoell' ap Morres Gough'
1 John Trevor Hen of Brynkinallt. See Dwnn's Heraldic Visitations qf
WaUsj ii, p. 328.
ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS. Ixi
Firmar* Forestie de KezillegV eo quod minos saper ipaam £ a. d.
oneratur in oompoto bqo de anno proz' preBoeden' prout patet
per examinat' dimissionam firmarum super oompotam higas
anni, eaque de causa allocatur, ut justum est .130
Item in oonsimilibus alloc' de tot denar* pendentibus super
Kicardum Grenewey Audit' Dominii Beg^ ibidem per ipsum
Bee' nomine feodi sui pro med' anni de dicto anno proz' prsB-
ceden' per prsofatum Dominum Begem eidem Bicardo per
billam sub signo manuali dicti Domini Begis signatnm prout
in dedaratione dominiorum de Bromfelde & Tale hi^'us anni
plenius annotat' • . • • •334
Summa • • • 4 13 10
Et reman' . . 150 14 8|
De quibus
Liberacio denar' ad Coffir' Domini Begis.
Liberantur ad Beceptam Coffir* Domini Begis per manus Johannis
Edwardes Beceptoris ibidem de parte Beceptn sue supradictao
per billam factam apud Grenewhich' z^*'mo die Marc\j anno
xi^'mo Begis Henr' pnedicti per man' Johannis Heron' sub
signeto et signo manuali suo super compotum liberat' ao inter
memoranda compoti Bee' higus anni reman' . • 60 8 9
Et restant . . « 90 5 iif
Unde Super — Arr**
Anno sj'. — leran ap Gruff' ap Hoell' Bingildum de Monghnaunte
Bingildr' anno xj' Begis Henrici v^' . . . 3 18 o
Howell' ap Morres Gough' Bingfildum de Kynlleth, Bingildr*
dicto anno xj' Regis preedicti . . . . 3 10 2
Meredith' ap Howell' occupat' officii Pengreor et Eays eodem
anno xj' Begis supradicti . .318
quos clamat habere pro feodo suo prout habuit tempore
Willelmi Stanley.
Summa . . . 10 9 9
Annoxij'. — Mad' ap Gruff' ap Bes et David ap Eign' Ballivos
ville de Chirk anno xi^j' Begis Henr' vi^* . . . o 5 10
Meredith' ap Gruff' ap Atha et Hoell ap Lli' Bing' de Istlanth'
dicto anno zi|j' Begis prsBdicti . . . . i 17 7i
levan ap Gruff' ap Ithell' et Meredith ap levan ap ItheU'
Ringildos de Glyn' prsedicto anno xij' Begis supradicti . 252!
levan ap Eden' ap Eign' & Dd' ap Jor' ap Atkyn' Bingildos de
Llangollen' eodem anno xjj' . . . i 15 4I
David ap Bes de fine suo dicto anno xy Begis prsedicti 0134
Johannem ap William et Mauricium ap levan ap Hoell' Bingildos
ibidem pnedicto anno z\j' Begis supradicti . . • 7 19 7i
Meredith' ap Howell' occupat' officii Pengreor et Eays eodem
anno x\j' Begis preedicti . . .318
quos clamat habere ut supra.
Howell ap Morres Gough' Bingildum de Eynlleth' Bingildr' dicto
anno x^' Begis prsedicti . . 3 10 2
Meredith ap Howell appruat' molendini de Carreghoua pnedicto
anno x\)' Begis supradicti . . . .068
Summa . . . 21 15 6^
Ixii ORIGINAL DOCUMBNTB.
Anno xig'.— Hoell ap Boberte appnuitorem tolleti de Chirk hoc
anno zi^' Begifi Henr* Yijl* ....
David ap Elgn' et Johannem ap David ap Jollyn* Ballivoe ville
de Chirke pnedicta hoc anno xi\j' Be^ pnadicti
Nicholaum Pulford' firmar' parvi Paroi de Chirk' hoc anno zig'
HegiB Bupradicti .....
Howell' ap Thomas Firmariam molendini de Chii^ dioto anno
zi^' Regis pnedioti . ^ . • .
David ap Edward Lli' ap levan ap Eden' Bing* de Istlanth'
eodem anno zig' . . . * .
Lli' Vaghan et Mered' ap levan ap Ghroff' Bingildos de Glyn'
prsBdioto anno zi\j' Begis pnedioti ....
Gruff' ap Eign' et Mad' ap levan ap Ithell' Bingildos de Llan-
goUen' dicto anno zig* Begis sapradicti
Will'm ap Mathewe Bingildom de Mooghnaonte Bingildr' eodem
anno zig' Begis prsBdioti ....
Meredith ap Howell' oocapat' oiBoii Pengreor et Eajs dloto
anno zig' Begis sapradicti • . • .
qnos damat oansa qii» supra.
Mered' ap Hoell' appruaf molendini de Carreghoua hoc anno zig'
Begis prsedicti ......
Guttyn' ap Jollyn' Bingildum de Carreghoua eodem anno zig'
Begis sapradicti .....
pavid ap Mathewe appruatorem pnepositursD de Moughnaunte
dicto anno ziy . . ....
Johannem ap William Firmariam molendini de Bodelegh' eodem
anno zig' . . . * .
Howell' ap Morres Gough' Firmarium de Kynlleth' prepoeitura
dicto anno zig* Begis pnedicti ....
levan ap Ho' ap Jollyn' firmariam forestcB de Moughnaunte
eodem anno zig' Begis supradicti
levan Gough' ap Atha Wodward' Forest® de Llangollen' voo'
Comoath* dicto anno zig' Beg^ prsBdicti
Edwardum Pikeryng Militem de denar* per ipsum rec' de onere
pnedicti levan Gough' ap Atha (4I.) Will'i ap Mathewe (4I.) et
Gruff' ap Eign' (40s.) pro parte feodi sui Const' Castri de
Chirk pro hoc anno et anno proz' preoceden' utroque anno Cs. .
Howell' ap Boberte Wodwardum Forests de Istlanth dicto anno
zig' Begis supradicti .....
Bicardnm Trevour Wodwardum de Glyn Carregnaunte eodem
anno zig' Beg^ pnedicti ....
Hoell' ap Morres Gough' Bingildum de Kynlleth' dicto sjino zig'
Begis supradicti .....
Johannem Edwardes Bee' Dominiorum prsedictorum de parte
BeoeptflB su» supradictsB hoc anno zig' Begis supradicti
£ 9,
d.
2 6
4
0 10
10
0 13
4
3 0
0
4 4
II
4 7
81
5 I
III
614
lol
3 I
8
I 6
8
3 19
8
I 8
9
I 0
0
0 9
9
0 12
0
I 3
4
•
10 0
0
0 6
8
I 10
0
6 15
"♦
1 7
0
OBIOINAL DOOUMENTS. Ixiii
WeUh Beeard»'~MifU8Ur$* AeeounU^ i9-32« Bdw, IIL T«mj>oralitie« of ih€
Bi$hopric of 8i, Aioph,
(M. I.)
" Edwaxd^ Ac. a n're clier dero Mestre Joban de Bmnham n're Cliamberlein
de Cestre, salaz. Nous voiu mandons et chargeons qe tout le vesael d'argent
q'estoit a Teyesqae de Seint Aasaphe, q'est en T're g^arde, faces poiaer et
assaiez, qi vorra plus doner par yceUe, et apres ce qe toos averes ensi fait,
le fiuses liTrer a n're cher vallet Johan de Delves par endentore alTaire
parentre toub et Ini, contenant les pieces, le pois et le pris d'icel, par quele
et oestes none volons qe voos ent soiez deschorgesz devers noos. Donnd
sons n're prive seal a Londres le xziiii] jour de Jnyl Tan dur regno n're
trescher Sieur et pore le Boi d'Engleterre trentism primer et de France
discetism.
" Edward &o. a noz bien amez Mestre Johan de Bmnham, n're Cbamberlein
de Cestre, et Ith' ap Ken' Seys, salnz. Porceq' fait est a entendre a n're
conseil q' vons Ith' meintienant apers la mort S'r Johan' nadgairs Evesqe de
Seint Assaphe, qi Dieoz assoille, seisistes tonz les biens et chatenz en n're
mein, et les detinez ensi seisiz, siqe par ayis de n're dit Conseil avons charges
n're cher et bien ame Johan de Delves de la manere de la vente qe se ferra
des ascons des ditz biens et chateux pur les custages foneraires entoar len-
terrement le dit Evesqe, et dordiner par la saave garde da remanant des
ditz biens et chateux, et auxi des livres, vestimentz, et autres oumementz
de seinte eglise trovez ovesqe le dit Evesqe le jour de sa mort ; et tous
mandons et chargeons qe au dit Johan donne foi et credence de ce q'il tous
dirra en celle partie ; et endroit de la vente et sauve garde des choses de-
vauntdictes, facez selenqe ce q'il voas chargera depar nous. Et ce ne lesseez.
Donne souz n're prive seal a Westm' le xxvj. jour de Feverer I'an du regno
n're trescher Sr' et pere le Boi de Engleterre trentism primer, et de France
discetism."
" Par tesmoign' lui reverent pere en Dieu S'r W.
par la grace de Dieu Evesqe de Wyncestre, n're
general attoumee en Engleterre.
" Edward &c. a n're cher dero Mestre Johan de Brunham n're Cbamberlein
de Cestre, saluz. Poroeqe nous avons entenduz qe levesqe de Seint Assaphe
est a Dieu comande, tous mandons qe voos facez seisir ses temporalteee en
n're meyn par cause qe la vaoaoion du dicte Eveschee a nous appurtient, et
par cause q'il ne posit testament faire toaz ses biens et chateux, et les suave-
ment garder a profit de nous, tant qe vous ent eiez autre mandement de
nous. Et ce ne lessez. Donne souz n're prive seal a Loundres le ix. jour de
Feverer Tan du regne n're trescher Seignur et pere le Boi d'Engleterre tren-
tisme primer, et de France discetism.
*' Par tesmoign' lui reverent pere en Dieu Sr* W.
par la grace de Dieu Evesqe de Wyncestre. n're
general attoume en Engleterre."
(M. rd.)
'* Compotus Magistri Johannis de Bmnham Camerarius Cestr' Becept' 't
Administratoris bonomm 't catallomm que faer' Magistri Job's Treoaur
nuper Episcopi Assau'.
De duabus Mitris vno pari cirothecarum pro missa j annulo pent' jj
t€
> Edward the Black Prince. ' John Trevor I, Bishop of St. Asaph, 1352-57.
Ixiv ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS.
calicibuB oum paten' deaarat' j pamo eocliar* de argento j vestimento noao
integro cont' j casulam linet' cum virid', iij alb' ig tanicalis linet' cum blaet'
iij amitis ij stoV ig fanon'j copa pro olioro Unit* cum ruV taffata j copapro choro
cum ij tunicles j casula j alb* j amit' j stol' onm fanon* linit' cum virid' cord^ j
amit' cum capit' j tunica alb' de serico Unit' cum rub' Taffat' \j tunicles dappUc'
de virid* Taff* radiat' ex una parte et crocea ex altera parte ij manaterg*
y fiol' argent' iij superpellic' j pamo manuterg' j portifor' j missali iy gradal* j
psalterio glosat' j campana portabil' per viam j parua cruce de laton' j panno
radiate cum taffata pro Altari et j corporali non r'* eo quod dominus Princ'
de gratia sua speciali et diuine carit' intuitu dedit 't ooncess' domino
Lewftlino Episcopo Assau', Decano et Capitulo eiusd' eccleaie, omnia bona
predicta. Ita quod eadem bona rem' ecclesie Assau' ad opus p'dict' Episcopi
Decani et Capituli eiusdem loci imperpetuum ex dono 't cone' sup'dict' per
litteras dicti d'ni Princ' Camerar' suo Cestr' direct' quarum dat' est apnd
London' anno r' r' nunc xzxij per quae mandavit dicto Camerar' quod
liberare faceret Episcopo Assau' qui nunc est, Decano et Capitulo Ecclesie
Assau' omnes mitras, croc', vestimenta et al' ornamenta CapeUe et totum
Ubror' et vasa et plumb' 't Ugn' que fuer' Job' vltimi Episcopi eiusd' loci
que fuer' seis' in man' domini post mortem eiusd' Episcopi que non sunt
vend'. Ita quod rem' Ecclesie Assau' imperpetuum ad opus Episcopi
Decani et CapituU Assau' per indent' inter Episcopum et Camerar* Cestr'
inde factam, etc.
" De j libro voc'psalterium glosat* in asseribus oum albo corio prec' xi\js.ii\jd.
j paruo libr* seruien' qui incip' sic Si vis ad vitam ingredi in asseribus cum
rub' C01-' prec' xld. j Ubro sentenc* in asseribus cum viridi cor* prec' zi^s. iigd..
j parte Biblie in asseribus cum albo cor' in magno volumine prec' Ixs. j
pamo libello in asseribus cum rub' cor* de offic' Episcopi prec' ijs. j Ubro voc'
commentum de Sompno et vigil' in asseribus sine corio prec' i\js. vno Ubr*
voc' Comentum super octo libr' phisic' in asseribus sine cor* prec' vj«. vigd. j
paruo libro in asserib' de offic' Episcopi cam albo cor' prec' ijs. j libro qui
incipit Omnis ars et doctrina cam viridi cor' prec' ij», j pari decret' vetemm
in asseribus cum virid' cor' antique prec' xx«. j pari decret' veterum 't debil' in
asseribus cum viridi cor' prec' xiijx. iiijd. j sexto libr* decretalium Clementin'
in vno volumine in asseribus cum viridi coH prec' xls. j sext' Ubr* decretal'
in asseribus cum cor' prec' xxs. j speculo Judictal' in asseribus in rub' cor*
prec' xxxs. Item pro Capella Episcopi j portifor* magno in asseribus cum
albo cor* prec' xii«. ii^d., j Missal' magni voluminis in asseribus cum albo
cor* prec* xx^s. vujd., j gradal' in asseribus cum cor' rub' inpresso. Item g
gradal' in asseribus cum albo cor' prec' xx;. j. psalterio cum ympnar* glos' in
fine in asseribus cum cor* albo prec' xs. j portifor* temporalo cum psalterio in
asseribus cum albo cor' veteri prec' vjs. vi\jd. j missali in asseribus cum mb'
cor' pi*ec' xyj«. viijd. j libr* de offic' Episcopi pro clericis ordinand' in asseribas
cum albo cor* prec' xs. De rem' non r' eo qd' d*n's Princ' dedit 't cone
p'd'co U'o Ep'o 't Decano 't Capitulo Assau' 't successor* suis imperpetuum
omnes p'd'ooe libr' superius annot' prout continetur in indentnr* p'd'ca, De."'
(M. 2.)
" Comp' Itb^ ap Ken' Sejjs Custod' temporal' Episcopi Assauen' exist' in
man* domini Princ' per mortem Magistri Johannis Trevaur nuper Episcopi
• Vel Coi*' (leatber). ^ i.e. respondet. * 8%e.
ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS. IxV
ibidem et temp<5rftl' Decani et Capitali einsdem loci exist' in man* domini
Princ* pro contempto quern fecer' eid' domino Princ' eligendo Lodowycum^ ap
Mad* ap Lyse tnnc Decanum eiusdem ecclesie in Episcopum loci illias nulla
ad hoc petita liceno' nee obtent' ab eod* domino Princ' et rem' in man*
eiusdem domini Princ* tam ex cans' p*d*cis q*m p' eo q'd idem Lodowycus sic
electus non pecijt nee habuit licenc' nee assens* dicti domini Princ* de
electione predicta ante confirmation em snam videlicet de exit* temporal*
p*dc'onim a tercio die Febr' anno r* r' E' terc\] post conquestum xxzj quo die
idem Mag'r Johannes nnper Episcopns obijt vsque tercium diem Febr^ prox*
sequen* per unnm annum integr' a quo die debet alias computare.
" Bed' ville de Butuengan equaliter diuidend* inter Episcopum et
Capitulum.
" De X8, de red' ville de Botuengan soluend' in festo omnium Sanctorum
vjs. viijd. et in festo Apostolorum Philipi et Jacobi iij«. uijd. nihil r* eo quod
idem Custos cepit ad firmam omnia temporalia Episcopi Assau' pro vno
anno integr* pro ii^^li., soluend* ad festa Nat* Sancti Johannis Bapt* et Nat*
Domini per equal' portiones videlicet a tercio. die Febr' anno r*r' nunc xxxj
vsque tercium diem Febr* anno r' eiusd' Beg' xxxg de quibus iiij"Zi. r* est
infer.
" Summa nihil.
" Seruic' tenenc* ibidem pertin* vt supra.
" Tenentes ibidem debent facere sectam ad Cur* Episcopi et Capituli nisi
fuerint sum* ad eund* diem ad Cur* domini B* Item pro filiabus suis maritat'
seu qualitercnmque violat* dabunt vs. nomine Amobr' et nichilominus
tenent* de Forestar*. Item dabunt pro quolibet releuio vs. Item predicti
tenentes sunt liberi et tenentur apud p'dict03 redd* et seruic* et non ad alia.
" Summa nihil.
" Bed* ville de Kylyweyn divid* vt supra.
" De xzi\j«. ivijd. de red* eiusdem ville un* sol' in festo omnium Sanctorum
xviijs. ii\jd. et in festo Apostolorum Philipi et Jacobi v«. nihil r' causa
predicta. Rt sunt ibidem viij lecti de quibus predicti denar* equaliter levari
debent ad eadem festa. Item duo lecti de predictis viij lect* videlicet lectus
ymoe'l et lectus raabon debent sectam facere ad molend' domini Episcopi
Item omnes de predictis vig lect* tenentur venire ad Cur' domini' Episcopi
cum fuerint sum'. Item omnes de eisdem viij lect' sunt eiusdem conditionis
de amobrag* et releugs sic' tenentes de Boduengan et tenentur de Forest'.
" Summa nihil.
*' Bed' ville de Lanwryst diuid' vt supra.
" De v«. de red' eiusdem ville solv' in festo omnium Sanctorum pro toto
anno nihil r* causa predicta.
" Summa nihil.
" Bed' ville de Bryngwyn diuid* ut supra.
" De xiij*. iiyd. de. red* lecti Ith r' qui liber e* un* sol* in festo Omnium
Sanctorum, xviij*. iiijd. Et in festo Apostolorum Philipi et Jacobi ii\]«.
nihil r* ox causa predicts. Ista progenies solvere debet relev' et auiobr' ut
supra et facere sectam ad Our* domini et non ad Molend* et habebit tenentes.
De xxv«. de redd* lecti Gwerihnoit qui fuit olim nativns et modo liber per
* Llywelyn ap Madoc ap Elis, Dean, 1339-57; IMshop, 1357-76*
VOL. II. *
Ixvi ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS.
Episoopam et Capitnlum per incr* xxd. per uinam un* boIy* in feeto OmBiam
Sanctonim xvi^«. iiij</. et in feeto Apostolomm Philipi et Jacobi ▼]<. Ti^d.
nihil r* ex causa predicta. lata prog^enies fac* sectam ad Car' Domini et non
ad Molend' et habebit ten'. Et solv* amobr' et releyia, nt sapnu Et si eom-
munitas ville vel unus eomm yocaret ballivnm Domini ratione placiii ad
▼illam snam ipse qui ipaos vocabit inveniet eis expens' snas pro ilia nocte.
De T«. de red' Ganelescop in Hondrecayrus sol' ad feeta predicta eqnaliter
non r* causa predicta.
" Samma nihil.
rr
Bedd' ville Pengwem dinid' at aapra.
** De xij«. jd. et tercia parte nnins denar' de redd' eiasdem ville nn' sol'
pro redd' dicte ville in festo Omnium Sanctoram xi^s. iij^d. et pro terra
eorum in Enys in eodem festo \jff. ixd. et terciam partem unius denar*. £t
in festo Apostolomm Philipi et Jacobi t«. nihil r' ex causa predicta. Et in
ista villa sunt duo lecti videlicet lectus Nud' et lectus Strwith' et sunt
tenent' Domini Episcopi et solv' relevia et amobr', ut supra et fac' sectam ad
Cur' 't Molend' Domini et tenenentur de Forest' et solam pro sepibas sais
siquas fecerint jd. Et si communitas ville vel anus eorum vocaret ballivoe
Domini Episcopi ad tenend' placitum ad villam suam ipsi de villa inuenient
eis expen' suas pro ilia nocte si ballivi hoc petant nee tamen si hoc faoere
recusent essent in mia'. Et si omnes isti morirentur forte excepto uno, iste
unus debet h'ere totam villam dum tamen solv' Domino redd' cum consueta-
dinibus supradictis insuper nullus eorum tenetur ad cariag*.
" Summa nihil
'* Bedd' ville de Meriadauk cum seruic' eiusd' ville diuid' ut supra.
" De xlig«. iiijd. de redd' i^ lect' in eadem villa videlicet lecti Gaeanar
lecti Meybyon Gron' cum suis descendentibus et lecti Meybyon Bledynt qai
quidem trea lecti sunt liberi un' sol' in festo Omnium Sanctorum xxxiy«.
iiijd. Et in festo Apostolomm Philipi et Jacobi xs. nihil r' ex causa predicta
et debent faeere sectam ad Cur' domini Episcopi et non ad Molend' et aolv'
relev' et amobr' videlicet v\}«. vjd. pro utroque duorum predictorum except'
progenies Bledynt ap Kendals et progenies 'Grbn' ap Seysill' que due proge-
nies solv' nomine Belev' yijs. vjd. sed nihil de amobrag' set nunc tarde solv*
amobr' Et si communitas ville vel unus eomm vocaverit ballivnm domini
ad tenend' placita in villa predicta deberet eoa admittere et expen' snas sibi
inuenire pro ilia nocte nisi possent tempeatiue domum adire. Isti omnea
predicti debent habere tenentes super terr' eorum. Et si unas ten' suorum
amerciaretur in Cur' Episcopi ipsi de villa deberent habere medietatem Ulius
araerciamenti nisi forte litigarent cam tenentibus suis et tunc nihil. Et ai
omnes morirentur excepto uno iste unus debet habere totam villam dum
tamen solv' Episcopo servic' suprascripta et tenentar de Forest' progenies
Neynat que descendit ex iij lect' snpradictis debent solvere jd. pro sepibus
cum sepes fecerint et non debent habere tenentes et sunt eiusd' oonditionis
cum alijs exceptis duobus punotis supraseript' de cariag' non tenentar.
" Summa nihil.
" Bedd' et servic' de Landid divid' at snpra.
" De xxvi\J8. iiijd. de redd' ii\j lect' in eadem villa videlicet lecti Clodid
lecti Merchion lecti Rnsnoel et lect' Amobryd un'sol' in fe^to Omnium Sanc-
torum xij«. viijd. et in festo Apostolomm Philipi et Jacobi vj«. viijd. nihil
ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS. Ixvii
r* ez causa prediota. £t £ao' seotam ad Cur* Domini et non ad molend' et
solv* pro releV et amobr' videlicet pro ntroqne y«. et tenentar de Forestar'
et Bolv'jd. pro sepibas nee debent habere tenentee et tenentur inaenire
ezpen' ballivis Episcopi cum per ipsos faerint too' ad tenend' placita in villa
prediota et si omnes morerentnr ezcepto uno iste unas debet habere totam
TiUam dam tamen solv' Episcopo red' et servic* supniBcripta de cariag' non
tenentur.
" Samma nichil.
" fiedd' et Bervio* ville de MaenoP divid' ut supra.
" De zl«. Tjd. ob. de redd' iig lect' in eadem villa videlicet lecti Dyrys
lecti Tygyr lecti Trahaearn et lecti Eynwryk un' sol' pro redd' dicte ville
in festo Omnium Sanctorum zxvig«. iigd. et pro terra eorum in Enys y«. \jd.
et duas partes unius denar'. Et in festo Apostolorum Philipi et Jacob! zj.
nihil r' causa predicta. Isti debent habere tenentes et solv' pro relev* et vs.
pro amobr' et fac' sectam ad Cur' Episcopi et non ad molend'. De car* non
tenentur et debent inuenire expen' ball' Episcopi cum per ipsos fuerint
vocati ut supra tenentur de Forestar' nee debent solvere denar' pro sepibus
set tenentes eorum ipsum denar' tenentur solvere et si non habuerunt tenea
tee ipsimet tenentur solvere denar' predictum.
" Snmma nihil.
" Bedd' et sei'vio' ville de Henlan divid' ut supra.
" De zvi|j«. ii^d. de villa de Henlan que dividitur in duas partes videlicet
inter homines de Com' Lincoln' de Hyreniat et tenentes Episcopi nn' de
parte tenenc' Episcopi sunt tres lecti videlicet lectus Qillabrydy lectus Les
et lectus Einan qui solv' pro redd' in festo Omnium Sanctorum i\j«. izd. et in
festo Apostolorum Philipi et Jacobi zd. et fac' sectam ad Cur' Episcopi et ad
molend' et solv' pro rel' vs. tenentur de Forest' tenentur eciam solvere jd.
pro sepibus non tenentur de cariag* et si omnes eorum morirentur ezcepto
uno iste unns deberet habere totam terram predictorum trium lectorum
tamen isolveret redd' et seruio' suprascripta nee debet inuenire expen' balli-
vis Episcopi qiialitercumque placita tenuerint in villa predicta. De propri-
etar' de Treyf'yat in Henlan qui tenent medietatem eiusd' ville solv' pro tunk
in festo Omnium Sanctorum vg«. vjd. et in festo Apostolorum Philippi et
Jacobi zzd. Kesidentes ibidem solv* relev' et amobr' fac' sectam ad Cur*
EpiBoopi et non ad molend' et debent habere tenent' fabri vero cum suis pro
heredibus qui tenent' partem dicte ville solv' pro tunk in festo Omnium
Sanctorum iuj«. izd. et in festo Apostolorum Philippi et Jacobi zd. nihil r*
causa predicta. Et solv' amobr' et relev' fac' sectam ad Cur' Episcopi et non
ad molend' tenentur vero de Forestar' debent habere tenentes. Et si omnes
morirentur ezcepto uno iste umis haberet totam villam dum tamen respon-
deret Episcopo de redd' et servio' supradictis.
" Summa nihiL
" Redd' et servic' ville de Bodynot divid' ut supra.
" De zyjs. vigd. de redd' ville de Bodynot pro tunk un' sol' in festo Omnium
Sanctorum zig«. ii^d. Et in festo Apostolorum Philipi et Jacobi i\j«. iigd.
nihil r' causa predicta et solv' amobr' et relev' fac' sectam ad Cur* Episcopi,
non ad Molend' non debent habere tenent' set tenentur respondere de
Forest*.
" Summa, nihil.
Ixviii ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS.
" Bed' et servic' viUe de Botgynwth divid' at supra.
" De XZY8. de red' eiusd* ville in qua villa sunt vj gavelU solv* in fesio
Omnium Sanctorum xyi^«. iiijci. £t in festo Apostolorum Philipi et Jaoobi
yji, yiijd. nihil r' causa predicta et fac* sectam ad Cur* et alias consuet' et
servic', sic' homines de Henlan die' quod homines de Gbnello oomuoU' et
pill' non debent habere tenentes Beliqui ut dicunt debent habere^ et die*
quod non tenentur ad sectam molendinL
" Summa nlhiL
((
it
Bed' et servic' ville de Branan divid' ut supra.
De xs. de red' eiusd' ville in qua villa sunt hiy. lecti de quibus v' sunt
Meybyon Eillion nee debent habere tenentes nee tenentur de secta molendini
tres vero lecti videlicet lectus Morwyth, lectus Prydydymoth', lectus Bicardi
deb' habere tenentes sol' in festo Omnium Sanctorum vj«. viijd. £t in festo
Apostolorum Philipi et Jacobi iijs. ii\jd. nihil r' causa predicta fac' sectam
ad Cur' Episcopi non ad molend*. £t solv' amobr* et rel' ut supra.
" Summa nihil
" Bed' et servic' ville de Treffleth' divid' ut supra.
" De xxvigs. ii^d. de red' eiusd' ville in qua villa sunt iy lecti videlicet
lectus Jor' ap Madant qui ut die' non fac' Episoopo aliquod servic' nisi sectam
Cur' tantum et deb' habere ten' et medietat multe^ tenenc' suorum j amerc'
ut olim nunc non habent et habent molend' et tenentes sui fac' sectam
molendini sui et solv' eis rel' et amobr' et non Episcopo alij duo lecti non
fac' sectam molend' set solv' rel' et amobr' Episcopo predicti vero iij lecti
solv' ad lestum Omnium Sanctorum zxjs. viij<2. Et in festo Apostolorum
Philipi et Jacobi vjs. vi^d. nihil r* causa predicta.
" Summa nihil.
" Bed' et servic' ville de Lansaman divid' ut supra.
** De xjjs. vjd. de red' eiusd' ville que divid' in duas partes quarum unam
partem tenent Meybyon EyUyon Episcopi qui fac' sectam ad Cur* Episcopi
et non ad Molend solv' amobr^ et rel' et solv' jd. pro sepibus un' sol* in festo
Omnium Sanctorum pro tunk x«. Et in festo Apostolorum Philipi et Jacobi
ijs. vjd. nihil r' causa predicta.
" Summa nihil.
" Bed' et servic' ville de Langemyw divid' ut supra.
" De Ixxvs. iid. de red' eiusdem ville in qua villa sunt xx gauell' quorum
progenies Derono Belyn tenet vj qui fac' sect' Cur' nee solv' amobr' neo rel*
habent molend' proprium deb' habere tenent'. Et solv' in festo Omnium
Sanctorum xiijs. u^jd. el al\j xiiij gauelli eiusd' solv' nomine tunk in festo
Omnium Sanctorum xlvjs. xd. Et in festo Apostolorum Philipi et Jacobi
XV 8. nihil r' causa predicta et deb' facere sect' ad Cur' Episcopi, et non ad
molend' et solv' amobr' non tenentur de Forestar', et die' quod quidam
habent molend' quidam non et die' quod Jor' ap Athaf et suicoheredes de
gavello sue debent habere tenent', et Adaf Cadugan et Talflwch' deb' habere
tenent' et die' quod si quia eorum fuerit calumpniand' et vocauerit cum eo
Episcopum Canonicos vel Ballivum pro sui defensione quod illo die comedent
cum eodem.
" Summa nihil."
^ Multure.
(f
ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS. Ixix
(M. 2d.)
" Lanelway ista proficua Bolvi^ pertin' ad Episcopum.
De xls. de ex' ii\j" x acr* terre divers' melior* apad Lanelway prec' acr'
viljd. nihil r' causa predicta. De xxs. de est* Cxx acr' terre dominice debil*
ibidem prec' acr' iijd. nihil r* causa predicta. De ts. de xv hop' frumeuti de
mens' de Lanelway proven' de [quodam redd'] voo' Bmndale vend' prec' hop'
vi\j(f. de termino Omnium Sanctorum pro toto anno nihil r' causa predicta.
De vijd. ob' de redd' ass' voc' [Cratheryon] ibidem de e' t' pro toto anno
nihil r' causa predicta. De ii\jli. de quodam molend' aquat' ibidem sol' dicta
festa Omnium Sanctorum et Apostolorum Fhilipi et Jacobi equalitcr nihil r*
causa predicta. De molendino de Kylowyn quod val' per ann' xvjs. yujd,
Aliquando minus et terra Esc' ibidem que val' per ann' xx«. nihil r' quia
pertin' ad fabric' ecclesie. De \js. de fructu et herbag* pomer' ibidem nihil
r' quia infra firmam Custod'. De xld' de firma cigusdam cotag' et unius
gardini que Mad' Bragour ten' nihil r' causa predicta. De ^'«. vjd. pro firma
piscar' ibidem nihil r' causa predicta.
" Summa nihil.
ff
Kaunerd sine Goydmund.
" De xx«. de ex' terr' et al' profic' ibidem nihil r' causa predicta.
" Ex Nundin' de Lanel'.
" De xh. de ex' Nund' de Lanel' in festo Apostolorum Fhilipi et Jacobi
aliquando mains nihil r' causa predicta divid' inter Episcopum et Capitulum.
«
Placita et perquis' Cur' de Lanel' et Langemy w divid' ut supra.
De xli' xvJ8. vi^'d. de placit' et perquis' Cur' tent' ibidem cum Forestar'
per annum aliquando mains aliquando minus nihil r* causa predicta.
" Manerium de Althmelodyn pertin' totum Episcopo.
" Red' ass'.
" De xlvjs. de red' ass' ville de Althmelodyn sol* in festo Omnium Sanc-
torum pro toto anno nihil r' causa predicta.
" Bed' terminar'.
" De Is. de red' terminar' pro firma terr* Episcopi eis dimiss' ibidem pro
predicto termino Omnium Sanctorum pro toto anno nihil r" causa predicta.
" Terr' dominical'.
" De ii^ li. ixs. ii^'d. de ex' Cxxxiiij acr* terre dominie' dicti maner^ prec'
acr' vi^d. nihil r' causa predicta. De iiijs. vi\jd. de ex' xii^ acr' terre ibidem
prec' acr' ii^d. nihil r' causa predicta. De xxs. de ex' xl acr terre dominie'
ibidem prec' acr' vjd. nihil r' causa predicta. De xxvs. de ex' Ix acr' terre
ibidem prec' acr' vd. nihil r' causa predicta. De xvs. de ex' x\j acr' prati
ibidem prec' acr' xvd. nihil r" causa predicta. De xxs. de ex' xxx acr' terr'
dominie' ibidem prec' acr* vi^'d. nihil r* causa predicta. De xxxa. de ex'
ii^*' X acr' terre dominie' ibidem prec' acr* ii^d. nihil r' causa predicta. De
ex' et profic' pomarij parvi bosci ibidem que val' per ann' xld. per estim'
nihil r' eo quod messor habet omnia profic' eorund' pro labore suo ex assig-
^ (or solum modo. )
Ixx ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS.
natione predict! Custod*. Et me' quod prediote Cxxziiij aor* terre xii^
ierre xg acr* prati et pomarinm oam parro bosco ibidem sant sepanJ'
Episcopi et resid' divid' inter Epiaoopam et Capitulam.
" Plaoita et perquis' Car* separal' Episoopo.
"De zs. de placit* et perquis' Cor' tent' ibidem per annum aliqoando
maiuB aliquando minus nihil r* causa predicta.
" Manerium de Landegla.
','Manerium de Landegla cum villa de Eyftieynt cum omnibus pertin'
subscript'.
*' Bed' ass'.
"De iig«. de red' ass' eiusd' ville de Landegla sol' ad festum Sancti
Mart' pro toto anno nihil r' causa predicta. De zxa. de redd' Tille de
Eeuenonyt sol' ad id' festum nihil r* causa predicta.
" Red' t'iar*.
" De ZT]«. de red' terminar* ville de Landegla sol' in festo Sancti Mart'
pro toto anno nihil r' causa predicta.
"Pirme.
" De zi^*«. ii^d. rec' pro blad' proven' de terr* dominie' ibidem seisinaf ad
terciam garb' ad dimission' dicti Gustod' nihil r* causa predicta. De xU. de
firma molendini aquat' ibidem de termino Sancti Mart' pro toto anno
aliquando minus, nihil r' causa predicta. De zza. rec' de vestur' coiusdam
plac' prati ibidem vend' hoc anno per predictum Custod' nihil r* causa
predicta. De ziiijd. de quadam consuetud' voc' arienmed* de termino
predicto nihil r' causa predicta.
" Advocar*.
" De z\jd. rec' de David ap Cad' de Keueneynt, Ith ap David 't David ap
Eign' vel eorum her' qui sunt in advocar' Episcopi videlicet de quolibet ii^d*
de termino Sancti Martini pro toto anno nihil r' causa predicta.
" Placita et perquis' Cur' cum tol' Nundinar'.
*' De vj«. vi^d. de placita et perquis' Cur' tent' ibidem per annum nihil r^
causa predicta. De iijs, rec' de tol' Nund' ibidem semel in anno in festo
Sancti Nicomedi Martiris nihil r' causa predicta, et non plus r' eo quod
dominus de Bromfeld' cap' mediet' dicti tol'.
" Coruseynfreyd et Putura equi Baglot'.
*' De v«. per estimac' de quad' consuet' voc' Corowseynfreyd et Putura
equi Bagloti nihil r* causa predicta et quia dictum profic* assign' ballivo ten
Cur' ibidem per annum pro labore suo.
« Memorandum quod apud Lanelwey et Langemyw cum pertin' sunt tres
ballivi de quibus ballivis Episcopus deput' ballivos videlicet Baglot' qui
tenebit Cur' cuius Balliva per est' val' per annum zzvjs. viijjd. al' ballivum qui
voc' Seygeynab qui present' in Cur' querel' et attach' rec' denar' et lenab'
eos de dictis Cur' proven' et eius balliva val' per annum per est' lz«. tercium
ballivum qui voc' Forestar' qui custod' boscum et sepes et present' attach'
transgressorum in balliva sua Cur' et lenab' et rec' amerc' proven' de
Forestar' cuius balliva val' per annum xs. et sic possunt dimitti ad firmam.
ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS. Ixxi
" Beo' denar*.
" Idem Ith* ciutoa dictoram temporal' rec* oomp' de iiij^'li. de firma omnium
dictorom temporal* sic ei dimiss' per Jon' de Delam locnm ten' JuBtic' et
Camerar* Cestr', a predicto teroio die Febr' anno xxig usque eund' diem
anno xzzij. per unum annum integr'.
" Summa iig "li. De quibus lib' Roberto de Parys Camerar' Nortb.
Wair per manus Simon de Asseweir derici Ixzvli. v«. vjd. per
unam Indent' inter Bicardum de Eston' solv' eosd' denar* et
dictum Simon' fact'. Et eid' Cameiar' per man' dicti Simon'
zU. vd, per man' Ken' ap Bleth' solv' denar' de ez' Nund' de
Lanelway hoc anno per Indent' inter ipsos Simon' et Ken'
inde factam. Et in alloc' facta eid' Ith' firmbr' xlizs. de ext'
zliz acr' terre dominie' eiusd' Episcopi seminat' an' mortem
suam quae terr' idem Ith' firmar'habuisse deb' infra firmam suam
predictam et de quarum terr' blad' responsurus est domino Princ'
in comp' de bon' et cat' eius' Episcopi. Et deb' vs. De quibus
idem Ith' custos eorundem temporal' r' in comp' suo de ez' eorund*
de anno proz' sequen'.
" Comp' lih* ap Ken* Seys* Cuaiod* iemporaV Spiseopi Aaaau' et temporaV
Veeani et CapiV eiuad* loei a quarto die Febr' anno mmxij ueque ultimam diem
Jun* prott* eequen* pro die dtrhit Cuatoa l%6' eod' temporal* LVio* nunc Epieeopo
Asuav* per hreve domini Prin^.
" Manerinm de Lanelway.
" Idem r' de ii^ li. xii\js. de redd' ass' temporal' Episcopi et Capituli Assav'
videlicet in Botvegan Eillew^ Lanwryst Brynwy Penguem', Meraddok
Landyt Maenol Henlan Body not Botegweich' Branan Treffleich' et Lansan-
nan pertin' ad Manerium de Lanelwey de termino Apostolorum Philipi et
Jaoobi. Et de Ciija, vi^d. de placit' et perquis' Cur* de Lanelwey et Lan-
gemyw ad dictum Manerium pertin' tent' per Ith' ap Ken' Custod' dictorum
temporal' per tempus huius compoti prout patet per particulas cent' in
quodam Bo'lo per dictum Ith' super eod' comp' lib' videlicet de amerc' rel' et
amobr*. Et de xzvijs. vi^ d. de ez' Molendini de Lanel' per tempus predictum.
Et de lzvj«. vi^^. de ez' Nund' de Lanel' in festo Apostolorum Philipi et
Jacobi. Et de iijs. iiijd. de ez' et profic' herbag' pomar^ de Lanelwey
cniusdam Cotag' et vnius gardini que med' Orag^ur ten' et cuiusdam piscar*
ibidem per tempus compoti 't que ext' ad v\js. vjd. ut patet in comp' preced'.
Et de v«. zjd. de parte viijf . vjd. de divers' herbag* infra dominium de Lanel'
dimiss' a festo Annunc' beate Mar* hoc anno zzz^ usque festum Assumpc'
beate Marie proz' sequen' videlicet pro rat' usque ultimum diem Jun'.
" Summa zv/i. ija, iijd,
" Manerinm de Landegla. ^
" Idem r* de z\jd. de placit' et perquis' Cur' ibidem per tempus predictum.
Et de v\j«. vi^d. de ez' Molendini ibidem per id' tempus. Et de vjs. de ez'
nund' ibidem in festo Sancte Tecle Yirginis.
" Summa zij«. vi^d.
'* Manerium de Althmel' et Coytmenyth.
" Et de zzj. vjd. ob' de parte zxzs. iiijd. de divers' herbag' div'is' in terris
dominie' infra dominium de Althmelod' et Coetmeneth' a festo Annunc'
Ixxii ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS.
beate Mar* anno zxx\j usqne festam Assampc' eiasd' prox' seqaen' videlicet
pro rat* temporis usque dictum ult' diem Jun'.
" Snmma xm. vjd. ob*.
" Feed' Ballivorum cum firmis.
" Idem r* de iz«. ixd de feod' pertin' ad Baglot* tenent' Cur* predictas per
tempus predictum. Et de %a. viijd. ob. do feu do cuiusdam alterius balliTi
ibidem qui voc* Sygymab' per idem tempus. Et de liijs. de quadam custama
voc* Halcestre ad offic* predicti Sygymab* pertin*. Et de xxy«. vjd. de firma
ballivi cuiusdam famuli dicti Sygrym&b' in LaneP per idem tempus. Et de
xxij«. vjd.. de firma alterius famuli eiusd' Sygymab' in Lang*.
" Summa Ixxvi^s. ii^'d. ob.
"Summa total' xzli. xiijs. xd. £t va. de rem' firme ipsias Ith' nnper
firmar' eorund' temporal' a tercio die Febr' anno xzxj sic cont' in
compote suo inde summa conjuncta xxli. xvi\j«. xd. De quibus
lib' Bob' de Parys Camerar* North Wall' per manus Simon' de
Asseweir rec'denar' Ixvjs. viyd. per recogn* ipsius Simon'. Et deb*
xv\jli. x\js. iid. De quibus alloc' ei xls. yidelicet xx^ Ricardo de
Eston' Bee' xiija. ii^jd. pro predicto Ith' Sen' ten' Cur* et yjs. viijd.
pro Ken' ap Bleth' ap Mad' clerico scribent' Cur' per tempus pre-
dictum. Et deb' xvli. x\J8. ijd. De quibus r' in magno Botulo
debit' de anno xxxi\j in Cestr'. De quibus sol' xiiijii. vs. vjd. Et
deb' xzvjs. vi^d. De quibus sol' vjs. vi^'d. Item sol' xx«. Et qui-
etus est."
(M. 3 is a duplicate of M. 2. M. 4 is a list of divers ornaments, jewels, etc,
given by Prince Edward to the Bishop, Dean, and Chapter.)
(M. 5.)
" Visus compoti Magistri Johannis de Brunham Jun' Bee' denar* proven'
de exit' temporalium Episcopatus Assaven' exist' in man' Domini Princ'
Wall' Due' Com' 'tc. per mortem David^ nuper Episcopi eiusd' a primo die
Octobr' anno r'r' E. tercg post conquestum xix'no quo die idem Joh' oonsti-
tutus fuit Bee' eorund' temporal' per commissionem dicti domini Princ' in
tergo huius comp' irrotulat' videlicet de den' per ipsum rec* de eisd' tempo-
ral' expen' et liberat' a predicto primo die Octobr* usque xxj diem Septembr'
tunc prox' sequen' anno xx quo die dictns dominus Princ' de gratia sua spe-
ciali concessit eadem temporal' Magistro Johanni Treuaur eiusdem loci Epis-
copo per summum pontificem proviso et ea deliberare precepit per litteras
suas patent' sub private sigillo domino Bicardo de Stafford' custodi dictorum
temporal' et dicto Magistro Johanni direct' similiter in tergo huius comp'
irrotulat'.
" Llanelwey.
" In priniis idem Bee' r' de lvj«. xjd. ob. rec' de redd' ass* pertin' Episcopo
Assav' in villat' de Penguerin' Baynol' Insul' Killeweyn B^duengan Bran-
gwyn et Caerwys de termino Omnium Sanctorum qui terminus accidit infra
tempus iHtius compoti. Et de xvj«. ijd. rec' de eodem redd' ass' de termino
Apostolorum Pbilipi et Jacobi prox' sequen*. Et de iiij«. rec' de j quarterio
frumenti proven' de quodam redd' ass' qui redd' vocatur Grundale in villa de
Llanelwey sic vend' domino Ken' ap Bleth' de termino Omnium Sanctorum
1 Sie. ^ Dafydd ab Bleddyn, Bishop of St. Asaph, 1314-52.
THE
LAND OF MORGAN
BEING A
CONTRIBUTION TOWARDS THE HISTORY
OF THB
LORDSHIP OF GLAMORGAN.
BT
GEO. T. CLARK.
Reprinted, toith Additions and Alterations, from the Journal of the
Aroh^ological Institutk.
LONDON :
WHITINO k CO., LIM., 80 k 82 SARDINLA ST., LINCOLN'S INN FIELDS.
1888.
PSIirTKD BT
WHITIVe AVD CO., LIMITSD, 90 4JrO SS, BABDIKIA 8TKXBT, W.C.
CONTENTS.
Introduction . 1
The Land of Morgan : its Conquest and its Conquerors 7
The Chief Lords : Earls Robert and William of Gloucester 42
The Co-heirs of the Honour and Lordship, and the coming
IN OF THE House of Clare .64
The Earls of Gloucester and Hertford 93
INTRODUCTION.
In the following pages an attempt is made to relate
the history of the Lords of Glamorgan from its Con-
quest and settlement by Robert Fitz Hamon down to
the extinction, in the male line, of the House of Clare,
his descendants and successors. The history of the
Lords, for that period, is in fact the history of the
Lordship, inasmuch as the system of feudal tenures
prevailed there in all its strictness, and the relation
oetween the Chief Lord, his tenants, and their tenants,
being of a military character, in the presence of a brave
and implacable foe, was one of unusual closeness. The
Lordship itself was a fief of the Crown, and every manor
within it was held, mediately or immediately, of the
Chief Lord, as of his Castle of Cardiff.
The Lord held per integram baroniam, but the limi-
tations attending the tenure, undefined by grant or
charter, w^ere not only widely different from those of
an ordinary barony or honour, but appear to have been
different also from those of the other Marcher Lordships.
Glamorgan was a county, and its ambulatory parlia-
ment is styled a Comitatus, and was composed of the
greater tenants, probably from ten to twenty in number,
each of whom, though differing in the amount of their
holdings of the Lord, had to provide a lodging at his
own expense within the Castle yard at Cardiff, con-
nected with their double capacity of defenders of the
Castle in war, and advisers of its Lord in times of
peace. Each, moreover, had his own castle, and some of
them were also Lords of mesne manors and castles, whose
tenants paid to them services similar to their own.
The Comitatus was a Court of Chancery or Record,
B
INTRODUCTION.
composed of the Lords principal tenants or barones
comitatus, presided over by the Lord's Vice-Gomes,
or Sheriff, from the decisions of which there lay no
appeal to the (Jrown, and which levied fines, and regu-
lated wardships, escheats, scutages, inouisitions, for-
feitures, and other usual incidents of the leudal system.
One of latest fines levied before this Court, in the time
of Jasper, Duke of Bedford, describes Sir Richard Croft,
Knight, Sheriff, as presiding, and Richard TurberviUe,
David Mathew, John Butler, John ap Jenkyn ap
Riderch, and John Came as the Barons. No doubt
the Marcher Lords generally levied fines and stepped
into escheated lands, but the machinery of government
in the lordship of Glamorgan seems to have been of a
far more extensive and perfect character than elsewhere.
It certainly was far more so than in the contiguous
lordships of Gower, Brecknock, and Upper Gwent, and
probably than in any other Welsh Marcher lordship,
save only Chester. How it came about that Fitz
Hamon obtained and transmitted such exceptional
privileges is not known. The nearly contemporary
conquerors of Gwent, Brecknock, Gower, Caermaothen,
Cardigan, and Pembroke, were to the full as great
men as Fitz Hamon, and the Lord of Montgomery was
certainly greater and more powerful, but so far as has
been ascertained, in none of these districts was the
jurisdiction of the complete character of that estab-
lished in Glamorgan. Something, probably, was due
to the position of Glamorgan under its Welsh princes,
some of whom bore the title of King, holding Cardiff
as their principal seat of government, and the district
about it as the Royal cantred or hundred. The laws
and customs of Glamorgan were also of a peculiar cha-
racter, and the Norman Lords, powerful as they were,
found it convenient to respect them, at least as regards
the more mountainous and more purely Welsh part of
their territory.
There could not be a more complete impernim In
imperio than was the sway of the Norman Lord of
INTRODUCTION.
Glamorgan, within the lordship. It was described
as "sicut regale". Cardiff and the Taff were his Bungay
and Waveney ; and once there seated, no King of
Cockney could reach him. Coyty, and at least one hill
lordship, comprising the two commotes of Senghenydd,
were held of him per haroniam; Avan, the only im-
portant lowland lordship in the hands of a Welsh
family of rank, was held by serjeantry. Most of the
manors were held directly of Cardiff by the tenure
of Castle-guard ; a few were held immediately of the
larger manors. All the greater tenants, with the
exception of the Lords of Avan and Senghenydd, and
perhaps one or two more, were of Norman blood, and
also held estates in England, chiefly within the Honour
of Gloucester, within the counties of Gloucester, Somer-
set, Devon, and Dorset. The Liher Niger gives a list
of the knights who held of the Honour, and in it occur
the names of twenty who also held lands in Glamorgan.
These are BerkeroUes, de Cardiff, Cogan, Constantino,
Croc, Grenville, de Londres, Maisi, ae la Mare, Ner-
bert, Norris, Pennard, Reigny, St. Quintin, Le Sore,
Somery, Umfi^nville, Villers, Walsh, and de Winton.
This list, moreover, for some unknown reason omits
a number of other knightly tenants who held lands in
Devon, Dorset, and Somerset, also within the Honour,
and many of whom not only held lands but have given
their names to parishes and manors in Glamorgan.
Such are Bawdrip, Hawey, de la More, St. John, and
Turberville, and in the latter class, Barry, Bonville,
Cantelupe, Fleming, and Sully.
As the Lords of Glamorgan also held the Honour of
Gloucester, cases of divided allegiance were rare. Only
one such is on record, where the Beauchamps of Hache
claimed the wardship of Hawey, who held the manor
of Combe- Hawey in Somerset of the Beauchamps, and
that of St. Donats in Glamorgan of the Earls of Glou-
cester. The case came before the Comitatus^ but the
finding is not on record. The only other case in which
the proceedings before the Comitatus are preserved re-
B 2
INTRODUCTION.
lated to the right of appeal to the King's Court.
During the troubled reign of Henry III, Richard
Siward, a Glamorgan baron, Lord of Talavan and Llan-
blethian, having rebelled against the Lord, the Curia
Comitatus declared his estates forfeited, and himself
"waiviatum de comitatu" or " Wolveshed" according to
the usage of the county. Siward, on this, appealed to
the Curia Regviy on the ground that the Earl was a
party concerned, and could not therefore be a fair
judge. The Lord refused to acknowledge or plead
to such an appeal, and called on the King to respect
his privileges. Naturally the King was anxious to
break down the Marcher powers, which in truth w^ere
inconsistent with the uniform government of the State,
and Henry happened at that conjuncture to have the
upper hand. The result was a compromise, but it was
evident that the local court had always been independent
of the Curia Regis.
Even as late as the reign of Henry IV, the general
laws of the kingdom had but little force in Glamorgan ;
for, in the 12th of that King, the Escheator is ex-
onerated for failing in a levy, on the ground that
he could not be expected to execute his office where
the King's writ did not run, "propter nimiam et magnam
potentiam et resistenciam"; and a century or so later a
messenger of the Court of Chancery, who tried to serve
an order of Court at Radyr, was pelted with stones
from the roof of the Manor House, and had to quit the
Principality re infectd. But the currency denied to the
laws of the realm was permitted to the old native
customs, to which the people were much attached.
These, however, were confined almost entirely to the
hill lordships and commotes. In the vale, where
nearly all the larger landholders were of foreign origin,
the laws were practically those of England. Land
descended to the male heir, and failing him, in co-
parceny to females. Copyhold tenure, unknown in
the HUls, was common, and heriots were very general.
Ordinary justice was administered by Courts-leet and
INTRODUCTION. 5
Courts-baron, and the burgesses and freeholders, in
many cases all Welshmen, elected their own officers,
subject to a well-defined and moderate veto from the
Lord. In a few manors gavelkind prevailed, and in
one or two borough-Englisn.
The Lord's power originally extended over the pos-
sessions and dignities of the Church. He was patron
of the Abbeys of Neath and Margam, and exercised
the right of haculnm pastorale, of appointing or con-
firming the election of the Abbot. Also he had the same
power, or dignitas crocicBy with regard to the Bishopric
of Llandaff. The Crown, indeed, challenged this, and
in the reign of Edward I it was compromised ; but the
Lord continued to collate to the Archdeaconry and
other Cathedral preferments, sede vacante, and, during
such intervals, to hold the temporalities of the See.
The Act of the 27 Henry VHI, cap. 26, gives, among
other reasons for the new settlement of Wales, that its
"rights, usages, laws, and customs be far discrepant
from the laws and customs of the realm", but neither
here nor in any other of the Acts relating to Wales do
we find any description or distinct allusion to, still less
any recognition of, the Marcher Courts and customs.
The Act above cited, in constituting the Kind's Courts
in Glamorgan, enumemtes as parte of the new shire
the Lordships of Gower, Kilvae, Bishopston, Llandaff,
Senghenydd supra and suhtus, Miskin, Ogmore, Glyn-
Rothney, Talygam, Ruthyn, Talavan, Llanblethian,
Llantwid, Tir-y-Iarl, Avan, Neath, Llantweie, and
the Clays, all of which seem originally to have had
distinct jurisdictions. One of the exceptions to the
new system is in favour of Henry, Earl of Worcester,
who remained "Justice of the shire of Glamorgan".
The mysterious and total disappearance of the re-
cords of the Comitattis, is fatal to anything like a com-
t)lete history of Glamorgan. Fortunately, however, the
ordship being held in cajnte, the King had a right to
an inquisitio post mortem on the death of each Lord,
and to the custody of the lordship and the heir, if
6 INTRODUCTION.
a minor. These inquisitions have been preserved with
the records of the realm, and throw great Hght upon
the descent of the landed property, as do the Pipe rolls
for the corresponding periods upon the sources of income
and the details of expenditure. Moreover, as most
of the Lords of Manors were of English descent, and
either the heads or cadets of existing English families,
these names appear in English records, especially in
those connected with the western counties. Also,
although the cartulary and most of the charters of
Neath Abbey are lost, and the cartulary of Margam is
inaccessible, there is preserved in the British Museum
a large collection of the charters of the latter Abbey,
and at Gloucester many of the grants relating to the
property in Glamorgan of the Abbey of St. Peter,
Several of the boroughs also have preserved their
charters, and a few exist at St. Donats and Fonmon,
and in the collection of the late most industrious
antiquary Mr. Francis. From these sources has been
drawn what is known of the history of the county
before the reign of Henry VIII, and what is recorded
in the following pages. The public records relating to
South Wales, and more especially to Glamorgan, have
been searched with equal industry and acuteness by
Mr. Floyd, to whom the writer has to acknowledge
obligations too extensive to be more particularly
specified.
Talygarn, 1883.
THE LAND OF MORGAN : ITS CONQUEST
AND ITS CONQUERORS.
Of the forty shires of England there are certainly not
a score of which good histories have been written,
and not above five or six and twenty of which there
are any tolerable histories at all. Even Yorkshire,
so rich in antiquities of every kind, ethnological, ethno-
graphical, architectural, and genealogical ; in pre-
historic tumuli ; in proper names given by the Briton,
the Roman, and the Northman ; in march dykes ;
Roman and other encampments ; military roads and
moated mounds ; in the ruins of glorious abbeys and
mighty castles ; in its noble cathedral and grand parish
churches, upon two of which the brevet rank of cathe-
dral has been imposed ; in its venerable and splendid
country seats, and in its ancient and often historic
families — ^ven Yorkshire, so rich in all these varied
and tempting subjects, and rich too in material wealth,
has yet met with no historian. Divisions of the county,
as Richmondshire and Hallamshire, Doncaster, and
Sheffield, are the subjects of works quite of the first
class, but neither the local history of the great
Shire, nor even that of one of its Ridings, has been
placed upon record. If such be the case in wealthy
and cultivated England, it is no great shame in
Wales to be, as regards county histories, in a still
more unprovided condition, as indeed the Princi-
pality must be admitted to be. There is but one his-
tory, Jones's Brecknock, of any Welsh county, at all
worthy of the name, for assuredly neither Fenton's
Pembrokeshire nor Meyrick's Cardigan merit that title.
And yet, as is abundantly shown in the volumes of the
8 THE LAND OF MORGAN :
Arch<Bologia Cambrensis, and in the copious though
incidental notices of Wales in Eyton's exceUent History
of Early Shropshire, it is not the material that is want-
ing. Cambria, though not the cradle, the latest home
of the Cymric people, has no reason to complain of her
share of the gifts of nature or of their adaptation to
produce material prosperity. The incurvated coast,
whence the country is thought to derive its name,
abounds in bays and headlands of extreme beauty and
grandeur. In the North, its scenery is bold and strik-
ing ; in the South it is of a softer character, and cele-
brated rather for its valleys than its mountains, its
meandering rivers rather than its dashing torrents.
In mineral wealth the North is not deficient, but the
South has the lion s share, nor does any part of it
approach in value the division of Glamorgan. Here,
in the centre of the Welsh coal field, that mineral is
not only abundant in quantity, easy of access and con-
venient for transport by sea, but it is of a character
equally removed from the bituminous varieties of the
east and the anthracite of the west, so that it produces
unusual steam power in proportion to its weight and
bulk, and does so without raising the usual accompani-
ment of smoke — qualities which render it valuable in
commerce and still more in request in naval warfare.
Wales, moreover, and especially Glamorgan, was
for centuries the scene of romantic and spirit-stirring
events, and has had a large measure of ecclesiastical
and military renown. To Pelagius, though their names
have the " merit of congruity", the land of Morgan
cannot indeed lay claim ; and too many of her early
sons, like the Greeks before Agamemnon, slumber un-
recorded beneath her cairns and barrows. But of
others, notices have survived, and their sweet savour
is found in the churches which they have founded, in
the records of LlandaflF, the earliest of British bishoprics,
and in the fragmentary, but ancient literature of the
people. Bede relates how "Lever Mawr", the "great
light", better known in translation as King Lucius,
ITS CONQUEST AND ITS CONQUERORS. 9
moved Eleutherius, a.d. 160, to send over from Rome
Fagan and Djrvan to preach the gospel to his people.
They settled at Avalon, but seem to have laboured
much across the Severn, where their names are vet
preserved in the Churches of St. Fagan and Mertnyr
Dovan, the latter indicating the manner in which its
founder bore testimony to his faith.
Gildas, an author of the sixth century, whose name
is prefixed to the treatise De excidio Britannice^ written
certainly before the time of Bede, is associated with
Glamorgan, from having paid a visit to St. Cadoc at
Llancarvan, where, before either Saxon or Norman
had profaned the banks of the Carvan, the Siloa of
Glamorgan, many of those holy men who gained the ap-
!)e]lation of terra sanctorum for the land in which they
aboured, were educated and sent forth to their work.
The monastic school, or Chorea Sanctorum of Llancarvan,
is said to have been founded by the saints Germanus and
Lupus to counteract the Pelagianism of the district,
strong in the name and heresy of Morgan ; but the
claim of Germanus in this respect is challenged for
Dubricius, a saint of the close of the sixth century,
and for Cadoc, or Cattwg, a saint and prince, whose
name survives in the adjacent Cadoxton, whose triad
has gained for him the appellation of "the wise", and
who, with St. David and Nennius, claims to have
shared in the instruction of St. Finnian, one of the
apostles of Christian Ireland. A charter by Merchiaun,
witnessed by Bishop Gwrgan (Gucawnus), who died
A.D. 982, mentions the Abbot "totius dignitatis ecclesise
sancti Cattoci Lancarvanie"; and it was at Llancarvan,
towards the middle of the twelfth century, that
Caradoc, named from thence, penned that account of
the Principality known as the Bintt-y-Tyu^ysogion^
which, expanded and continued by the successive
labours of Price and Lloyd, Powell and Wynne, still
holds the chief place in Welsh historical literature. In
Llancarvan also, upon his patrimony of Trev- Walter,
or Walterston, was probably born Walter Calenius, or
10 THE LAND OF MORGAN:
de Map, a son of Blondel de Map, chaplain to Fitz-
Hamon, and who acquired the property by marriage
with Flwr, its Welsh heiress. Walter became chaplain
to Henry I, and Archdeacon of Oxford, and was one of
those who, during the reigns of the two Henrys, and
under the protection of Robert Earl of Gloucester, Lord
of Glamorgan, promoted the growth of English litera-
ture, and was besides celebrated for his lively and
pungent satires upon Becket and the clergy of his day.
He also seems to have added largely to the stocks of
Arthurian romance, and to have made popular those
legends upon which his friend and contemporary Greof-
frey of Monmouth founded his well-known volume.
These well-springs of Cymric history are, indeed, scanty
and turbid, and must be drawn from with great discri-
mination ; but it is from them, from the l/ifr Cocky or
Red Book, otherwise known as the Book of Llandaff,
and from the lives of St. Cadoc, St. Iltyd, and
other of the Welsh saints, that is derived all that
is known of the history of Glamorgan before the Nor-
man invasion. Nor is the testimony of the Book of
Llandaff confined to Llancarvan. Both Llan- Iltyd or
Llantwit, under the presidency of St. Iltutus, and
Docunni or Llandoch, now Llandough upon the Ely,
were celebrated as monastic colleges early in the fifth
century ; and even now, in the churchyard of each
place, are seen those singular obelisks or upright stones,
rudely, but efiectively, adorned with knot-work in
stone, and of very ancient, though uncertain, date.
Glamorgan extends about fifty-three miles along the
northern shore of the Bristol Channel, here broadening
into an estuary. From the seaboard as a base it passes
inland twenty-nine miles in the figure of a triangle, the
northern point abutting upon the range of the Beacons
of Brecknock. Its principal towns, Cardiff and Swan-
sea, are placed near the southern angles of the triangle :
Merthyr, of far later growth, stands at the northern
angle, and near the head, as Cardiff is near the opening,
of the Taff, and Swansea of the Tawe. Aberdare upon
ITS CONQUEST AND ITS CONQUERORS. 11
the Cynon, and Tre-Herbert upon the Rhondda, tribu-
taries of the Taff, are the centres of immense nebulae
of population, at this time condensing with more than.
American rapidity into considerable towns. The actual
boundaries of the county, east and west, are the Afon-
Eleirch or Swan river, now the Rhymny, from Mon-
mouthshire, and the Uwchwr or Burry from Caermar-
thenshire. The episcopal village and Cathedral of
Llandaff stand upon the Llan or mead of the Taff, a
little above Cardiff.
The great natural division of the county is into up-
land and lowland, called by the old Welsh the Blaenau
and the Bro; the latter extending, like the Concan of
Bombay, as a broad margin along the seaboard, and
covering about a third of the area ; the former, rising
abruptly like the Syhadree Ghauts, and lying to the
north. The Bro, though containing sea cliffs of a hun-
dred feet, is rather undulating than hiUy ; the Blaenau
is throughout mountainous, and contains elevations
which rise to 1,200, 1,600, and, at Cam Moysin, to
2,000 feet. From this high ground spring the rivers
of the county. Besides the four already mentioned,
are the Nedd, on which are the town of Neath and
the dock of Briton-Ferry, the Ely with the dock of
Penarth, the Ogwr flowing through Bridgend, and the
Cowbridge Thawe, whose waters roll into the sea over
a field of water-worn lias pebbles, in repute as an
hydraulic limestone, in great request among engineers,
and as celebrated as that of Barrow on the Soar.
Besides these are a multitude of small streams bearing
Welsh names, some of which, as the Sarth or Javelin,
and the Twrch or Boar, are highly significant.
The Uwchwr is the only Glamorgan river admitting,
in any degree, of navigation, and that to a very small
extent. The other streams are rapid and uncertain,
sometimes foaming torrents, sometimes dry beds of
shingle, but more commonly with a moderate flow.
They descend through those wild and rocky but always
verdant valleys, for which Glamorgan is justly famed.
12 THE LAND OF MORGAN:
Both the Taff and the Nedd are celebrated for their
scenery, but the Taff has the advantage not only in
the conflux of valleys, which form so pleasing a feature
at Pont-y-Prydd, but in the grand cleft by which that
river, guarded by the ancient castle of the De Clares,
and the far more ancient camp of British origin, bursts
from its constraint amidst the mountains, and rolls in
easy and graceful curves across the plain of Cardiff.
Cardiff, the principal port of the county, is formed
by the union of the Taff and the Ely, and its roadstead
is protected by the headland of Penarth. Swansea,
its western rival, opens upon its celebrated bay : Briton-
Ferry, Port Talbot, and Perth Cawl are intermediate
and smaller ports. A curious feature upon several
points of the sea-coast are the large deposits of blown
sand, probably an accumulation of the twelfth century,
but first mentioned in a charter of Richard II, 1384,
in which he grants to the Abbot and Convent of
Margam the forfeited advowson of Avene propter
miam terram per sahulum maritimum destructam in
nimiam depauperacione'in abbaticB, This sand, the
movement of the surface of which has hitherto defied
all attempts at planting, has advanced upon Merthyr
Mawr and Kenfig and some parts of Gower, and, like
the dragon of Wantley, has swallowed up much pas-
ture, at least three churches, a castle, a village or two,
and not a few detached houses.
The superficial features of the county are largely
affected by its mineral composition. The mountain
districts contain the coal-field, of late years so exten-
sively worked : the lowlands are mainly old red sand-
stone and mountain limestone, more or less eroded by
water, and covered up by the unconformable, and
nearly horizontal, beds of the magnesian conglomerate,
the new red, and the lias. The county contains no
igneous rocks, nothing known older than the old red,
and no regular formation later than the lias. The
gravels, however, are on a large scale, and their sections
throw much light upon the origin and dip of the
ITS CONQLTEST AND ITS CONQUERORS. 13
pebbles, and therefore upon the measure and direction
of their depositing forces.
The charms of Glamorgan have not wanted keen
appreciation. An early triad asserts of it : —
" The Bard loves this beautiful country,
Its wines, its wives, and its white houses.*'
Its wines are, alas ! no more ; not even the patriotic
efforts of Lord Bute, in his vineyard at Castell Coch,
have as yet been able to raise a mummr from the local
temperance societies ; but the white cottages still
glisten, nestled in the recesses of the hills ; and if its
wives no longer enjoy a special pre-eminence in Wales
it is only because the fair sex of other counties, emulous
of the distinction, have attained to the same merits.
The verses, by Dean Conybeare, in which the senti-
ments of this triad are embodied, seem worthy of
preservation here : —
" Morgan wg ! thy vales are fair,
Proud thy mountains rise in air ;
And frequent, through the varied scene
Thy white-walled mansions glare between :
May the radiant lamp of day
Ever shed its choicest ray
On those walls of glittering white ;
Morgan wg ! the Bards* delight,
" Morganwg ! those white walls hold
A matchless race in warfare bold ;
In peace the pink of courtesy,
In love are none so fond and free.
May, etc,
" Morganwg ! those white walls know
All of bliss is given below,
For there in honour dwells the bride,
Her lover's joy, her husband's pride.
May, etc."
The glowing description of Speed has been often
quoted, and is well known ; a modern and more prosaic
writer, following in the same school of geography that
has compared Italy to a boot, and Oxfordshire to a
seated old woman, has employed a sort of memoria
1 4 THE LAND OF MORGAN *.
technica for the general form of Glamorgan, which he
likens to a porpoise in the act of diving : "Roath re-
presents its mouth, Ruperra its prominent snout,
Blaen-Rhymny and Waun-cae-Gerwin its dorsal fins,
the peninsula of Gower its outstretched tail, and the
Hundred of Dinas Powis its protuberant belly." Hig-
den, writing in the fourteenth century, extends his
panegyric to the whole Principality.
" Sic propero ad Walliara
Ad Priam i prosapiam,
Ad Magni Jovis sanguinem
Ad Dardani progeniem.
• • « •
" Terra foecunda frnctibiis
£t camibus et piscibus ;
Domesticis, silvestribus,
Bobus, equis, et ovibus ;
Apta cunctis seminibus,
Culmis, spicis, graminibus;
Arvis, pratis, nemoribus,
Herbis gaudet, et floribus ;
Fluminibus et fontibus,
CoDvallibus et montibus.
Convallea pastum proferunt,
Montes metalla conferunt ;
Carbo sub terras cortice,
Crescit viror in vertice ;
Calcem per artis regulaa
Prajbet ad tecti, tegiilas.
Epularum materia
Mel, lac, et lacticinia,
Mulsum, medo, cervisia.
Abundant iu hac patria,
Et quicquid vitee congruit
Ubertim terra tribuit.
«(
Convictus hujus patriae
DifFert a ritu Angliee,
In vestibus in victibus,
In caeteris quam pluribus,
His vestium insignia
Sunt clamis et camisia,
£t crispa femoralia.
Sub ventis et sub pluvia,
Plura non ferunt tegmina
Quaravis brumcscat Borea.
• • • •
ITS CONQUEST AND ITS CONQUERORS. 15
" Itidem in South-Wallia
Apud Kaerdiff est insula,
Juxta Sabrinum pelagus,
Barri dicta antiquitus,
In cujus parte proxima,
Apparet rima modica,
Ad quara si aurem commodes
Sonum mirandum audies,
Nunc quasi flatus follium
Nunc metallorum sonitum
Cotis ferri fricamina
Fornajis nunc incendia.
Bed hoc non est difficile
Ex fluctibus contingere
Marinis subintrantibus
Hunc sonum procreantibus."
Glamorgan received a western addition and became
a regular county in the reign of Henry VIII, but the
ancient limit still divides the sees of Llandaff and St.
David's. Both districts, by some accounts, were in-
cluded in the ancient Morganwg. " Glamorgan", says
Rees Meyric, " differs from Morganwg, as the parti-
culars from the general," Morganwg being the older
name and far more comprehensive territory. ''Mor-
ganwg", says the same authority, "extended from
Gloucester bridge to the Crumlyn Brook near Neath,
if not to the Towy River, and included parts of the
later shires of Gloucester, Monmouth, Hereford, Breck-
nock, and Glamorgan, and it may be of Caermarthen."
Glamorgan, on the other hand, seems to have been
confined to that part of the present county that lies
along the seaboard, south of the portway, or road,
probably Roman, from Cardiff to Cowbridge and
Neath, and this it is which is said to have been ruled
by Morgan HSn, or the aged, in the middle of the
tenth century. To this Prince has been attributed the
name of his territory, Gwlad-Morgan or Morgan's
country, and there is no evidence for its earlier use.
The rule of his descendants, however, under the same
name, seems to have included the northern or hill
country ; and, finally, Fitz-Hamon and his successors,
although of the ancient Morganwg they held only that
16 THE LAND OF MORGAN :
small part between the Rhymny and the Usk, always
styled themselves "DominiMorganiaB etGlamorganiaB"in
their charters, nor was the style altered even when the
Monmouthshire lands passed away for a time by a
co-heir to the Audleys.
The Britons, both of East and West Britain, seem,
when fairly conquered, to have accepted the Roman
yoke with, equanimity ; and it is evident, from the
remains of Roman villas all over Wales, that the in-
truders lived there in peace. This was never the case
with the English. The Welsh never accepted their
rule, and their language contains many expressions in-
dicating their deadly and continued hate. Even in the
Herefordshire Irchenfield, where many parishes bear
English names, and which probably from the time of
Alfred was part of an English county, and along" the
Shropshire border, within and about Offa's Dyke, all
the English dwellings were fortified. The points of
contact between the Welsh and the various tribes of
Northmen were numerous ; sometimes on the English
border, where a large infusion of the names are English,
sometimes along the sea-coast, where such names as
Skokholm, Holm, Sealm, Gresholm, Gatholm, Strumble
Head, Nangle, and Swansea, savour strongly of the
Baltic ; and it seems probable that in some degree to
those early Vikings, as well as to the later settlements
of Flemings or English, is due the Teutonic element
which prevails in the topography of Lower Pembroke
and Gower. In Glamorgan, how^ever, the Welsh in the
eleventh century seem pretty well to have recovered
their territory, and to have disposed of their invaders
as they disposed of Harold himself when he attempted
to erect a hunting lodge for the Confessor at Port-
skewit.
Gwrgan, the penultimate Welsh prince who ruled
over Glamorgan, is usually called by the Welsh Lord
of Morgan wg ; which, however, he certainly never held
in its extended sense, his rule having been confined to
the tract from the Usk to the Crumlyn, and from the
ITS CONQUEST AND ITS CONQUERORS. 17
Brecknock border to the sea. His name is said to be
preserved in Gwrganstown, near Cowbridge, but he
lives chiefly in the memory of the Welsh as having
laid open the Common of Hirwaun, thence known
as " Hirwaun- Wrgan", or " Gwrgan's long meadow",
near Aberdare.
Jestyn ap Gwrgan, his son and successor, had a
powerfiil and ambitious neighbour in Rhys ap Twdwr,
Lord of Deheubarth, or the shires of Caermarthen,
Cardigan, and Pembroke, with whom, as was natural
to his race, he was at war ; and getting, or fearing to
get, the worst in the struggle, he dispatched Einion ap
CoUwyn, a refugee from Dyfed, who had lived much
with the Normans, to Robert Fitz-Hamon for aid.
Fitz-Hamon was a friend and follower of Rufiis, and
Lord of the Honour of Gloucester, the magnificent
heritage of Brictric, who is said to have refused the
hand of Matilda, who afterwards married William the
Conqueror, but never forgave the spretcB injuria formoB.
The Roman de Brut says : —
" Meis Brictrich Maude refusa
Dunt ele mult se coru^a."
Fitz-Hamon, not insensible to the attractions of a
Marcher Lordship, crossed the Severn with his troops,
and landed, it is said, at Porthkerry in or about 1093.
Joining his forces to those of Jestyn, they met, attacked,
and conquered Rhys at Bryn-y-beddau near Hirwaun,
within or close upon the border of Brecknock, and slew
him on the brow of an adjacent hill in Gl3ni Rhondda,
thence called Penrhys. Goronwy, a son of Rhys, also
was slain, and Cynan, another son, was drowned in a
large marsh between Neath and Swansea, thence called
PwU-Cynan.
The Normans are said to have received their subsidy
at the " Mill-tir-awr", or Golden Mile, near Bridgend,
and to have departed by land. Einion, however, was
refused his guerdon, the hand of Jestyn's daughter; on
which he recalled the Normans, who had a fray at
c
18 THE LAND OF MORGAN:
Mynydd Bychan, near CardiiF, at which Jestyn was
slain. Einion's reward was the hill-lordship of Seng-
henydd, but in the Welsh tradition he is always stig-
matised as Einion-fradwr, " the traitor". Jestyn was
also supported by Cedrych ap Gwaethfoed, Lord of
Cardigan, but closely connected with Glamorgan, and
ancestor of Lewis of Van and other of the older
families in the east of the county.
The proceedings of Fitz-Hamon during and upon his
conquest have been woven into a legendary tale, very
neat and round, very circumstantial, but as deficient in
evidence as though it had proceeded from the pen of
Geoffrey himself. The story, which in South Wales is
an article of faith, explains the jealousy between Rhys
and Jestyn, resting, of course, upon a woman; the
cause of the special selection of Einion to bring in the
Normans ; the battle of Hirwaun- Wrgan ; the death
of Rhys and his sons ; the payment of the Normans in
gold ; the refusal to Einion of his guerdon ; the retire-
ment and return of the Normans ; the death of Jestyn
and the occupation of his territory ; and, finally, its
partition between the conqueror and his twelve prin-
cipal followers, and four or five Welshmen.
By whom, or when this story was concocted is not
known. It was certainly accepted without challenge
in the reign of Elizabeth, and could scarcely have been
circulated before the extinction of the Le Despencers,
early in the fifteenth century. Probably its author
was some follower of the Stradlings of St. Donats, a
family somewhat given to literature, whose fictitious
pedigree it sets forth as true. What is certam is,
that whatever may have been the cause alleged, the
invasion was not really due to any local quarrel, but
was part of a settled policy for completing the English
conquest ; a policy which, if not undertaken by Fitz-
Hamon, would have been carried out by Rufus in
person, or by some of the adventurers who about the
same time were taking possession of Monmouth and
Brecknock and the whole of South-west Wales. In-
ITS CONQUEST AND ITS CONQUERORS. 19
deed, Rufus awaited the result of Fitz-Hamon's ex-
pedition at Alveston, between Bristol and Gloucester,
and is supposed to have been only prevented by ill-
ness from bearing a share in it. A few months after
the main success there seems to have been a rising of
the Welsh in Wentloog, Glamorgan, and Gower, the
result of which, according to the Brut, was so far
successful that it secured for them somewhat better
terms, of which, however, there is but little evidence
in what is known of the disposition of the lands.
It is singular that of so notable a man as Fitz-Hamon
so little should be known. His father, " Hamo Den-
tatus", seems to have received favours from Duke
William, who specially noticed his defection, with that
of Neel de St. Sauveur, Grimont de Plessy, and Ranulph
of Bayeux at Val-fe-Dunes, as recorded in the Croniqne
des Dues de Normandie : —
" Par eel Rannol de Beiesin
E par Neel de Costentin
E par Hamun una Antecriz
£ par Grimont des Plaiseiz.
Felon, parjor e traitor
E vers Deu e vers lor Seignor
Neel, Hamun, Ranol, Grimont."
In the battle, among the leaders, was " Haimonem
a^omine Dentatum", who led the first line of six
thousand men and much distinguished himself, fighting
hand to hand with the King of France, by whose
attendants he was slain. He is there called Sieur de
Thorigny, de Bersy, et de CreuUy, and his war-cry
(according to the Roman de Rou), was " St. Amant";
" Et Han-a-dens va reclamant,
•St. Amant*, sire 'Saint Amant*."^
Malmesbury speaks of Haimon as "Avum Roberti qui
nostro tempore in Anglia multarum possessionum incu-
bator extitit", but he was more probably the father.
1 St. Armand was the patron saint of Thorigny, sometimes called
** St. Amand de Thorigny".
c 2
20 THE LAND OF MORGAN:
Hamo-a-Dens seems to have had two sons, for Hamo
Dapifer is stated by Wm. of Jumi^ges to be brother of
Robert Fitz-Hamon. " Dedit etiam illi [Roberto Comiti
Glouc :] rex terram Haimonis dapiferi, patrui videlicet
uxoris suae." Hamo Dapifer, though omitted in the
index to the folio Domesday , appears as a tenant in
chief in the record, holding in Essex fourteen parishes,
and as " Haimo Vicecomes" possessing others in Kent
and Surrey. Hasted says he was also called " Creve-
quer". He was one of the Judges in the great cause
between Archbishop Lanfranc and Odo, and died child-
less in the reign of Heniy I. The land thus granted
by Henry I to Earl Robert's wife descended to her
children and their successors, and thus it was that
Dunmow came to the De Clares.^
In the list of fees held under the Church of Bayeux,
" Robertus filius Hamonis" is entered as holding ten
fees of the Honour of Evreux under Bayeux, and he
was hereditary standard-bearer to the Blessed Mary of
Bayeux, as Earl Robert of Gloucester was after him.
Meyrick calls him Earl of Corboile, but the Haymo
who was Lord of the Castle of Corboile, died on his
way to Rome, during the reign of Hugh Capet, and
his son was Theobald, as is related in the life of Earl
Burchard, who married his widow.
Though not mentioned in Domesday, Fitz-Hamon
was probably then in England, for Mr. Ellis has found
his name connected with Gloucester, in what he re-
gards as the notes whence that part of the survey was
compiled. He was in the confidence of Rufiis, and on
the eve of the Welsh expedition received from him the
Honour of Gloucester, whence, indeed, he drew, as was
of course intended, men and means. On the death of
Rufus, when Duke Robert landed at Dorchester and
advanced in arms from Winchester to meet his brother,
he was accompanied by Fitz-Hamon, who succeeded in
^ The office of Dapifer seems to have been held by the elder Hamo;
for, in 1088, Robert, son of Hamo Dapifer, aided Rufus in the siege of
Rochester Castle.
ITS CONQUEST AND ITS CONQUERORS. 21
negotiating a peace between the brothers. As Seig-
neur of Thorigny and Creully he was homager of
Robert, "Homme de Due", as it was called, but he seems
thenceforward to have adhered to Henry, whom he
supported in 1101 against the "Optimates", who sup-
ported Robert. In that year the letter written by
Henry on his accession, to Anselm, is witnessed' by
Robert Fitz-Hamon and Hamo Dapifer. In 1105 he
was captured during the siege of Bayeux, taking refuge
in the Tour de Moustrier de Secqueville, which was
burned. Henry, however, obtained his liberation im-
mediately, for " moult il se fioit en Robert Fitz de
Hamon". Very soon afterwards, in the same year,
he was wounded in the temple at the siege of Caen, of
which wound he lingered tiQ 1107, when he died.^
The policy pursued towards the Welsh seems to
have been severe, since only one Welsh lord occurs in
the low country, which was parted between the in-
vaders ; the few Welsh, with that one exception, who
were allowed to hold considerable estates, oeing con-
fined to the hills. In settling the lordship, the old
Welsh divisions of cantreds and commotes were pre-
served, and usually the parishes, but by a modification
of these divisions the lordship was divided into body
and members. The body, the Welsh " Bro", became the
shire fee, and was placed under a sheriff; and the
members, though extending at points into the low-
lands, corresponded for the most part to the "Blaenau".
Besides these were the lord's private or demesne lands,
the borough towns, and the possessions of the church
of Uandaff.
The shire fee or body was settled in accordance with
the feudal system in use in Normandy. The private
estates became manors, and in many cases also pro-
bably new parishes. There were 36 and 3-5ths knights'
fees, divided into about twenty-six lordships, held by
castle-guard tenure of the Castle of Cardiff, to which
^ Chron. de Normandie in Rer, Gall, Script, xii, 628 ; xiii, 206,
248, 250, 251 ; xv, 64.
22 THE LAND OF MORGAN:
the tenants were bound to repair when needed.
Besides these there were mesne manors, submfeuda-
tions from the original tenants, holden of them and
their castles, also by military service, the whole being
held by the chief lord under the sovereign.
The boroughs were six, Cardiff, Cowbridge, Kenfig,
Llantrissant, Avan, and Neath. The four first held
direct from the lord, and enjoyed the usual liberties
and privileges, guaranteed by charter. Neath held
originally from de Granville, but came by exchange to
the lord. Avan, or Avene, stood out much longer, but,
on the extinction of the elder line of Jestyn, that also
fell in. Probably these boroughs were wholly of Nor-
man introduction. Caerphilly has been classed with
the boroughs, but it does not seem ever to have re-
ceived a charter, or to have had a governing body. It
sprung up at a later period with the castle, and no
doubt fell with it into speedy and complete decay.
The members were ten, of which two were sub-
divided. They were Avan Wallia, Coyty , Glyn Bhondda,
Llanblethian, Miscin, Neath citra and ultra, Ruthyn,
Senghenydd supra and subter, Talavan, and Tir-y-jarl
or the earl's land. Tenure by gavelkind, called in
Welsh "Rhan-tir", or partible land, is found about
Bridgend and in a part of Monmouthshire. The prac-
tice of dividing land equally between sons, and baling
sons, between daughters, once common to all English
socage tenants, is thought also to have prevailed in
Celtic Britain, so that it is just possible that what is
found in South Wales may be the remnant of a general
usage, though the name of gavelkind is of English
importation. The Welsh members of the shire had
also their local courts, and their lords the right of
"bren-o-£Pvvl", or pit and gallows, no great concession,
as seven of the twelve were in the hands of the chief
lord. Each member had its steward or seneschal, who
presided at its courts, from which an appeal lay to the
shire court at Cardiff.
Although Llandaff was a very ancient ecclesiastical
ITS CONQUEST AND ITS CONQUERORS. 23
title, there seems to have been an attempt for a time
to make Glamorgan the designation of the see. At
Bishop Urban's consecration by Anselm he is called
Bishop of Glamorgan, and the same appears in Eadmer.
The Bishop, as head of the Church of Llandaff, and
lord of that manor, had the prerogatives of a Lord
Marcher, but his temporalities were confirmed to him
by the chief lord, who claimed to hold possession of
the see when vacant, though this right was afterwards
challenged by the crown and surrendered. The Bishop
held the lordship of Llandaff and the manor of St.
Lythan, or Worlton, in the shire.
The lands given by the Welsh princes to the colleges
of Llantwit and Llancarvan seem to have been trans-
ferred to other foundations ; for it is stated in the
cartulary of St. Peter s at Gloucester that Fitz-Hamon
gave to that House the church of St. Cadoc at Llan-
carvan, and Penhon, with fifteen hides of land, pro-
bably about 1102. Llancarvan is mentioned in a Dull
of Calixtus in 1119, and of Honorius in 1128; and King
Stephen, in confirming lands to Gloucester in 1136,
mentions St. Cadoc of Llancarvan and Tregoff, among
the gifts of Fitz-Hamon. On the whole, the church
in the lordship had no reason to complain of the new
lords. The Benedictine Abbeys of Neath and Margam
were founded in 1130 and 1147, and their endowments
rapidly augmented. Ewenny, as a cell of Gloucester,
was founded about the same time, and therefore it
is not probable that Fitz-Hamon or his successor con-
fiscated any church lands ; and no doubt the local pro-
perty held by the Abbey of Gloucester, and afterwards
by their successors, the Dean and Chapter, represents
the old Welsh endowments.
The part played by the Crown in the conquest of
Glamorgan has never been clearly defined. Fitz-Hamon
certainly received the Honour of Gloucester to enable
him to undertake it. It is certain that he did so with
the consent of Rufus, and upon the condition that he
held the land, as such conquests were elsewhere held.
24 THE LAND OF MORGAN:
of the Crown as a Marcher Lordship. What was the
Erecise position of Lords Marchers has not been settled
y legal antiquaries. They received no charter defining,
establishing, or limiting their ample privileges. No
sovereign would have been willing to grant in per-
petuity privileges permitted to be assumed under tem-
porary pressure, and the Marchers much preferred that
their privileges, if not formally acknowledged to the
full, should remain undefined. The privileges were
necessary, under the circumstances, but naturally be-
came circumscribed as Wales became settled; and the
Crown, which retained the usual feudal rights over
these lordships, had, fi-om time to time, during a
minority, or upon an escheat, an opportunity of check-
ing encroachments.
Glamorgan was by much the oldest shire in Wales,
and one of the very few not included in the Statutum
Walliae of 1280. The statute of Henry VIII also
treats it as an old county. In truth, the Lord of
Glamorgan was little short of a crowned king.
The king s writ did not run in his territory ; he
had his sheriff*, his chancery, his great seal, his
courts civil and criminal, rights of admiralty and
of wreck, of life and death, an ambulatory council
or parliament, jura regalia, fines, oblations, escheats,
wardships, marriages, and other feudal incidents.
Some of his greater tenants held per haroniam,
others by grand and petit sergeanty, socage, and vUlen-
age. He held, sede vacante, the temporalities of the
bishopric, he was patron of the principal abbeys and of
the municipal boroughs, and he himself held in capite
de corona. In common with other Marcher Lordships
Glamorgan had also this in common with an Honour,
that, when it was, by an escheat or during a minority,
vested in the crown, it did not become merged, or lose
its individuality. The personal service due from the
military tenants to the lord was not transferred to the
crown, but, if they so pleased, could be compounded
for in money. Nor were the Marcher privileges mere
ITS CONQUEST AND ITS CONQUERORS. 25
assertions. They were regularly exercised, and occa-
sionally pleaded in the king's courts. A plea is preserved
in the records of the Curia Regis, 8th July 1199, and
noted by Palgrave, in which the sheriff of Hereford,
when ordered by the king's court to take possession of
Bredwardine castle, protests that he cannot do so, it
being out of his bailliewick, and Wm. de Braose, the
Marcher Lord, declares that neither king, sheriff, nor
justice has any right to enter upon his liberty. Also,
in 1302, another Williain de Braose claimed in parlia-
ment that in his liberty of Gower he had his chancellor
and chancery and seal, the judgment of life and death,
and cognizance of all pleas, whether of crown or others,
arising in the lordship, between all persons whomso-
ever. Similar statements are pleaded by the de Clares,
Earls of Gloucester, in bar of appeal from their courts
to Westminster. Also in a cause reported in the Cotton
MS. ( Vitell; C, x, f. 172^), where Richard Syward, 1248,
appeals to the Crown against a judgment in the Earl
of Gloucester's court in Glamorgan, the Earl demurs to
the appeal on the ground that Syward is his vassal,
and that the transaction, the cause of the proceedings,
was in Glamorgan. He suggests, however, a sort of
compromise, a royal commission to report upon the case
to the king in person, which was accepted.
No wonder tnat the great English lords coveted the
Welsh lordships. Unproductive in money or pastoral
wealth, they were inaccessible, contained excellent
soldiers, and by a temporary arrangement with the
Welsh leaders a Marcher could at any time securely
defy a weak Sovereign.
There is direct evidence for but few of Fitz-Hamon's
grants, or even for the names or numbers of his prin-
cipal followers. There is known but one extant charter
by him relating to Wales, and by that he grants the
fishery of an arm of the Taff at Cardiff to Tewkesbury
Abbey. Other of his charters, relating to other counties,
are however extant, and from the witnesses and similar
sources the names have been established of a few of his
26 THE LAND OF MORGAN:
principal followers, and of several others who it is
highly probable were of the number. What makes it
probable that the greater number of tenants whose
names appear in the twelfth or early in the thirteenth
century were derived from original settlers, is that
most held directly of the lord. Of mesne or subordi-
nate manors there were comparatively few, and those
of course may have been created at any time up to the
passing of the celebrated statute "Quia emptores",
which seems to have been acted up to in Glamorgan,
whether recognized or not as binding.
The records of Glamorgan for the first century and a
half from the Conquest are very scanty indeed, chiefly
charters from the lords to their dependants and to the
Church, though usually with many local witnesses.
Some of Fitz-Hamon*s followers seem to have staid
but a short time, and, if they received grants of land,
to have disposed of it, and in consequence they have
escaped notice altogether; but even of the greater
lords, who founded local families, the origin and early
descent has hitherto been involved in much obscurity.
Under the feudal system the relations between the
crown and its tenants in chief, and between these and
their subtenants, were very intimate ; the crown per-
petually claiming services or their redemption in money,
the tenants resisting, and all parties appealing to grants
and charters, extents or surveys, remissions or excep-
tions for and against the claims of wardship, livery, re-
lief, scutage, escheat and the like, all which were set
down with an accuracy well befitting transactions
relating to property.
Relations similar to these in substance, but modified
by the delegated powers of the Marcher Lords, sub-
sisted also in Wales. Each Marcher, while holding in
chief from the Crown, was himself in many respects a
sovereign in his relations to his own tenants and their
sub-tenants. Every manor in the March was held
mediately or immediately of a Lord Marcher, and its
mesne lord paid his reliefs, wardships, scutage, and
ITS CONQUEST AND ITS CONQUERORS. 27
wardsilver; and each had its customs, exemptions,
payments and quittances recorded in the chancery,
which it was the prerogative of every Marcher to hold,
attached to the court of his Caput BarontCB, which took
cognisance, in the first instance or by appeal, of every
cause, civil or criminal, arising withm its bounds.
There must, therefore, have been accumulated in the
several chanceries a mass of records similar to those
which, from the other parts of the kingdom, were pre-
served in the royal courts and the exchequer.
What then has become of these records, which were,
in fact, the early title deeds of the Welsh estates ? It
is scarcely surprising that the records even of the most
powerful private families in Wales should have been
destroyed, so frequent were the incursions and retalia-
tions of the two parties, who, of course, burned and
destroyed everything within their reach ; but this does
not apply in the same degree to the records of the
Marchers, whose castles were strong and well garrisoned,
and in many cases, as at Chepstow, Ludlow, and
Shrewsbury, scarcely at all exposed to be taken and
sacked. Cardiff indeed was once or twice in the hands
of the Welsh ; and Glen do wr, who was its last invader
during its existence as a Marcher Lordship, is supposed
to have destroyed all he found, which may perhaps
account for the disappearance of the earlier records ;
but even then there must have been many of a later
date, accumulated under the Beauchamps and Nevilles,
and Jasper Tudor ; and these also are lost. The lord-
ship then reverted to the Crown, and as Edward VI
and Elizabeth, while selling the lands, retained the
seigniorial powers, it might be expected that their
officers would take charge of the records of the chan-
cery. Certainly there are very few in private hands,
and it is understood that neither at Badminton, nor
Wilton, nor at Cardiff, are there any documents re-
lating to the seigniory of Glamorgan, or any relating
to Glamorgan, of earlier date than the entrance of the
Herberts into that seigniory.
28 THE LAND OF MORGAN:
Some have suggested that when the Marcherships
were abohshed or vested in the Crown, and the govern-
ment of Wales was administered by the Council at
Ludlow, the records were all transferred thither, and
perished in the subsequent civU wars ; others suppose
them to have been removed to the repositories in
London, and stiU to slumber unknown in that vast and
long neglected though valuable collection, a theory
which recent research renders scarcely tenable. The
subject of the disappearance of the South- Welsh re-
cords is one of considerable interest, and it is to be
hoped that it will be investigated by one of the able
antiquaries on the staff of the Kecord Office, since none
other could direct the necessary researches.
Fortunately for posterity, although the records of
the transactions of the Marcher Lords with their
tenants, of the Mareschals and De Clares, the Mor-
timers, Montgomerys, Newmarchs, Bellomonts, Braoses,
Bohuns and Hastings' ; with their knights and military
dependents, are lost, a better lot has attended the re-
cords of their transactions with the Crown ; and the
inquisitions taken upon their deaths or escheats, and
the detail of their feudal services, are in great measure
preserved.
Also, it has fortunately happened that the Marcher
Lords, from their detached position and great military
power, were frequently tempted into rebellion, and
their estates suffered forfeiture or escheat ; then, or
during a minority, the Crown stepped in and seized
upon or administered the lordship, and when this oc-
curred the dues were usually paid to the officers of the
Crown, and the transactions were recorded in the re-
cords of the realm, and are preserved. Thus the
Honours of Gloucester and Brecknock were in the
hands of Henry I and Stephen. Richard and John
both held the Honour of Gloucester, and the compo-
tus roll returned by their officer gives much informa-
tion as to the internal state of Glamorgan at that re-
mote period, which would otherwise have been lost.
ITS CONQUEST AND ITS CONQUERORS. 29
There is also another source, both copious and accu-
rate, of which little heed has hitherto been taken, but
which throws considerable light upon the names and
origin of the followers of Fitz-Hamon into Glamorgan.
It appears that almost all who joined in the conquest,
or settled in the conquered territory, came from the
Honour of Gloucester, and were therefore connected
with one or other of the shires of Gloucester, Somer-
set, Devon, Dorset, or Wilts ; and as they were either
landowners, or the cadets of landowners, in those
counties, their names occur in the local records, which
not unfrequently explain various particulars as to their
descent and connections.
Of the leading settlers, whose names occur in such
records as exist in Glamorgan, some certainly con-
temporary with Fitz-Hamon, others who, or whose
fathers, may, many of them, be really of that date, de
Granville held lands at Bideford, Turberville at Bere-
Turberville, St. Quintin at Frome-St.-Quintin, Umfra-
ville at Down-Umfraville, Halwey at Combe-Halwey or
Hawey, Reigny at Esse and Culm-Beigny, Bawdrip at
Bawdrip, Cogan at Huntspill, Bonvile at Bonvileston in
Devon ; while Barry, Bawcen, Butler, Corbet, Dennis,
Fleming, Joel, Le Sore, Luvel, Maisy, Norris, Payn,
Sandford, Scurlage, Sturmy, St. John, Valognes,
Walsh, and scores of others, occur in various parts of
the Honour, and are found in either the eleventh,
twelfth, or thirteenth century in Glamorgan.
Many of the settlers reversed the usual practice in
England, and, as in Ireland, gave to their lands their
own names ; sometimes, it may be, because they found
the Welsh name hard to pronounce ; more frequently
because their castles and the limits of their estates
were altogether new. Thus Barry, BonvUeston,
Flemingston, Colwinston, Constantineston or Coston,
Gileston, Laleston, Nicholaston, Marcross, Sully, all
names of parishes, were evidently taken from their
lords, and possibly were carved out of earlier Welsh
parishes, which were usually very large indeed. St.
30 THE LAND OF MORGAN:
George's, and several other parishes taking name
from English saints, are no doubt of the same class.
There are also many private estates, sometimes manors,
but not parishes, bearing the names of the intruding
owners. Such are Cantelupeston, Maes-Syward, Odins-
fee, Sigginston, Samonston, Picketston, Uoyn-y-
Grant, Beganston, Sturmy-Down, Walterston, and the
like.
Fitz-Hamon, though certainly a severe conqueror,
probably, like the greater conqueror under whom he
had served, did not disturb the Welsh more than was
necessary for his own security, though that, no doubt,
is admitting a good deal. Einion and other Welsh
lords were permitted to retain large tracts on the hills ;
and of four of the sons of Jestyn, the eldest was
allowed to hold a member- lordship in the low country
on at least equal terms with the greatest of the Nor-
mans. The position held by the descendants of Cara-
doc ap Jestyn is unlike any retained in England by
men of pure Saxon descent. They built a castle on
the A van, established under its protection a chartered
borough town, were large benefactors to Neath and
Margam, two Norman Abbeys, burying at the latter,
and, as their seals show, used armorial bearings and
armour like the Normans. With all this they con-
tinued for four generations to bear Welsh names, and
to sympathise with the Welsh people ; for which they
were sometimes summoned to do personal homage to
the king, and sometimes called upon to give hostages
for their conduct. It w^as Morgan ap Caradoc who, in
1188, convoyed Archbishop Baldwin across the treach-
erous sands of Avan and Neath, on his way to Swansea.
Morgan Gam, his successor, was shut up in an English
prison by the Earl of Gloucester, and in reprisal he
burned the Earl's grange at Kenfig. Their original
tenure, like that of the other Welsh lords, was without
any definite service, but they acquired a commote held
by sergeanty, adopted Avene as a simame, intermarried
with the Norman families, added the great lordship of
ITS CONQUEST AND ITS CONQUERORS. 31
Cilvae and the manors of Sully and Eglwys-Brewis to
their possessions, and finally, in the eighth descent,
ended in an heiress, who married Sir William Blount,
and exchanged her lands for others in England. To
another son of Jestyn was allotted the lordship of
Ruthyn; to another, Rees, the lands of Solven, called
thence " Rees-Sol ven".
Fitz-Hamon's personal share in the conquered land is
said to have included the towns of Cardiff, Cowbridge,
and Kenfig, the Castles of Cardiff and Kenfig, the
shire fee or body of the lordship, and as demesne lands
Miscin, Glyn Rhondda, Tir-y-Iarl, and Boverton or
Llantwit.
Of the Norman settlers there were six, unquestion-
ably contemporary with Fitz-Hamon, whose power was
far more considerable than that of the others. These
were de Granville, de TurberviUe, de Londres, Sjrward,
St. Quentin, Umfravile and Sully. Richard de Gran-
ville is reported to have been Fitz-Hamon's brother,
and there certainly occurs a Ricardus filius Hamonis in
1096 as a baron, etc., with possessions in Normandy
{Rerum Gall., scrip, xiv, 146). He, or his son, founded
Neath Abbey, in 1129, attaching it to the House of
Savigny in Normandy, and retired to Bideford, where
they became the progenitors of one of the great families
of the West, achieving high military and naval fame,
and not unknown in literature.
Pagan de Turberville had Coyty, much celebrated in
bardic story as the seat of a royal lineage. He, or his
son, strengthened their position by marrying the dis-
possessed Welsh heiress. The family always showed
Welsh sympathies, and continued to hold a very high
rank in the county untU the fifteenth century, when
the main line failed, as the cadet lines have since also
failed, so that there remains now but the echo of this
very considerable name. .
St. Quintin settled at Llanblethian, but they have
left no special tradition or mark in the county, from
which before 1249 the family was gone, and Syward
32 THE LAND OF MORGAN.
held their fees. Probably they resided mainly else-
where. Their heiress, no doubt, though the actual
pedigree is not preserved, was the lady whose blood,
mingled with that of Fitz-Hugh and of Marmion,
centred in Parr of Kendal, and now flows in the veins
of the Herberts of Wilton.
Syward had the lordship and castle of Talavan, and
the sub-manor of Merthyr Mawr, and, before his fall,
in 1249, the castle of Llanblethian. He was one of a
turbulent race, alternately useful and injurious to their
lords, and remembered as having carried on a plea
against Gilbert Earl of Gloucester, into which largely
entered the very curious legal question, how far an
appeal lay from the Earl Marcher's court to that of the
King at Westminster.
Of these lords, de Granville, de Turberville, St.
Quintin and Syward, held member-lordships, with
powers of life and death and other Marcher privileges.
De Londres, probably more powerfiil than any of the
others, held the lordship of Ogmore with the sub-manor
of Dunraven. The family territory was, however,
mostly in Caermarthenshire, where tney held the great
lordship of Carnwilthion, of which Kidwelly was the
chief seat. They built Ogmore castle, but mostly re-
sided at Kidwelly. William de Londres and Maurice,
his son, were the founders of Ewenny Priory. The
heiress of de Londres married de Cadurcis or Chaworth,
and their heiress, Henry Earl of Lancaster. The lord-
ship of Ogmore has never had a resident lord, but on
the other hand it has been held together, and is now
a part of the Duchy of Lancaster.
The other considerable settlers were Umfravile and
Sully. Umfravile is stated by genealogists to have
been the head of that family, cadets of which settled
at Prudhoe, and became Earls of Angus. The connec-
tion seems probable, for the Glamorgan Umfiuviles
sealed with a hexapetalous flower, which also forms a
part of the Angus coat. They built Penmark castle,
and there is some reason to suppose that the St, Johns,
ITS CONQUEST AND ITS CONQUERORS. 33
who married their heiress, held Fonmon manor under
them. Somery, of Dinas Powis, ought perhaps to be
added to the above "Barones majores", since they were
Barons of Dudley castle, and held their Glamorgan fees
for some centuries ; but they do not seem to have taken
a very active part in local affairs.
The earliest inquisition extant of the Lordship of
Glamorgan was probably taken in 1262, on the acces-
sion of Earl GUbert de Clare, and therefore one hundred
and seventy years or so after the conquest. This gives
a list of all the holders of lay fees, who held m capite
of the lord, and the service due jfrom each. The table
is most interesting, and has only lately been dis-
covered.
The names and holdings are :
G.Turberville inNewcastle^^fee. Constantine in Lanmaes ^ fee.
Nerberd in Lancovian ^ „ deGloucestriainWrenohester
Sandford in Leckwitb
Scurlag in Llanharry
H. Sully in Pentyroh
Pireton in Nova- Villa
„ de Kaerdiff in Lanirid ^ „
„ Clifford in Kenfeis ^ „
Basset in St. Hilary
„ Sully in Lanmaes ^ „
Butler in Marcross 1 fee. Le Sore in St. Fagans 1 fee.
Constantine in Coston 1 „ Walsb in Landocb 1
„ .f».^W.. — ^U>U<U»<K,W.. * „
Hawey in St. Donats 1 „ de Wincestria in Landan 1 „
Norris in Penllyne 1 „ Mayloc in Capella 1 „
Syward in Mertbyr-Mawr 1 „
99
99
Cogan in Cogan 2 fees. Nerberd in Abron Thawe 4 fees.
Somery in Dinas Powis 2 J „ Sully in Sully and Wenvoe 4
Corbet in St. Nicholas 3 „ Umfrevile in Penmark 4
De Londres in Ogmore 4 „
The abbot of Margam held Langewy, probably a lay
fee, but no service is named. TurberviUe held Coyty
per haraniam, also described as grand sergeanty. Of
the Welsh lords, Morgan Vachan (of Avan) held in
Baglan half a commote by Welshery ; no service, but
a horse and arms at the death of tne tenant, the old
form of heriot. Two sons of Morgan ap Cadewalthan
held half a commote in Glyn Rhondaa; no service.
Griffith ap Rees held two commotes, an immense hold-
D
34 THE LAND OF MORGAN:
ing, in Senghenydd : he was the ancestor of Lewis of
Van ; no service. Morediht ap GriflSth held one com-
mote in Machheir, probably Miscin; no service. De
Granville's lordship is not mentioned, it having lapsed
to the chief lord, as probably had those of Syward and
St. Quintin, Marcross had been succeeded by de Pin-
cema or Butler. BerkeroUes had not yet given place to
Nerberd, nor Stradling to Hawey. Fleming probably
had not arrived, and Bawdrip was then only a burgess
of Cardiff. St. John of J'onmon and Butler of Dun-
raven are not named. The latter certainly was a
subtenant, and possibly this was so with St. John.
Probably for the same reason, as not holding in capite,
are omitted Joel, Odin, Barry, and Bon vile, though
they appear as inquisitors. It is to be observed also
that in these inquisitions the jurors at Cardiff are all
English. At Llantrissent and at Uangonydd all are
Welsh. At Neath only three of the twelve are English.
This shows how largely the Welsh element prevailed,
and how completely the Welsh were trusted with the
ordinary duties of free-tenants. The next extant sur-
vey of the shire was taken in 1320, about sixty years
later, and in that time considerable changes haa taken
place. The knights' fees are still numbered at 36 and
a fraction ; but of the former tenants there remain the
names but of ten — the Abbot, Basset, Corbet, Mayloc,
Nerber, Norris, Turberville, Umfiuvile, Walsh, and de
Winton ; and of these there remained, in the reign of
Elizabeth, but two — Basset, and a cadet of Turberville.
The proximity of Strongbow's estates and castle of
Chepstow, and the passage of the road thence to Mil-
ford across Glamorgan, seem to have led many of the
settlers to a further adventure in Ireland, where we
find such names as Barry, Cogan, Basset, Cadoc, BonvUle,
Fleming, Kenfig, Lamays, Landochan, Norris, London,
Penrice, Swaynsey, Siwaxd, Sandford, Newton, Scur-
lock, Walsh, and a great nmnber of Welshmen desig-
nated by a christian name, and as of Cardiff.
The position of the English in Wales dming the two
ITS CONQUEST AND ITS CONQUERORS. 35
centuries following the conquest, in fact until the re-
duction of the Principality by Edward I, was such as
to make a castle a necessity ; so much so, that there
IS no trace of a licentia crenellare having been thought
necessary under the Marcher rule, though the Marcher
Lord of Whittington in Salop had such a licence from
Henry III. Every landowner's house was literally
his castle. In parts of Glamorgan they stood so close
that it is difficult to understand whence their owners
derived their revenues. For example, within a radius
of six miles from Barry, half the circle being occupied
by the sea, were twelve castles ; and in the county,
and mainly in its southern part, were from thirty to
forty, of which but one, Aberavan, belonged to a W elsh
Lord. Most of these castles were the residences of
private persons, and were built for the defence of the
estate and its tenants ; others, the property of the chief
Lord, were constructed for the defence of the country,
and were so placed as to command the passes by which
the Welsh were accustomed to descend upon the plain.
The sites of most of the Glamorgan castles are known,
and of many of them the ruins remain, though they
rarely contain masonry of an earlier date than the reign
of Henry HI. Cardiff, however, boasts a shell keep of
Norman date, as is probably its immense outer wall,
attributed to Robert Earl of Gloucester. The annals
of Margam attribute the building of the town of Cardiff
to the previous reign, but Cardiff is certainly a much
older place, and probably was founded when the Roman
road was laid out, to guard the passage of the River
Taff. The earthworks of the Castle were originally
rectangular, and probably the work of the Romanised
Britons, on the withdrawal of the Legions. The mound,
like that of Caerleon, is certainly the work of later
invaders from England. Ogmore has a square keep
of undoubted Norman pattern, doubtless the work of
the first or second de Londres ; and at Penllyne are
fi-agments of a similar keep, containing some curious,
and it may be, early, herring-bone work, and possibly
D 2
36 THE LAND OF MORGAN :
Earl Robert's work, and so a little earlier than even
Robert Norris, who seems to have been the first, or
a very early, grantee. At Newcastle by Bridgend are
the gateway and the original wall of a castle, certainly
early, because it gives name to the parish, and the
masonry of which is evidently of Norman date and
very peculiar in the pattern of its mouldings. Here, as
generally in the Norman buildings in Glamorgan,
Sutton stone is employed. It is uncertain by whom
Newcastle was built. The name of Oldcastle is pre-
served in the adjacent town of Bridgend, though
where it precisely was, or what it was, is not known.
Of Early English castles the rectangular keep at
Fonmon, still inhabited, is the best, and indeed the
only tolerably perfect example. The base of the tower
of Whitchurch is in that style, as is part of Coyty;
and in the foundations of Sully Castle, opened some
years ago, were Early English fragments. Also, in
the centre of the later house of Dunraven, some
masonry of Early English aspect is walled in, and is
probably part of the castle of Arnold Butler.
During the troubled reign of Henry III, a great age
for castle building in Wales, many strong places in
Glamorgan seem to have been renewed. Castoll Coch
and Caerphilly were then built ; and to that reign or
that of Edward I are due the fine gateways at Neath
and Llanblethian, a smaller one at Barrv, parts of
Cardiff and Morlais, the ancient wall of St. Fagans,
and probably the fi:*agment at Llantrissant. The gate
house of the old episcopal palace at Llandaff* is excellent
Decorated. Those of Pencoed and Castleton are appa-
rently later. The central building at Cardiff and the
polygonal tower, now, alas ! dwarfed and buried under
modem additions, were the work of Richard Beau-
champ, Earl of Warwick, the builder of a similar but
far grander tower at that castle. St. Donats, the most
complete castle in South Wales, is veiy late, as is much
of Coyty. Besides these, of doubtful date are Dinas
Powis, the fragments of St. George's and Peterston,
ITS CONQUEST AND ITS CONQUEROBS. 37
parts of Kenfig, Penmark, and Castleton, the ditches
and a few fragments of Talavan and Bonvileston, and
the foundations of Uanquian. Avan, Wenvoe, and
Wrinston are utterly gone. At Van, Beaupr^, Cogan-
Pill, Cardiff, Cadoxton, West Orchard, Aberthin,
Llanveithin, Llanvihangel, Uantrithyd, Pencoed, Caer-
wiggau, Sutton, and Llancayach are ancient houses,
some very perfect. Camllwyd is excellent Decorated,
as is Cantleston and part of Flimston, where the court
has an embattled wall. At Castell-y-Mynach are re-
mains of the Hall, and in the walls of the Manorial
House of Talygam, lately recast, were found windows
of the time of Henry V.
Many of the churches, and notably the cathedral,
contain Norman work ; and in others, where the church
has been rebuUt, the font and the holy water stoop, on
a stunted column, are of that date. Throughout the
lordship most churchyards retain the polygonal stepped
base of a cross, and of some such crosses the shaft is
preserved, and of one or two the actual carved stone
which formed the apex, and represented the crucifixion.
In the churchyard of St. Donats is one of these crosses
of remarkable elegance. It has been copied at Llandaff,
but in dimensions, and placed in a position, entirely fatal
to its effect. There also remain a few of the upright
shafts of crosses of an earlier date, carved in bold basket
work patterns, and usually set upright in the ground
without base or pedestal. Time, neglect, and the
labours, not uncalled for, of the diocesan architect are
annually bringing about the destruction of these re-
mains and, what is, archaeologically, much the same
thing, the restoration of the ancient edifices.
The gentry and yeomanry of the lordship, that is,
those who have any real claim to antiquity of descent,
are still divided into the pure Welsh and the descend-
ants of the Norman settlers. The genealogies of these
settlers, " Advenae" as they are styled in the local
pedieree books, are scarcely so well preserved as those
of the correspoAding class hi Englantf but their estates
38 THE LAND OF MORGAN :
have usually been known, and their possession of a
surname gives a facility for tracing their descent which
does not extend to the natives. The Welsh genealogies
pretend to far higher antiquity, and are recorded with
much greater fulness of detail. Unfortunately their
compilers — it were discourteous, perhaps unjust, to say
their authors — seldom condescend to mention the place
of residence of the families, or to introduce a date.
These omissions — ^the absence of surnames — and the
very limited number of Christian names in use, and
their frequent repetition in the same family, not to
mention the frequent introduction of a train of natural
children, and the names and pedigrees of their mothers,
reduce an English genealogist to despair. " Oh!" said
a late Garter, indicating the genealogical MSS. left to
the College of Arms by Sir Isaac Heard, ** Oh ! those
are Welsh pedigrees ; we have nothing to say to them."
In truth the Welsh counties were seldom, if ever, in-
cluded in the Visitations of the English Heralds.
And yet these Welsh genealogies are really extremely
curious, and for the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries
probably fairly true. To what extent the Welsh bards
preserved private pedigrees is unknown, but, no doubt,
Welsh genealogy received a great impulse on the acces-
sion of the House of Tudor, and in consequence of the
inquiries set on foot by Henry VII, and by the Her-
berts. Still the extant manuscripts, of which there
are many, are rarely, if ever, older than the reign of
Elizabeth, and more generally, date from those of the
1st James and Charles. Looking to the genealogies
of Glamorgan, what is most remarkable is the small
nimiber of stocks whence the native families are said
to be derived. These are mainly five only; Jestyn
ap Gwrgaji, Einion ap CoUwyn, Bleddyn ap Maen-
arch, GwUim ap Jenkyn, Llewelyn ap Ivor, and
Gwaethvoed. From these are deduced from three to
four hundred distinct families. Roughly, it may be
stated, from Caradoc ap Jestyn, 26; from Rhys, 12;
from Madoc, 30 ; and from Griffith ap Jestyn, 3.
Einion ap Collwyn, notwithstanding the stigma at-
ITS CONQUEST AND ITS CONQUERORS. 39
tached to his name, is recorded as the ancestor of
99 families; Bleddyn ap Maenarch of 46, besides
those pertaining to BrecJaiock; Gwilim ap Jenkyn,
74 ; Llewelyn ap Ivor, 23 ; and Cydrich and Aidan
ap Gwaethvoed, 21 and 50. Besides these were a
few others, femilies of no great note, whose remote
ancestor is not recorded, and who chiefly inhabited the
hiU country north of Bridgend and Margam.
Of the descendants of the above patriarchs, among
the best known were, from Caradoc, Avan of Avan,
Evans of Gnoll and Eagle's Bush, Pryce of Briton
Ferry, Williams of Blaen-Baglan, Thomas of Bettws,
and Loughor of Tythegston. From Rhys ap Jestyn
came Williams of DufiiTn-Clydach, Penry of Keedingj
and Llewelyn of Yms-y-Gerwn. From Madoc ap
Jestyn, Llewelyn of Ca^rwiggau, and the numerous
descendants of levan Mady. From Einion sprang
Gibbon of Trecastle, Prichard of Collenna, Price of
Glyn Nedd, Prichard of Ynis Arwed, Powell of Loy-
darth, Energlyn, Maesteg, and Baydon, Cradock of
Swansea and of Cheriton, and Powell of Llandow.
Bleddyn ap Maenarch was the forefather of Jenkins of
Hensol, Griffith Gwyr, Penry of Lanedi, WiUiams of
Bettws, Llewelyn of Ynis Simoon, Evans of Cilvae,
Jones of Fonmon, Price of Penllergaer, Gethyn of
Glyn Tawe, Bowen of Court House and Kittle, Powell
of Swansea and Seys of Boverton. Of all these the
only known descendants in the legitimate male line are
Evans of Eagle's Bush, Prichard of Collenna, and Jones
of Fonmon.
From Gwilim ap Jenkyn sprang the very copious
race of Herbert, of whom about seventy-four distinct
branches may be traced, very many settled in Glamor-
gan under various names, of whom were Raglan of
hangel and Pwllyvrach, Herbert of Cardiff, of Cogan,
and of Cilybebill.
Llewelyn ap Ivor was of Tredegar, whence came a
number of femilies, almost all bearing the name of
40 THE LAND OF MOBQAN :
Morgan, of whom were those of Coed-y-Gk)res, Pen-
Uwynsarth, Rubina, Ruperra, and Cilfynydd.
Gwaethvoed was the fruitfiil stock of Mathew of
Llandaff, with about twenty-three cadet branches, of
which the most conspicuous were those of Radir,
Aberaman, Castell-y-Mynach, St-y-Nill, Maes Mawr,
and Miros. These came from Aidan. From Gweristan
ap Gwaethfoed came Thomas of Blaenbradach, a house
unusually bare of cadet branches ; and from Cydrich ap
Gwaethvoed the immensely numerous family of Lewis
of Van, of whom may be mentioned Williams otherwise
Cromwell, Prichard of Llancayach, and the Lewises of
Cilvach-Vargoed, Penmark, Lystalybont, Glyn TafiP,
Llanishen, Newhouse, and Greenmeadow or Pant-
wynlas, besides a flourishing branch in the United
States represented by Mr. W. F. Lewis of Phila-
delphia. The elder branch, but in the female line
only, is represented by Lord Windsor, the owner of
Van. Of the strangers from England there remains
extant in unbroken male descent, one only. Basset of
Bonvileston, whose ancestor came in about the time
of Richard I. Of the original Welsh families in male
descent there remain two only, Lewis of Pantwynlas,
and Thomas of Blaenbradach.
It is to be regretted that these Welsh genealogies
have not received a critical examination. It is true
that they are without dates, and present but few of the
points by which an English pedigree can be checked
and proved; but allowance must be made for the
habits of the people, who had little idea of the accu-
racy derived from records. Here and there, where a
name occurs in the county records, as in the Fine and
Docket book of the great Sessions, or where a will has
been preserved in the Llandaff registry, they can be
proved to be correct. For the rest it may be said that
they seem probable enough ; the nmnber of descents
given through the thirteenth, fourteenth, and fifteenth
centuries is not, on the face of it, fabulous ; and in the
various manuscripts there is neither enough coincidence
ITS CONQUEST AND ITS CONQUERORS. 41
to indicate collusion, nor sufficient difference to destroy-
all belief. Unfortunately, neither Sir T, Phillipps nor
Sir S. Meyrick, though they printed collections of
genealogies, knew or cared enough about the matter
to edit them ; that is, to collate and compare the
several versions, and to seek and import such collateral
evidence as might be found.
There is no other part of the kingdom in which so
marked a line still remains drawn between the residents
of p\u*e British descent and the settlers from England,
even after centuries of residence, much intermarriage,
and no difference of religion. What is at this time
in progress, the opening up of the coal field, and the
construction of docks and railways, is doing much to
break up the peculiarities of the county. The limits of
manors are no longer preserved. Manor courts are
rarely held ; copyholds are becoming enfi:unchised ; chief
rents abolished by mutual consent and composition.
On the other hand, though the "Jura regalia" and
Marcher prerogatives were withheld from the an-
cestors of the present owner of Cardiff Castle, his
rights of common and to minerals have been preserved,
and constitute a very valuable property.
42
THE CHIEF LORDS.
EARLS ROBERT AND WILLIAM OF GLOUCESTER.
Robert Fitz-Hamon, of whom and his conquest some-
thing has ah-eady been said, married Sybil, a daughter
of Roger de Montgomery, and sister to Robert de
Belesme, and by her had four daughters. At the
instance of his wife he endowed the old Mercian
foimdation of Tewkesbury, foimded in 715, and of
which Brichtric had been the patron; and this so
liberally that he was ever regarded as the real founder.
He found it subject to Cranboum in Dorset, but re-
versed their relative position by the removal of the
Cranboum Priory to the new establishment, of which
it was continued as a cell only. The new Tewkesbury
was founded in 1102, and was confirmed by William
Rufus in a charter of which Fitz-Hamon was one of
the witnesses, as he. was also of that king's charters
to St. Peter's, Bath, and to the ch\u*ch of Lmcoln, both
preserved among the public records. Robert's charter
was again confirmed by Henry I, Robert and his
brother Hamon being witnesses; and the same king
granted a second charter after Robert's death, in which
he inserted a donation for the weal of his friend's soul.
This is the charter in which is mentioned the parish
ch\u*ch of St. MaiT at Cardiff, and the chapel of the
castle there. Sybd occurs in the foundation charter of
Neath Abbey, on the Calends of October 1159, and, with
her husband, in his charter to Abingdon. In 1101
Fitz-Hamon witnessed the charter known as the " In-
stitutiones Henrici regis" ; at least his name occiu^ in
the Worcestershire version. In what is supposed to
be the only extant charter by Fitz-Hamon relating to
THE CHIEF LORDS. 43
Cardiff, he gives to the monks of Tewkesbury an arm of
the Taff at Cardiff for a fishery, and the donation is wit-
nessed by his wife. As early as 1 064 his name appears in
Normandy, in the Bayeux Charters, and again in 1074.
Robert built the tower and much of the existing
church of Tewkesbury, dedicating it to St. Mary, by
the hands of the Bishop of Worcester, 23 October
1123. Gerald d'Avranches was the first abbot. Among
the endowments were St. Mary's chmrch, the castle
chapel, and lands and tithes in Cardiff; a fisheiy,
meadow, and village on the Taff; and the tithes held
by Fitz-Hamon s barons in Wales. To St. Peter's at
Gloucester he gave the church of St. Cadoc in Uan-
carvan, with Treyguff ; gifts confirmed by Stephen in
1158. He gave also fifteen hides of land in Penhon
or Penon. Among Fitz-Hamon's wide possessions
occurs the manor of Kyme, near Boston, now con-
spicuous for its ancient brick tower, which manor
was held by Ealph de Kyme, and afterwards under the
Earls of Gloucester by Philip, and, 11th of John, by
Simon de Kyme. — {Abb. Plac., 65.)
Fitz-Hamon was feithftJ to Henry as he had been to
Rufus. His last public appearance was at the battle
of Tinchbrai, 28 September 1106, where a spear wound
in his temple reduced him to imbecility, in which con-
dition he died in the following year, March 1107. Mal-
mesbury says, " Hebetatusque ingenio non pauco tem-
pore quasi captus mente supervixit." He had been
taken prisoner in 1105, and Henry, to release him, had
bumea the town of Bayeux and its principal church.
Heavy offences, " Sed utrique, ut speramus, purgabile
fuit." His body was laicl in the chapter nouse at
Tewkesbury, whence it was translated to the presby-
tery of the ch\u*ch by Abbot Robert in 1240-1, and
over it, in 1397, a chapel or oratory was constructed
by Parker, the eighteenth abbot. His descendants.
Lords of Glamorgan, were always recognised as patrons
of the abbey, and exercised the usual rights on the
election of each new abbot. It was also the burial
place of the de Clares and le Despensers.
44 THE LAND OF MORGAN:
The inheritance was not at that time thought to be
so large as to be dangerous to the peace of the kingdom,
and to require to be divided. Hemy, moreover, had his
own views concerning it. Of the daughters, Cicely and
Hawise became Abbesses of Shaftesbury and W Uton.
Amice is said to have married the Earl of Bretagne,
but seems to have died early and chUdless. Mabel,
called Sybil by William of Jumieges, was regarded as
the sole heiress and treated accordingly. She was the
great match of her day, inheriting the Honom- of Glou-
cester and the Lordship of Glamorgan, her father's
other lands, and those of her uncle, Hamo Dapifer,^ in
England and Normandy. The latter possessions in-
cluded Thorigny, on the borders of Bayeux and Cout-
ances, two mUes from the boundary stream of La Vire.
Here, at a later period, her husband built a large and
strong castle.
It has been stated that Henry revived his mother's
claim to Brichtric's ancient Honour, and it has been
supposed, but on weak authority, that most of the
lands were male fiefs, and as such would revert to the
Crown. Probably, however, Henry was content with
the wardship of the lands and the "maritagium" of the
heiress, and allowed them to vest in her. Certain it is
that Mabel exercised rights of ownership, both during
her married life and her widowhood.
The husband selected for Mabel was the eldest of
Henry's natural sons, by name Robert, and distin-
guished, probably from his birth-place, as Robert of
Caen. The general belief has long been that his
mother was Nest, a daughter of Rhys of Twdwr, who
certainly lived with the king for some time, and who
had from her father the Lordship of Caerau or Carew
^ This statement, which there seems no reason to doubt, assumes '
that Hamo died, at the latest, soon after his niece's marriage, but a
" Hamo dapifer " witnessed a precept by Henry I concerning Savigny
Abbey in 1112, and a charter by Hugh Wade in 1168, and other
documents in Normandy. He is called " Dapifer " or " Pincema",
indifferently. Who was he ?
THE CHIEF LORDS. 45
in Pembrokeshire, and by her husband, Gerald de
Windsor, was ancestress of that family, who derived
their surname from their office of Castellan of Windsor
Castle. Lappenberg, who accepts Nest as Robert's
mother, thus accounts for the number of Welsh who
followed him to the battle of Lincoln, and Palgrave
rests upon it a circumstantial narrative, but there is no
evidence for the fact, which moreover was not accepted
by Dugdale.
The dates of Robert's birth and marriage are unre-
corded, and can only be inferred. He was certainly
bom before his fathers accession in 1100, and he seems
to have been the eldest of Henry s many natural chil-
dren. Henry himself was bom in 1068. Robert's
daughter was married to the Earl of Chester shortly
before the battle of Lincoln in 1141, but as women
were then married early, this proves little. In 1140,
according to the Gesta Stephanie after the capture of
the Devizes, Robert's son was sent to share the custody
of the castle. About 1142, Philip, another son, is spoken
of as taking an active part on his father's side, and he
was married to a niece or granddaughter of Roger de
Berkeley. Supposing Philip bom about 1120, and not
the eldest son, it seems possible that Robert may have
married as early as 1116-17, or even a few years earlier.*
Such is the conclusion of Mr. Floyd, who has worked
out the point with his usual sagacity. This would give
the admmistration of the estates to the Crown for about
ten years. K the marriage took place in 1 1 1 7, the lady,
Fitz-Hamon's eldest daughter, could not have been less
than fourteen, and was probably nearer twenty. Henry
was no doubt well aware of the great abilities of his son,
and thought him a safe man to wield so great and
peculiar a power.
The wooing was conducted by the King in person,
and, if faithfully related by Robert of Gloucester, gives
a high notion of the lady's good sense : —
1 In 1148 he witnessed a Charter by Henry I to Savigny, as
"Robertus filius regis." — GalL Christy xi, 112.
46 THE LAND OP MORGAN:
" The kynge of soghte hyre sayth ynon, so that atten end
Mabyle hym answerde . . /'
She told him his wooing was more for what she had
than for herself, and that with such an heritage she
ought not to many a lover unless he had two names,
that is, a Christian name and a surname, and that as
Fitz-Hamon*s daughter she could ask no less.
" So vayr erytage, as ych abbe, yt were me gret saame,
Vor to abbe an loverd, bote he adde an tuo name."
Henry admits this, and says his son shall be called
" Robert le Fitz le Roy," a surname which, however,
he does not seem ever to have borne. Then, with an
eye to the future, Mabel asks what their son is to be
called.
*' Robert Erie of Gloucestre hys name ssal be, and ys,
Vor he ssal be Erie of Gloucestre, and hys eyrs ywys."
She answers—
" well lyketh me thys
In this forme ychoUe, that all my thyng be hys.
.....
This was erlene hondred yer, and in the yer eyght.
. • . . .
And of the kynges crounement in the (ninthe) yere
That the vorst Erie of Gloucestre thus was ymad there
Robert, that spoused the ryght eyr. King Henry's sone,
That vor hys gode dede worth, ych wene evere in mone."
Malmesbury says of the Countess — " She was a noble
and excellent woman, a lady devoted to her husband,
and blest with a numerous and beautiftd progeny."
The actual conferring of the title seems to have
followed the marriage, and Robert certainly bore it
1119, 20th Henry I. In the chronicles of that period
the northern title of Earl is often rendered by the
Latin " Consul", and Earl Robert is often called Consul
of Gloucester, or " Robert Consul".
During the sixteen or more years that passed between
this creation and Henry's death, Robert's chief attention
seems to have been given to his Welsh lordship, and
whatever Fitz-Hamon may have achieved in subduing
THE CHIEF LORDS. 47
the natives, the real work of organizing and administer-
ing the conquest, and providing defences for the con-
quered territory, seems to have been in a great measure
the work of Earl Robert. Fitz-Hamon must necessarily
have provoked much personal enmity, and his close at-
tendance upon Buftis, and his large estates in Normandy,
probably occupied most of his time during the seven-
teen years in which he survived his conquest ; nor is
there any tradition or material trace of any, even mili-
tary, work in Glamorgan which can be ascribed to him.
Earl Robert, on the other hand, was not associated
with any of the acts of violence connected with the
conquest, and his royal connection, vast power, and
the great moderation of his character, were all calcu-
lated to lead the Welsh to submit to his rule. He
allowed the men in the hills to retain unmolested their
" Moes-y-Devod", or local customs, to which they were
attached. The sons of Jestyn were confirmed in their
possessions, as was Cynfi:'ig, whose two descendants,
levan David ap Llewelyn Vachan, and Morgan
Llewelyn ap levan Mady, were the patriarchs of
the numerous feanilies who dwelt in Miscin. The
Welsh Lord of Senghenydd was allowed to retain his
patrimony, and with it a power, which in the next
generation became troublesome. On the whole, the
Welsh of Morganwg seem to have accepted the inevit-
able, and to have respected the lord s demesne lands
and those of bis dependents ; and that they were, on
the whole, peaceable subjects, and that there was a
disposition to give them fair play, may be perhaps
inferred from the constitution of the local inquests in
the succeeding century, when, even in the districts
bordering on the hiUs, the jurors were almost all
Welshmen. The conquest was, however, far too re-
cent, and the Welsh spirit far too jealous of control, to
allow the lord's authority to rest alone upon an equit-
able system of government. Earl Robert, who is known
to have built Bristol Castle, is reported also to have
built that of Cardiff, and the material evidence of the
48 THE LAND OF MORGAN:
polygonal keep and of the outer wall is in harmony
with this tradition. The castle was certainly a place
of great strength, when, ii^ 1126, Duke Robert was
removed from the Devizes and placed in charge of the
Earl, who lodged him first at Bristol, and very soon
afterwards at Cardiff, where he died in 1134, having,
it is said, lost his eyesight, —
" In Cardiff he a captive lay,
Whose windows were but niggard of their light."
»
That he was imprisoned in the castle may be assumed,
but the keep is the only extant part of it which could then
have been standing. The tower which goes by his name,
and in which he is said to have died, is certainly later.
Earl Robert seems also to have built a castle at Uan-
trissant, and the accounts of the Lordship in 1184
show that the castles of Newport, Kenfig, and Neath
were at that time regularly established fortresses,
Penllyne keep, with its herring-bone masonry, is pro-
bably a work of Earl Robert's time, although the
Norrises do not appear to have held the fief until
Robert Norris received it from William, the Earl's
successor, whose vicecomes he was. The older remains
of the castles of Sully, Fonmon, Castleton, Dunraven,
and Ogmore, the seats of the families of Sully, St.
John, Nerberd, Butler, and De Londres, point to the
same period, as do the walls and gate of the castle
of Newcastle, and the oldest part of the Turberville
castle of Coyty.
Earl Robert's rule also produced works of a more
Sacific character. In 1147 he founded the Abbey of
[argam and endowed it with lands between Kenfig
and the Avan. To de Granville's foundation of Neath
Abbey, to which he succeeded as patron, he gave
Ponte and Blackscarr. These two foundations, though
occasionally attacked by the Welsh, were, on the
whole, popular with them, and received firom the
native lords very large additions to their possessions.
Also, in 1126, he healed a long open sore between
THE CHIEF LORDS. 49
the lords of Glamorgan and their bishops. Besides
other concessions, the Earl gave a fishery on the Ely,
one hundred acres of cultivable land m the marsh
between Taff and Ely, the right to take timber from
certain forests for the repairs of the church, and the
chapel of Stuntaff or Whitchurch, the parishioners of
which he allowed to attend Uandaff at Christmas,
Easter, and Pentecost, and to be buried in Uandaff,
with other concessions. The Bishop, on his part,
agreed to set aside divers complaints he had to make,
and so to adjust his sluice tnat the passage of the
river should not be impeded, save in times of flood,
from above or below. Tne jurisdiction of the Bishop's
manor court was settled, and it was agreed that
ordeals by fire, jvdicia ferri, should be tried at Llan-
daff, and by water, fossa judicicdis aqua, on the
Bishop's land near Cardiff Castle. Judicial duels be-
tween mixed parties were to be fought out in the
castle, but those between the Bishop's people only
were to be fought at Uandaff. The concord was
drawn up before the King with great formality, and
among the witnesses are found, besides many Bishops
and great nobles, Archdeacon Uchtred, Isaac the
Bishop's chaplain, Richard Vicecomes de Kardi, Pagan
de TurbervUle, Rodbert Fitz-Roger, Richard de St.
Quintin, Maurice de Londres, Odo Sor, and Gauff: de
Maisi.
Earl Robert's attention to his Welsh lordship did
not lead him to neglect the interests of his father.
He served with Henry at the battle of Brennevile
in 1119, and was at the taking of By ton Castle
in 1122, and in 1127 was among those who swore
in Henry's presence an oath of allegiance to his
daughter, a pledge which he amply redeemed, though
supposed by some writers to have had an eye himself
to the succession.
Neath Abbey ^as founded about 1129 by Richard
de Granville, Fitz-Hamon's chief baron, and probably
his near relative. The foundation charter is not dated,
E
50 THE LAND OF MORGAN:
but it runs in the names of Richard de Granville and
Constantia his wife, and provides for the weal of Robert,
Earl of Gloucester, Mabel his wife, and William their
son. Amongst the witnesses were Richard de St.
Quintin, Robert de Umfraville, Pagan de Turberville,
William Pincerna, and Robert de Granville, all Gla-
morgan Barons ; and the Earl undertook to guard and
defend the gifts.
Henry died Dec. 1st, 1135, and, it is stated by
Orderic, placed, on his death bed, in the hands of
Robert £60,000 for the payment of his household and
immediate followers. His death was followed, April 15,
1136, by a rising in South Wales, in which Richard
Fitz-Gilbert, son of the conqueror of Cardigan, was
slain. The Welsh inburst was severe. Whether they
actually recovered Gower from Henry de Bellomont is
uncertain, but they destroyed many castles, churches,
and houses, and slaughtered both rich and poor. This
is the rising that seems to have caused de Granville to
retire from Neath to his Devon lordship, leaving his
fief in the hands of his chief lord. Giraldus says,
after crossing the Nedd "we proceeded towards the
River Lochor, through the plain in which Howel ap
Meredith of Brecknock, after the death of Henry I,
gained a signal victory over the English," and Florence
of Worcester mentions a severe battle fought in Gower
Jan. 1, 1136. between the Normans ani the Welsh,
after which the main inroad occurred and Richard
Fitz-Gilbert fell. The Welsh occupation of Gower
must have rendered De Granville's position on the
Nedd one of great danger, and it was probably under
this pressure that he retired.
Earl Robert returned to England with Henry's
corpse, and probably at that time regarded Matilda's
cause as hopeless, for he made terms with Stephen,
and gave in his allegiance, though upon conditions
which gave to his adhesion a great air of equality.
In 1136 his name, as Robert, Earl of Gloucester,
appears as a witness to Stephen's Charter de liherta-
THE CHIEF LORDS. 51
tihitSj etc. In 1138 he received from Stephen a confir-
mation of Fitz-Hamon's gifts to St. Peter s, Gloucester,
and those of St. Michael's, Ogmore, and St. Bride's,
which a letter of Henry, Bishop of Winchester, Papal
Legate in 1139-1148, mentions as proceeding from
Maurice de Londres. The Legate's letter relates to
a chapel built in Llancarvan parish contrary to the
wish of the Abbot of St. Peter's, and in which the
Bishop is directed not to allow service to be performed.
This letter is enforced by one of a similar character
from Archbishop Theobald. According to the Glou-
cester cartulary, the donations of Maurice, son of
William de Londres, were made in 1141, but if the
date of Stephen's charter be correct, this must have
been a confirmation only. The donations were St.
Michael of Ewenny, St. Bride's with the chapel of
Ogmore of Lanfey, and the churches of St. Michael's
of Colveston (Colwinston), of Oystermouth in Gower,
and of Penbrae.
In 1138 Earl Eobert built Bristol Castle, a very
strong fortress, at the iunction of the Frome with the
A™n% a ve^ low mUy district. This castle haa
long been destroyed, save a crypt. It is said to have
haa a rectangular keep, whicn, in such a position, is
probable, and of which the well has been recently dis-
covered. The keep was &ced with Caen stone. In
the following year, late in the summer, the Earl
brought over his sister to England, landing at Ports-
mouth, whence he lodged her at Arundel, the polygonal
keep and gatehouse of which had recently been con-
structed by William d'Albini, who had married Adeliza,
the second wife and widow of Henry I. On hearing of
the Empress's arrival, Stephen at once broke up the
siege of Marlborough and appeared before Arundel.
By some accounts, his courtesy was such that he
allowed her to retire with her brother to Walling-
ford, to Brian Fitz-Count, whence she went to Milo,
the Constable of England, at Gloucester, and thence,
as a very strong retreat, to Bristol. Early in October
Earl Eobert's preparations were completed, and in
E 2
52 THE LAND OF MORGAN:
December, while Stephen was attacking Wallingford
by means of a great wooden tower or Trwlvoisin^ he
took Worcester, and, in the following April, Notting-
ham. Stephen in the meantime had attacked and
failed before Bristol, and had ravaged a part of the
Honour of Gloucester, in Somerset. In 1141 Robert
lodged some of his English hostages with the Count of
Anjou, Matilda's husband; and in the same year he
fought the battle of Lincoln, having led into the field
a large body of Welshmen, this being probably the
first time that the Norman Lord of Griamorgan had
been so supported. Stephen, there taken captive, was
sent to Bristol Castle, and soon afterwards, at Oxford,
Matilda created Milo of Gloucester Earl of Hereford,
Earl Robert attesting the creation. In this year
Maurice de Londres granted St. Michael's Churcn at
Ewenny to Gloucester, with St. Bride's Lanfey, Oyster-
mouth, and the chapels of Ogmore and St. Michael of
Colveston.
These successes led to conduct injurious to the
character and cause of the Empress, who disgusted
her supporters, and in consequence had to flee to
Winchester, where she held the royal castle at one
end of the city, and laid siege to the bishop in his
castle of Wolvesey at the other. Here, before long,
she was blockaded by Stephen's Mends, and between
them and the bishop was so pressed, that she escaped,
it is said, in a coffin, and reached Gloucester, while
Earl Robert, covering her flight, was taken and com-
mitted to the castle at Rochester, whence he was
speedily exchanged for Stephen. The war was con-
tmued; the Earl frustrated Stephen's attempts upon
Wallingford, then one of the strongest places in the
south of England, as indeed its extant earthworks
still testify, and he also hovered over Stephen's march
to Winchester, and much impeded his movements.
The Earl next revisited the continent and brought
^ Sometimes, however, as at the siege of Bamborough, the malvoi-
tin seems to have been an earthwork.
THE CHIEF LORDS. 53
over Geoflfrey Plantagenet, landing at Wareham, where
with some difficulty and delay he took the castle. In
1143, July 1, he attacked Stephen at Wilton and
drove him out, and Count Geoffrey returned to Anjou,
taking with him Henry, the future king.
In 1145, died Richard the first Abbot of Neath. In
1146, Bishop Uchtred of Llandaff relates in a charter
how in this year, by the mediation and concession of
Earl Robert, peace was established between the Bishop
and the Abbot and Monks of Tewkesbury, the Bishop
giving consent to their holding all the tithes and
enefices given, or to be given, lawfiilly to them in
his diocese, and they yielding to the Bishop their tithe
of the cultivated demesne in the moor between Taff
and Ely, and two parts of the tithe of Merthyr-Mawr
and that attached to St. John's Chapel. Further,
saving to Llandaff its ovm claim, they consent to allow
to the Bishops of Llandaff a right of burial at Tewkes-
bury, of which privilege however they did not avail
themselves. Twenty years before this the Earl had
settled his own differences with Urban, the Bishop's
predecessor, in an amicable manner, and some time
afterwards Bishop Uchtred's concord was in like
manner confirmed by Bishop Nicholas, who succeeded
him.
Also in 1146 the Abbot and Convent of Gloucester
farmed out for five years, for a fine of £80 in silver,
Penon, with the Church of Llancarvan, to Robert
Hardmg, with power to determine the agreement on
a rateable repayment. This agreement was witnessed
by the Earl with the whole comitatus of Cardiff.
Afterwards, during the episcopate of Bishop Nicholas,
1153-1183, the Abbot let Treygoff and the Church
of Llancarvan, saving the tithe, to Archdeacon Urban,
at 606\ per annum. Soon afterwards, however, the
archdeacon, probably feeling a scruple of conscience
about the matter, with the Bishop's consent renounced
his lease.
Earl Robert, after having borne the brunt of the
54 THE LAND OF MORGAN:
civil war, was denied the satisfaction of witnessing the
close of it, and his nephew's accession. He died at
Bristol in October 1147, seven years before the pacifi-
cation of Wallingford and the death of Stephen, and
was buried in the Priory of St. James, his own founda-
tion. Earr Robert also founded Margam in 1147, the
last year of his life. In 1148 Bishop Uchtred died,
and was succeeded at Llandaff by Nicholas, son of
Bishop Gwrgan. Uchtred seems to nave been married ;
at least his daughter Angharad was the wife of Jor-
worth ap Owain of Caerleon.
Earl Robert was one of the greatest soldiers and
most prudent, or perhaps astute, statesmen of his day.
Whatever, under other circumstances, he may possibly
have intended, he was a loyal promoter of his sister s
interests, and did much to correct or rather to check
her weak but imperious character. Like his fether
Beauclerc, he was a great patron of literature and
himself a man of letters. He was the friend of Caradoc
of Llancarvan, and probably the cause of the Norman
bias of that historian. To him Geoffirey of Monmouth
dedicated his version of the Brut, and William of
Malmesbuiy his history, attributing to him the mag-
nanimity of his grandsire the Conqueror, the munifi-
cence of his uncle William Rufus, and the circumspec-
tion of his father. It was unfortunate for the good
government of Glamorgan that English affairs occupied
so much of the latter part of his life.
Besides his Welsh endowments, Earl Robert was
a liberal benefactor to the church upon his English
estates. He founded the Priory of St. James at
Bristol, in the choir of which he was buried, and
where his eflSgy carved in wood, though probably not
[uite of contemporary date, is still preserved. To
it. Peters at Gloucester he gave, 1130-39, Treygofl^,
and in a later charter, 1139-47, he confirmed Treygoff*
with Penon and the church of Llancarvan, and to
Ewenny the gifts of Maurice de Londres, all for the
weal of his soul and that of Mabel his countess, who
THE CHIEF LORDS. 55
witnessed the charter. In it Robert styles himself
" Robertus regis filius GloucestrisB Consul". In another
longer charter, probably of the same date, he confirms
the gifts of Maurice de Londres and Gilbert de Turber-
ville to Ewenny, and adds twenty-one acres of arable
land outside the gates of Kenfig. He also confirms
his quittance of toll to Ewenny. All this he does
"amore beati Michaelis archiangeli". Earl Robert
is said to have built a castle at Faringdon in Berk-
shire, but this was probably a slight and temporary
work, it may be of timber.
Countess Mabel survived her husband ten years,
during which time she seems to have acted with
authority in Glamorgan. Her earliest charter as a
widow, given probably in 1147, is a confirmation to
St. Peter's of Gloucester, and commences " M : Comi-
tissa Gloucestrise, et Willelmus comes, filius ejus,
Willelmo filio Stephani constabulario suo, etc." Fitz-
Stephen was constable of Cardiff Castle. The lands
confirmed are Treygoff, Llancarvan, and Penon. Mabel
also gave to St. Augustin's, Bristol, sixty acres of land
in the marsh of Rhymny ; and in Earl William's charter
to Neath, he adds the assent and consent of Mabel his
mother. She died in 1157.
Her children were: — 1, William; 2, Roger, Bishop
of Worcester in 1164; he was Henry's messenger to
Rome after Becket's murder in 1167, and died at Tours
Aug. 9, 1179; 3, Hamo, who witnessed his brother's
foundation of Ardennes in 1139 as "Hamo filius comitis
Gloucestrise", and who died at the siege of Thoulouse
in 1159 ; 4, Philip, who married a daughter of Roger
Lord Berkeley, and latterly took part with Stephen ;
5, A son mentioned by William of Jumieges, and who
probably was the "Richard, son of Robert, Earl of
Gloucester", who, says Orderic, received in 1135 the
Bishopric of Bayeux. As bishop, in 1 138, he witnessed
a deed of commutation, between Roger, Abbot of
Fecamp, and Earl Robert, concerning the priory of
Gilves (1), and in the same year founded Ardennes, an
56 THE LAND OF MORGAN:
abbey near Ca«n, in the charter for which he is styled
" Richard, Bishop of Bayeux, son of Robert, Earl of
Gloucester, son of the King of England". Of an
additional donation it is stated, "Dedit autem et
Robertus regis filius Gloucestrise consul". Bishop
Richard died April 3, 1142. — {Gall Ch., xi, 78, Inst.)
6, Maud, who married Ralph Gemons, Earl of Chester.
William, the second Earl of Gloucester, succeeded
his father in 1147, and his mother in 1157, and held
the lordship from the former period thirty-six years.
He is first mentioned in the foundation charter of
Neath in 1129, and next as governor of Wareham
Castle, during his father's absence m Normandy, in
1142, where he was attacked by Stephen and the
castle taken. He commenced his rule, probably with
an understanding with his mother, by a charter dated
January 1148, addressed in regal style to his dapifer,
barons, vicecomes, and to his lieges generally, French,
English, or Welsh. It is specially addressed to Hamo
de Valoygnes, one of a family then considerable in the
county, and it alludes to the foundation of the churches
of St. Mary and St. Thomas at Cardiff. By another
charter he confirmed certain gifts to Tewkesbury.
In 1153 his name, as "William Earl of Gloucester", is
attached to the convention between Stephen and Maud.
Also in 1153 died William, the first Abbot of Margam,
who was succeeded by Abbot Andrew, who died De-
cember 31, 1155. In 1154, October 25, Stephen died,
and Henry II succeeded to the throne. In 1156,
Geoffirey, Bishop of Llandaff, died whilst engaged at
mass.
A great event in Earl William's reign, according to
the Welsh Chronicles, was his war with Ivor ap Meyric
or Ivor bach. Lord of Senghenydd, of which the Earl
threatened to deprive him, and whose stronghold seems
to have been on the high ground above the later fort-
ress of Castell coch, overlooking the plain of Cardiff,
and placed most conveniently for a dasn at that castle.
No Qoubt the hopes of the Welsh were at that time
THE CHIEF LORDS. 57
much excited by the ill success of Henry's expedition
in North Wales in 1157, but Ivor's enterprise, as
recorded by Giraldus, who however places it in 1153,
was not the less a marvel of audacity. Cardiff Castle,
as may yet in part be seen, was defended by a wall
40 feet high and 11 feet thick, and was at that time
garrisoned by 120 men at arms and a large body of
archers and a strong watch. In the contiguous town
was also a stipendiary force. Ivor, however, with his
Welshmen scaled the wall at night, surprised the
garrison, carried off the Earl, his countess, and then-
son to the hills, and dictated his own terms. The
Welsh pedigrees, by way of rounding off the story,
make him marry the Earl's daughter, but the more
reliable English records give no support to this part
of it. Ivor's descendante long contmued to be the
mesne Lords of Senghenydd, and still, both in the
male and female line, retain considerable property
within that lordship, both above the Caiach about
Merthyr and Morlais, and below the Caiach about
Van, Eglwysilan and Llanishen; but this raid pro-
bably gave occasion, a century later, to the construc-
tion of the tower of Whitchurch and the castellets of
CasteU coch and Morlais. The grand border fortress
of Caerphilly was due to a more national attack, but
all were built by the de Clare's upon the private
domain of Ivor's descendants.
5th Henry II, 1158-9, Thomas, nephew to the Earl
of Gloucester, owed fifty marcs to the Exchequer for
his land at Chichester, Devon ; and in the sixth year
this is entered de placitis of William Fitz John, wno is
remitted the fifty marcs by the King. Who Thomas
was is not known ; probably the same who in 1176, as
the nephew to the Earl of Gloucester, with Richard
his son, owed forty marcs to the Exchequer. In 1160,
during the King's prolonged stay in Normandy, Earl
William took part in an expedition against Rhys ap
Griffith, who retaliated in the year following by burn-
ing the grange of Margam. In 1165-6, upon the aid
58 THE LAND OF MORGAN:
for marmng the King's daughter to Henry the Lion,
Duke of Saxony, the Earl was rated upon 36^ fees in
Kent, and elsewhere on 274 fees, in all 309^ fees,
of which 261^ were in the Honour of Gloucester. This
was exclusive of his Welsh lordship, which seems re-
cently to have been augmented by the acquisition of
Caerleon from Meredyth ap Howel. In 1166 Robert (?),
Earl William's brother, died. In 1169 the Earl founded
Keynsham Abbey. The invasion of Ireland by Earl
Richard of Striguil, in 1169, was strongly supported in
Glamorgan ; and among the knights who won and settled
upon estates in that country are very many whose
names show them to have emigrated from the lord-
ship, such are Barry, Cogan, Kenefek, Penrice, Scur-
lock, and about a hundred others.
In the autumn of 1171, and in March 1172, Henry
passed through Cardiff on his way to and from Ireland.
On the latter occasion occurred the incident related by
Giraldus, and which is thought to mark the conmience-
ment of the movement for keeping holy the Lord's
day, which became popular in the reign of King John.
Henry being at Cardiff on Low Sunday (April 23)
heard mass in St. Perian's Chapel, in Shoemaker
Street, and as he came forth and was about to mount
his horse, a man addressed him in English, saying —
" God keep thee, O king ; Christ and his Holy Mother,
John the Baptist, and Peter the Apostle greet thee,
and by me order thee to forbid aU fairs and markets on
the Lord's day, and all not necessary labours, and take
thou heed that the sacred offices be devoutly adminis-
tered ; so shalt thou prosper." "Ask the master", said
the King in Norman French, turning to Sir Philip
Marcross, "whether he directed this"; on which the
man repeated his admonition, saying, " Unless thou
dost obey me, and at once amend thy life, before a
year shall pass away, harder things will happen to thee,
which, so long as thou livest, thou shall not shake off";
and having so spoken he disappeared, while the King,
having mounted, rode away over Rhjrmny bridge into
THE CHIEF LORDS. 59
England. It was durii^ this Irish journey that Henry
summoned Yorworth of Caerleon and his sons to meet
him at Newport on Usk, addressing to them a safe
conduct. While on the road, one of the Earl of Glou-
cester's men met them, and killed Owen the son of
Yorworth, on which Yorworth, distrustful, returned,
and laid waste the country towards Gloucester. Henry
finally took possession of Caerleon; in revenge for
which, in July 1174, when Henry was beyond the sea,
Yorworth and Morgan ap Sissylt ap Dynval destroyed
Caerleon town and castle, and wasted the neighbour-
hood, then in English occupation. In 1171-2 the
Bishop of Llandaff, the see being much impoverished
by these repeated harryings, received 665. 8(i., the
King's gift, and a corrody of 135. from Hyde Abbey.
In 1173 the Pipe Roll enters from Gilbert de Um-
fraville, £44 10^. 2(i., pro rehahenda terra sua, of
which the Earl of Gloucester had deforced him. There
was in the treasury £9 6s. 8c/., and he owed £35 Ss. 6c/.,
and in the next year's account he had paid 101^. 8d.
This looks as though the Earl's lands were in the King's
hands; which is strange, unless indeed the King had
taken them in hand on account of the Earl's adherence
to the party of the young Henry, to which for a time
he either gave his aid, or at least did not support the
King, affecting neutrality. That the King was dis-
satisfied with nim is also shown by his having actually
imprisoned him with the Earl of Lincoln, and by his
including him among those whom he dispossessed of
their castles, when he attached that of Bristol to
the Crown. This was in 1175-6, in which year Henry
received at Gloucester the Welsh magnate Rhys ap
Griffith, and with him Morgan ap (>aradoc ap Jestyn
of Avan, whose 'mother Gwladys was Prince Rhys's
sister, and GriflSth ap Ivor bach ap Meyric of Senghe-
nydd, together with another nephew of Rhys, also
a son of his sister; with them came Yorworth ap
Owen of Caerleon. It should be observed that both
Morgan and Griffith were vassal barons of the Earl
60 THE LAND OF MORGAN:
of Gloucester, and had he been in a position to enforce
his rights they would not have been admitted to the
sovereign. In Lent 1177, at the assembly in London
in which Henry arbitrated between the Kings of Cas-
tile and Navarre, Earl William appears as one of the
witnesses of the confirming document.
In 1181 Henry proclaimed an assize of arms, cer-
tainly much needed, on the Welsh borders, but which
was an assumption by the Crown of the right to tax
rents and, in some degree, personal chattels. Every
holder of a knight's fee was to be provided with a
cuirass, a helmet, a shield, and a lance ; and so many
fees as he may hold, so many of each was he to provide.
Every free layman, having chattels or a rental equal to
sixteen marcs, was to provide a hauberk, an iron head-
piece, and a lance. No man is to sell, to pledge, or to
lend these arms ; no lord is to seize them. They are
to descend to the heir, and if he be an infant the
guardian is to use them until the owner be able to bear
arms. No man is to possess more arms than the above.
In 1182 the Welsh slew Ea.nulph Poer, the King's
sheriff for Gloucestershire. Nicholas, Bishop of Llan-
dafi', died 6 Sep. 1183.
Earl William died on the night of St. Clement's,
23 Nov. 1183, the anniversary of his birth, and probably
about the sixtieth of his age. Among his works was
the building of the town of Kenfig, and the foundation
of Keynsham Abbey at the request of his dying son.
To the monks of Neath he confirmed his father's gift
of Blackscarr, to which he added the right of wreck
upon their sea shore. To Margam he gave by charter,
before 1166, tested by his countess and addressed to
his sheriff and barons, " Siwardum palmiferum," with
his house and curtilage, by the hand of Robert his son.
By another charter he gave to the monks of St. Peter's,
Gloucester, freedom from toll in Bristol, Cardiff, and
Newport, for the soul's weal of himself, his countess,
and their son. To St. Augustine's, Bristol, he gave
the tithes of his mills at Newport, and a tenth of his
THE CHIEF LORDS. 61
forest rent for Candelan, with lands on the river
Rhymny near Cardiff; and to the church of St. Guth-
lac, Hereford, freedom from toll throughout his Welsh
possessions, and the same freedom to the monks of
Goldcliff, in Bristol, Cardiff, Newport, Caerleon, and
Chepstow. 3y another charter, preserved in the
Bradenstoke Cartulary, he gave to a certain "Stemor"
his burgage in Cardiff at 12d. per annum rent instead
of 25. Aiiother charter, tested by his countess, relates
to what Mr. Floyd supposes to be the parish church of
St. Mary at Cardiff, which he seems to have rebuilt and
dedicated to St. Mary and St. Thomas, then recently
martyred. There are also other charters by Earl
William, relating to donations in Gloucester and Dor-
set.^ He was buried at Keynsham.
Earl William married Hawise, daughter of Robert
Bossu, Earl of Leicester. She died 24th April 1197,
having had to stand up for her vidual rights. 1st
Richard I she had £50 allowed her for her maritagium
for the half year, in the accounts of the Honour of
Gloucester ; and 7th Richard I, just before her death,
she accounted for 200 marcs, or £66 13^. 4c?., in the
Pipe Roll of Devon and Somerset, as her payment on
her dower and maritagium.
Their children were — 1, Robert, mentioned in the
Pipe Roll 1155 as "Robertum filium Comitis Glouces-
triae"; he was bom and died at Cardiff, and was buried
at Keynsham ; 2, Mabel ; 3, Amice ; 4, Isabel. As
Robert died young and childless, the three sisters be-
came coheirs.
It was Earl William who presented King Henry
with the spotted greyhound so celebrated for his
fidelity to Owen ap Caradoc ap Jestyn, having received
seven wounds in defence of his master, who was slain
by Cadwalader ap Caradoc, his brother, who also came
to an untimely end.
Upon the Earl's death the lordship fell into the cus-
^ He also granted certain lands to the House of Bolej, near
Torigny. — Gall. Chriit.y xi, 456.
62 THE LAND OF MORGAN:
tody of the crown, and its accounts appear in the Pipe
Rolls of the 30th Henry II, 1183-4. These accounts
are very curious, and though too long to be given at
length, show the value of the Pipe Rolls, and what has
been lost by the destruction of the records of the local
Chancery. The several officers who account to the
King for the receipts and expenditure, half year by half
year, are Maurice de Berkeley, Hamo de Valoygnes, and
Hugh Bardolf. Under them are William de Cogan,
Walter Luvel, Reginald Fitz-Simon, and one or two
others who were in charge of the castles of Neath,
Kenfig, Newcastle, Rhymny and Newport. There are
also charges for military stores and fittings, wamisture
for these castles, and for their repairs, especially for
gates and palisades, probably barriers in advance of the
gates. There were also horsemen and footmen serving
S)r a term at livery at the lord's expense, whose leaders
were W™ le Sor, W alt' de Lageles, Walter Luvel, Payn
de Turberville, Reginald Fitz Simon and Hoel of Caer-
leon, and allowances for the hire of shipping for stores
and provisions, and for the transport of de Valoygnes
and his knights. Tithes are paid to Tewkesbury ; com-
pensation for horses lost or killed by the Welsh ; Roath
and Rhymny bridges are repaired ; and two millstones
put into Leckwith Mill. Kenfig town had been burned,
and had to be enclosed, "prsecludenda" and the rents
remitted for a year. The Dean and the Archdeacon
came in for compensation for injuries done by the Welsh.
Philip de Marcross, the Under-SherifF, has a handsome
present for the charge of the lordship ; as the Sheriff is
not mentioned it may be supposed that the two officers
stood, as to loss and gain, as they do now. There are
charges for the keeping of Welsh prisoners, and one
very grim-looking item for " chains for Welsh prisoners
and doing justice on them." The income is derived
from a variety of sources — rents, or farms of manors
and nulls, pleas of courts and perquisites, wards, fairs,
and earnest money ; lands seized because their lords
did not discharge the service due, and chattels forfeited
THE CHIEF LORDS. 63
for disobedience of orders. Wardships formed a regular
portion of the Lord's revenue. One occurs in the per-
son of the daughter of Guy de Trotington, whose land
is in the Lord's hands. A relief also is paid by Robert
de Cardiff on obtaining seizin of his land, and a fine
is levied upon Alan de St. George, probably on a similar
occasion.
In 1184 Henry was at Worcester on South Wales'
affairs. Rhys ap Griffith had a safe conduct and came
to the King, and promised his sons and nephews as
hostages. They, however, refused to redeem the pro-
mise. It is rather strange, after what had passed, that
Howel of Caerleon should be in the King's service
against his countrymen.
In 1 1 85 the Welsh, unrestrained by any giving of hos-
tages, took advantage of the interregnum, and invaded
and laid waste Glamorgan. An eclipse, which presented
the sun of the colour of blood, no doubt was construed
in their favour. They burned Kenfig for the second
time — " it had not been burned a year or more" — and
the town of Cardiff. Neath was attacked, but relieved
by the Normans, who beat off the swarm of Welshmen,
and burned their machines of war. It was then that, at
Llanridian in Gower, St. Iltyd's spring flowed with
milk, and that of so excellent a qualitv that butter rose
upon its surface. In this year William, Prior of St.
Augustine's, became Bishop of Llandaff, and in 1187
consecrated the altar of the Holy Trinity in the Abbey
of Margam.
On the 6th July 1189, King Henry died, the lord-
ship being still in the hands of the Crown.
THE CO-HEIKS OF THE HONOUR AND
LORDSHIP, AND THE COMING IN OF
THE HOUSE OF CLARE.
The ages of Earl William's daughters at the time of
his death are not on record, but they certainly were
very voung. Dugdale, following Walsingham, says
that tne Earl, to prevent the division of the heritage,
adopted as his heir, at Windsor in 1176, the King's
second son, John ; but this must have been with the
understanding that he was to marry one of the coheirs.
Madox (Bar. Angl.^ p. 201) says that on the Earl's
death the Honour of Gloucester, in which he evidently in-
cludes the Welsh lordship, was escheated to the Crown;
and Hugh Bardolph, in accounting to Richard I for the
issues " de tribus partibus anni", says this was " ante-
quam rex daret eundem Honorem Johanni fratri suo"
(tipe Roll, 1st Richard I). Nevertheless, the subse-
quent descents of both Honour and Lordship show that
they were not held as male fiefs ; but, like all other
property, where the law had its course, descended to
the heiresses, subject to a purparty or division, and
subject, of course, during a mmority, to the usual rights
of wardship. When, some years later, the male line of
the de Clares failed, but very few of their manors re-
verted to the Crown ; the great bulk of the estate was
held by the King as in wardship, and so soon as it was
certain that there was no male heir of the body of the
last Earl, on the petition of the sisters, was divided.
It is, therefore, probable that the vesting of the estate
in John was by an arrangement with Earl William; and
that this was so, is supported by the fact that after
John divorced the heiress he gave up the estate, though
THE CO-HEIRS OF THE LORDSHIP. 65
with a very bad grace, and after considerable delay.
The title of Eail of Gloucester was certainly a personal
grant by Henry I to his son Robert on his marriage.
It could not have been a part of Mabel's heritage, for
Fitz-Hamon was not an earl. With the title Henry
evidently made the usual grant of the third penny of
the county. The learned authors of the Peerage Re-
"ports deny this, but in the Pipe Roll of Ist Richard I,
after the passage above cited, follows, "et de xxxii
libris de tercio denario comitatus de dimidio anno ;"
and in the Roll of 3rd John, Almaric d'Evreux had
xxZi. of the third penny of the same county. The usual
appanage of an earl in those days was the third penny
of the pleas of his county.
The limitation under which the earldom descended
is obscure. It does not appear why John's marriage
should have made him Earl of Gloucester, as his wife
was not sole heiress of her father, although in Bristol
Castle she possessed what was probably then regarded
as the " caput Honoris Gloucestrise '. Gloucester,
which she did not possess, might probably be the
"caput Comitatus," but it was never held by the earls.
On Earl WilUam's death Henry stepped in, as
guardian of the infant co-heiresses and custos of the
lands. The latter he held about six years, when the
issues were returned as a branch of the royal revenue.
Thus, 33rd Henry II, 1186-7, Hugh Bardolph ac-
counted for the scutages, " quia Honor est in manu
regis," and in the same year is an account of £43 175. 7d.
for works at Kenefit Castle, probablv Kenfig, in Gla-
morgan, though possibly a Herefordsnire fortress.
On Henry's death the wardship passed with the
crown to Richard, and the accounts, oesides the third
penny mentioned above, show "et comitissse Gloucestriae
£50 pro dote et maritagio suo de dimidio anno per
Ran' ae Glanviirprecepto regis," This was the Countess
Dowager. Other entries show that Bardolf accounted
for the Castle of Caermarthen and for works at Bristol
Castle, as well as for certain issues from the Abbot of
p
66 THE LAND OF MORGAN:
Keynsham. Among the tenants Henry de Umfranvill
owed £4 for his relief, and Roger de Maisi£45 for nine
knight's fees held of the Honour, but probably, in strict-
ness, of the Lordship of Glamorgan. Fitz-Stephen seems
to have accounted for the issues of the County, Bar-
dolf for those of the Honour. Richard held the ward-
ship two-thirds of a year, and then, in 1189, deter-
mined it in favour of Isabel, the third sister, whom he
married to his brother John, to whom she had been
contracted in 1176. The accounts for 1189-90, 1st
Richard I, show for saddles, etc., for the daughter of
the Earl of Gloucester and her maidens, £17 2^. 7c?.,
and for various furs for her and the daughter of the
Earl of Chester, as well as for the Queen and the sister
of the King of France, 735. Ad. She had also three
roserells. John held the Honour by baronial homage
and service. He lost it for a time when disseized of
his English lands by the sentence of the royal court,
but regained it on nis reconciliation with his brother.
It seems to have been in the Crown in the 9th
Richard I, 1197-8, when William de Warene was
custos of the Honour, and was collecting for Richard's
ransom. The names of some of the knights in his ac-
counts, as de Cardiff, de Granville, and de Sanford,
belong both to the Honour and to the Lordship of
Glamorgan.
On John's accession he became both chief and mesne
lord. Madox is careful to point out that while John's
own services thus became extinguished, the tenants
continued to pay theirs as holding " in capite ut de
Honore." Also, as an Honour was a Barony, it did
not merge in the Crown, as was the case with a
knight's fee or a demesne manor, but was held in
abeyance and distinct, and was described technically
as holden " in dominio". John's marriage was opposed
by Archbishop Baldwin as within the forbidden de-
•ees, both parties descending from Henry I. While
!arl of Moretaine it suited John to disregard this
objection, but when he succeeded as king, and had no
children, he revived it and obtained a divorce.
THE CO-HEIRS OF THE LORDSHIP. 67
According to the Annals of Tewkesbury, John's mar-
riage, though contracted for in 1176, with the proviso
that the Pope's license was to be obtained, did not
actually take place until Richard's accession in 1189.
It must have been just before the marriage, during the
episcopate of William de Saltmarsh, that Archbishop
Baldwin, accompanied by Giraldus Cambrensis, visited
Glamorgan, preached the crusade at Llandaff, was the
guest of Abbot Conan at Ewenny, and was guided
across the treacherous marshes and sands between the
Avan and the Nedd by Morgan ap Caradoc, Jestyn's
eldest grandson, and the Lord of Avan. Richard s
letter from Messina, written about the 25 th January
1191, is addressed to John, Earl of Gloucester, and
John so styles himself in forwarding the letter to the
Archbishop, although he seldom used the title after-
wards. In 1199, 30th October, he confirmed to Wil-
liam de Berkeley a donation made by Robert Earl of
Gloucester, and soon after his marrjage he, as " Comes
de Moreton", or " Moritonie", granted charters of con-
firmation to Neath and Margam. The Neath charter
has been printed ; that to Margam, dated Cardijff on
the Tuesday before St. Hilary 1193, is in excellent
preservation, and bears John's seal as Lord of Glamor-
gan, with two passant lions on his shield. It is one of
a mass of similar documents in the possession of Mr.
Talbot of Margam, which, if examined, would no
doubt throw much light on the early history of that
abbey, and on the descent of property in the county in
the twelfth century. There is also another charter by
John, without date, but granted before his accession,
preserved in the Cottonian MSS. (Cleopatra, A vii,
73 b), printed in the New Monasticon (ii, 69). 7 Aug.
1197, " Elizabetha Comitissa GloucestriaB et Moreton"
confirmed a charter "a domino meo Johanne Moreton"
to John, Bishop of Worcester, concerning Malvern
forest {Nash Wore, ii, 137). It is dated from Bee.
The divorce seems to have occurred in May 1200,
and John's marriage to Isabel of Angouldme foUowed at
F 2
68 THE LAND OF MORGAN :
once, so that they were crowned at Christmas. That
John retained the Lordship and Honour in his hands
is evident from his grants after his accession. 22nd
October 1199, he confirmed a grant by Robert, Earl of
Gloucester, of Eldresfield, to William son of William
de Berkeley, and 18th April 1200, a grant of Bed-
minster manor by the same to the same. This indeed
he might have done as sovereign, but in his first year
William de Falaise and Master Swem account for the
issues of the Honour, and probably of the lordship,
which for this month are £223 12s. 3d. Also, 1201-2,
Guy de CanceUis accounted to the Crown for the
scutages of the Honour of Gloucester, levied upon
327^ fees, and the King retained also the castle and
barton of Bristol. The Pipe Roll for the following
year, 3rd John, 1202, has been printed. In it William
de Falaise accounts for the Honour for the past year.
Among the tenants who belonged also to Glamorgan
are Henry de Umfranvill, who paid 12 marks on 5
fees ; Roger de Meisi, 24 marks on 4 fees ; John le Sor,
36 marks on 14 fees ; Roger Corbet, 8 marks on 1 fee ;
Herbert de St. Quintin, 3 marks for 10 fees ; and Milo
de Sumeri, 5 marks for 3^ fees. William de Montacute
and Ralph de Cirecest' were allowed £50 for the ex-
{)enses of the Countess [of Gloucester] at Bristol, by a
etter from Geofliy Fitz-Peter. Keynsham Abbey paid
40c?. for scutage.
In the next roll, 4th John, the fees in the Honour of
Gloucester are 304^, of which A7^ are in Glamorgan.
The Earl of Evreux held 20 fees, and the Earl of Clare
15 fees. Also Henrv de Umphravill accounts for 20
marks on 5 fees ; John le Sor, 60 marks on 14 fees ;
and H. de St. Quintin, 50 marks on 10 fees. Also,
13th April, 1204, John confirmed certain gifts in
Petersfield, Hants, by William Earl of Gloucester and
Hawise his wife; and 23rd June 1205, granted a
*' masagium" or habitation, in Lincoln, to be held of
the Earl of Gloucester and his heirs. As king he also
confirmed the charters to Margam and Neath. To
THE CO-HEIRS OF THE LORDSHIP. 69
Margam, his confirmations, four in number, are dated
15th May 1205 ; a second probably in the same year ;
and the others 22nd July and 11th August 1207,
are printed in the Rotulus Chartarum, as are those to
Neath, 6th January, 5th August, and 11th August
1207.' Also in the New Monasticon (vi, 366), is a
charter confirming to St. Augustin's, Bristol, the
grant of Earl WiUiam between Cardiff and the
Khymny, and others by Countess Mabel, William's
mother. Certain allowances, apparently not very
liberal ones, were made to the lawfiil heiress, who re-
tained her titular rank. At Tewkesbury, John built
the long bridge and granted the town toUs for its
repair.
6th November 1201, the justiciary was directed to
allow the Countess of Gloucester to hold her lands in
peace, "sicut antecessores" ; and 30th July 1205,
" Our beloved Countess" is to have " qualibet septi-
mana unam damam". 6th February 1206, she has
£12 for her expenses from the Exchequer; and 26th
May, the King allows the reasonable expenses of the
Earl (Countess) of Gloucester at Winchester. 20th
March 1207, a ton (tonellum) of wine, also charged to
the Exchequer, is allowed, and certain necessary ex-
penses for her at Sherborne, to be certified by her ser-
vant Hamo. The Pipe Roll of 8th John contains an
entry of 40 marks for disseizin for Amicia, formerly
Countess of Clare.
19th September 1207, Falkes, the King's bailiff in
Glamorgan, has an allowance for the repairs of the
castles there ; his patent as Custos is dated February
1207. 3rd December, the Castle of Sherborne in
Dorset is mentioned as belonging to the Countess, and
no doubt her residence.
27th December, Falkes is informed that Gilbert de
TurbervUle has appeased the King by the payment of
a horse for his fine on relief for his land. 23rd March
1208, Keynsham Abbey is vacant and Gilbert de Aties
is to provide the canons with food and clothing, and
70 THE LAND OF MORGAN :
Falkes is to give him seizin of their land in Glamorgan.
9th April, Falkes is directed to let William de Londres
have the Priory of Ewenny, which is of his fee. Falkes
was the notorious Falcasius de Breaut^.
By an entry on the Patent RoUs of 5 March 1208,
John calls on the Barons and Knights of the Honour
of Glamorgan and of the Honour of Cardiff, to put in
repair his houses in the Ballium of Cardiff Castle as
they were wont to do, so that they may discharge
their Castle guards, as they value their fees. This
shows that the greater tenants occupied houses in the
Castle court, which were kept in repair hy them,
though belonging to the lord.
10th John, 1208-9, a charter roll contains the ac-
counts of Falkes for £100 for the Honour of Glouces-
ter; for works at Cardiff and Neath Castles, £22 10.9.,
and 100 marks for the custody of Swansea Castle.
From Gilbert de Turberville 25 marks; from the monks
of Neath 50 marks and a palfrey. From the Abbot of
Margam £17 16s. 6c?., and from the same abbot, among
the " oblata", 100 marks for having in free alms the
Manors of Lalvereth and Haved Halown with appur-
tenances, and similarly the Manor of Pettun and ap-
purtenances, as in the King's charter. Agnes, widow
of Hamelin de Torinton, a family related to the Umfra-
villes and Sullys, pays 20 marks. Philip de Nerberd
accounts for £20 for having his land. Galfrid Whyt-
ney (?) accounts for 200 marks and a palfrey for cus-
tody of the lands and heir of Henry de Umphraville.
10th John, William son of CaswaUon was allowed
1 mark for the loss of his horse. In 1210 John was in
Glamorgan ; 28th May and 28th August, at Margam,
then spelt Margan or Morgan ; 21st May, at Neath ;
and 29th Mav, at Swansea. At that time Gower
seems to have been in his hands, and, 11th November
1208, he freed the English and Welsh of that lordship
from certain burthens connected with the Castle of
Swansea. In 1210, Rhys and Owen, sons of Griffith ap
Rhys, were sent as messengers to Falkes to try to
THE CO-HEIRS OF THE LORDSHIP. 71
bring about a peace ; but, notwithstanding this, 1 2th
John, 1210-11, 50 marks were expended in strengthen-
ing Swansea Gastle ; a not unnecessary outlay, for in
1211 the Welsh, under Cadwalon ap Ivor bach, burnt
and plundered Glamorgan, as, in 1212, Rees Vachan
treated the town of Swansea. 14th John, Falkes de
Breaut^ is quitted £200 for the farm of Glamorgan for
the preceding and current years. Slst April 1213,
the King issued a brief of inquisition into the losses
sustained by the Church in the late discords between
the King and the Clergy of England, and that for the
See of Llandaff was addressed to Richard Flandrensis
of Glamorgan and Walter de Sulye. As the see was
not vacant, they were probably selected as upright and
independent assessors. In that year Gilbert, Aobot of
Margam, was displaced, and was succeeded, 18th May,
by John de Goldcliffe, one of the monks. Gilbert be-
came a monk at Kirkstall, and died 12th May 1214.
A little before this, 12th March 1213, the King
allowed to Isabel, Countess of Gloucester, " rationabile
testamentum quod fecit de rebus suis mobilibus", pro-
bably with a view to her marriage. And, 16th
January 1214, Peter de Cancellis is to bring safely to
the King the Countess of Gloucester, now in his charge,
apparently at Bristol Castle. Guion de Cancellis was at
this time Custos of the Honour of Gloucester.
After about thirteen years of widowhood, which, in
a time when a widow with a large jointure as an in-
heritance seldom remained single, may, without much
fear of injustice to John, be attributed to his wish to
retain the earldom in his own hands. Countess Isabel
married Geoffrey Fitz-Peter or de Mandeville, the
justiciary, who, on the death of his father, 2nd Octo-
ber 1213, became Earl of Essex, and had livery of his
paternal estates. No doubt the marriage took place
very soon afterwards, for, 24th January 1214, the Ex-
chequer was to allow £13 15.9. 8c/., to be spent in robes
for the Countess of Gloucester and her maidens, and by
the 28th they were married, and GeoflSrey had certainly
72 THE LAND OF MORGAN:
been admitted to her lands, seeing that in February he
was ordered to be disseized, because he had not paid
the fees due. The precept for his admission " Honori
de Glanmorgan" is addressed to Falke de Breaut^, and
dated 26 January 1214.
The fine for the marriage was 20,000 marks, and Geof-
frey's relief on taking up the earldom of Essex was a
similar sum, to be paid in four equal parts. Probably he
contrived to pay the first instalment at once, for, 9th and
10th of August 1214, the King informs the sheriflfe of
thirty-two counties that he has given Isabel to Geoflfrey
de Mandeville to wife, and that he is to have the whole
Honour of Gloucester, and to be installed in all Earl
William's rights, except the castle, vill, and forest of
Bristol, and the vill of Campden. The seizin of
Geoflfrey's own lands in Bucks was not given till the
23rd of June. 2l8t November in the same year, 1214,
he witnessed John's charter concerning the freedom of
episcopal elections, as "Gaufrido de Mandevillse, Comite
Gloucestrie et Essexie", and, as " Comes Gloucestrie",
he was one of the twenty-five barons chosen under the
Great Charter, 15th June 1215. In January in that
year, he had witnessed a royal proclamation as Earl of
Gloucester and Essex, and a late convention as Earl of
Essex and Gloucester. Nicholas, however, dates his
assumption of the earldom of Gloucester from 1215.
In the Pipe Roll, 3rd John, 1202, £50 is allowed for
the expenses of the Countess of Gloucester at Bristol,
by two briefs of GeoflSrey Fitz-Peter, and another £20
for the same expenses, " predictae comitissse", also "per
breve G : f : Peter". At this time the Honour con-
tained three hundred and twenty seven and three- tenths
fees, besides twenty fees which could not be identified.
Geoffrey's usual style was Earl of Essex and Glouces-
ter, and that of his wife Countess of Gloucester and
Essex. Her charter to Basalleg, printed by Heam (A.
de Domerham, ii, 609), combines the two, and com-
mences "Ego, Isabella, Comitissa Gloucestrie et Essexie,
consensu et assensu domini mei Galfridi de Mandevilla
THE OO-HEIBS OF THE LORDSHIP. 73
Comitis Essexie et Gloucestrie". The divorce alienated
the whole Gloucester interest from John, who also so
mismanaged the marriage as to throw the new Earl also
into opposition, which continued during the few months
that intervened before his death, childless, before June
1216, in London, in consequence of an accident at a
tournament. John at once, 19th June, granted to
Savary de Maul^on all the lands which had belonged to
GeoflSrey de Mandeville and his brother William, then
probably in arms against the King. John himself died
19th October, 1216. The accounts show that of the
20,000 marks. Earl GeoflBrey had paid half only, and the
remainder, being a charge upon his estate, was de-
manded at the hands of Earl William, his brother and
successor, as late as 12th May 1226 ; and long after-
wards, 18th June 1242, Letters patent were issued,
allowing the remainder of the fine of 20,000 marks
made by Geoffrey de Mandeville with King John, for
the marriage of Isabel, Countess of Gloucester, to be
paid by annual instalments of £40 l().s\, out of the third
penny of the County of Essex. While a widow, Isabel
granted a charter to Margam, preserved at Penrice, as
"Ego YsabeU Comitissa Gloucester *et Essex' in libera
viduitate mea", and another while still a widow, to
Caerleon, but she speedily became the third wife of
Hubert de Burgh, then justiciary. The date of this
marriage is not recorded, but it must have been imme-
diate, for, 13th August 1217, all the lands of the
Countess of Gloucester were committed to Hubert de
Burgh {Fat. Roll, 1st Henry III, m. 4), and in the
same year Hubert had livery of Walden, a part of
Isabels dower, and, 17th September, the Kmg in-
formed the sheriflfe of nine counties that the Countess
had come in to his fealty and service, and was to be
placed as she stood before the war between the King
and the Barons of England. This was under Henrv III,
and just after the battle of Lincoln. She died almost
immediately, for, 15th October, was an order as to the
custody of her land, she being dead (P. Molly 1st
74 THE LAND OP MOBQAN :
Henry III, m. 1) ; and, 30th October, she, which must
mean her estate, was called upon to pay scutage. 5th
Henry III, Hubert married Margaret of Scotland. He
does not appear as Earl of Gloucester; probably he had
not time to fiilfil the necessaxy formalities. He was
created Earl of Kent 11th February 1227, with re-
mainder to his heirs by Margaret.
Isabel having died childless, the inheritance passed,
de jure, to the son of her eldest sister, Mabel, who had
married Almeric or Aymar de Montfort, Comte d'Ev-
reux, who, as " Aumericus Comes Ebroicarum", tested a
charter by Henry I to Conches in 1130, and is named
in a Bull of Pope Eugenius in 1152. He died 1196,
while the Earldom of Gloucester was in the hands of
the Crown, leaving a son, also Almeric, whose position
with regard to his mother's right is obscure. Mabel is
probably the daughter of the Earl of Gloucester, to
whom and her maidens was allowed, in the Pipe Roll
of 7th Richard I, 1196, "£17 2s. 7d., and for vair fiirs
about 37^., and for a Roserell £6". Sandford says,
Henry II gave her £100 portion, because her father
had passed her over and bestowed the earldom upon
John. And the Pipe Roll, 4th John, already quoted,
shows that her two sisters were allowed a share, though
a small one, of the inheritance, the Earl of Evreux
having 20, and the Earl of Clare 25 knight's fees.
The date of the elder Earl Almeric's marriage is not
recorded, but the younger Earl, in May 1200, at the
instance of King John, ceded his right in Evreux to
Philip Augustus, for which he had an equivalent. The
cession is the subject of a document given in the Gallia
Cfiristiaiia (xi, p. Inst.), which begins *'Ego Almericus
Comes Gloucestrie", and states that he is acting "de
mandato domini mei Johannis illustris regis Angliae",
who " in suflBciens excambium inde donavit". William
Mareschal is one of the witnesses. This was in May
1200, the very month of John's divorce from Almeric's
aunt, and shows that, having himself no longer an
interest in the title, he was disposed to allow the son
THE CO-HEIBS OP THE LORDSHIP. 75
of the elder sister to assume it, as he continued to do,
and was allowed some fragments of the property. Thus,
in the Pipe Roll, 3rd John, 1202, William de Falaise
accounts for 1125. 7c?., issues from the barton outside
Bristol, "before it was given to Earl Almaric"; and by
the same accounts "Almaric Comes Ebroic'": was allowed
£20 out of the third penny of the county. Also, 26th
January 1205, Falaise, as custos of the Honour, was
directed to give to Earl Almaric, Bradested ; and 31st
April, Petersfield and Mapledurham ; and 30th Decem-
ber, Burford; and 16th August 1206, certain other
manors, all which had probably been his mother s join-
ture. Also, he occasionally witnesses royal charters,
sometimes as "A: comite Gloucestrie", and sometimes
as"A:comite Ebroic'", as in 1204-5, or simply as
"Comes Gloucestrie", as a pledge in 1205 for Henry,
son of the Earl of Cornwall for 4 marks ; nor is there
anything in the subject of the documents to account
for this variety. No document has been discovered in
which he uses the titles together, nor does he ever ap-
pear as Lord of Glamorgan or of the Honour of Glou-
cester. He seems to have died 1212-13, and was
buried at Keynsham. Some further obscurities arise
out of the disposition of the manors above mentioned.
20th November 1213, Gilbert de Clare is to have seizin
of two parts of the land which Aumeric, Earl of Evreux,
had in Merlaw and Hameldon, co. Bucks, and Melisent,
his widow, the third part. Also, 15th December, the
Countess of Gloucester is to have her chattels in these
manors; and, 4th January 1214, the executors of the
will of "A: comitis de Ebroic'" are to have his chattels
in Thornbury, Petersfield, and Mapledurham. Also,
15th March 1217, William de Cantelupe, junior, and
Melisant, who was the wife of Aumaric, Earl of Evreux,
are to have her dower in Mapledurham and Petersfield,
which she had from the Earl, her husband. Also, 2nd
October, Gilbert de Clare was to give to William de
Cantelupe and Melisant his wife possession of Merlaw,
as part of her dower, and he is to answer to the King
76 THE LAND OF MORGAN:
for having disseised her of it. . Finally, in^l215, about
the 2nd of July, "Melisanta comitissa de Ebroill", ap-
points as her attorney Henry de Neford, in a plea con-
cerning land, between the Countess, the Archbishop of
Canterbury, the Prior of Dunstable, GeoflSrey de Man-
deville, and Gilbert de Clare. The chiux5hmen are pro-
bably trustees, and GeoflBrey and Gilbert represented
the other sisters.
It appears from P&re Anselm's account {Hist. Geneal. ,
etc., vii, 74), which, however, is fiill of errors, that
Almeric, evidently the son, married, secondly, Mele-
sinda, daughter of Hugh de Goumay, who is doubtless
the Melisant mentioned above. It is not improbable
that the manors were originally settled on Mabel, that
on her death they came to her son Almeric, and that
in 1205 he was getting them resettled, on his marriage.
The ordinary accounts make Mabel die before 1199,
and her son childless in 1226, but the above entries
show that he was dead in 1213, which may account for
Isabel's marriage, and her husband's assumption of the
earldom in 1214. Thus, the succession of the Earls of
Gloucester from the death of Earl William was John,
Earl of Moretain, Almeric Comte d'Evreux, and Geof-
frey, Earl of Essex.
The death of Earl Geoffrey in 1216 and of Countess
Isabel, probably in 1217, cleared the way for the suc-
cession, and makes it probable that the Anncds of
Margam are correct in stating that Gilbert de Clare
assumed the earldom in 1217, although Nicholas places
that event in 1126. He was certainly the^Iarl of
Gloucester to whom the King sent a messenger at a
cost of Qd.y 9th March 1220, and another, who being
sent to Clare, was paid 1^., 17th April 1222, and who,
19 th February 1221, was rated for the scutage of
Biham. He also appears in the great charter of Henry
III as Earl of Gloucester. One of his early acts wasjto
confirm to Tewkesbury the grants of his ancestors.
However, or by whom, the lordship may have been
held during the forty-three years that elapsed from the
THE 00-HEIRS OF THE LORDSHIP. 77
death of Earl William in 1173 to that of the Earl
of Essex in 1216, after the latter event, it certainly-
vested de^ jure in the son of Amice, the second sister,
who alone left issue, and it must be allowed that the
new dynasty was one very capable of upholding and
extending the title and inheritance of which it thus
became the heir. The House of Clare ruled in Gla-
morgan for four generations, during a period of eighty-
eight years, from 1226 to 1314, includmg the reigns of
Henry III, Edward I, and a third part of that of
Edward II, his son. The long reign of Henry III, the
weakness and vacillation of his character and conduct,
and the general dissatisfaction with his foreign rela-
tives and favourites, gave great cause and great en-
couragement to the nobles to rebel, and at various
times, and in the foremost rank of the disaffected, were
the Earls of Gloucester and Pembroke, the former in
the male line and the latter in the female, the repre-
sentatives of the House of Clare, and the chief lords of
the South and West Wales Marches. Their territory ex-
tended almost from Pembroke to Chepstow, including
much of Cardigan and a large slice of Nether Gwent.
Their only rivals, the Barons Braose of Gower, Lords
of Brecknock and Abergavenny, were far too violent to
have any permanent weight, or to interfere seriously
with the ambition of the House of Clare. Under
William Mareschal the elder. Lord of Chepstow and
Pembroke, and the heir of Strongbow in Ireland, the
Lords of the March were kept in tolerable order, but
his death left the King without restraint, and the suc-
ceeding Earls Mareschal and of Gloucester with ample
excuse, if not sufficient reason, for taking refuge in open
rebellion.
The history of the House of Clare belongs quite as
much to that of England as of their Welsh lordships,
and although their near relationship to the Mareschals,
and their differences with the Sovereign, caused them
to rely much upon their position as marchers, they do
not seem to have resided much at Cardiff, or to have
78 THE LAND OF MORGAN:
pursued any steady policy, either of peace or war, with
regard to the Welsh.
GiSLEBERT Crispin, the real founder of the Clare
family, was the son of Godfrid or Goisfred, Comte d'Eu
and de Brionne, a natural son of Richard the elder,
Duke of Normandy. In the foundation charter of Bee
Ahbey, about 1034, he describes himself as "Gislebertus
Brionensis Comes, primi Ricardi Normannorum ducis
nepos, ex filio Consule Godefiido". These Norman
earldoms are involved in much obscurity. Gislebert
could scarcely have been Earl of the territory of
Brionne, for his son continued to use the title of Comes
after Brionne had been alienated. Probably it was
personal. The sobriquet of Crispin was borne by
another, also distinguished, Norman family, of whose
founder the Monk of Bee records that he had "capillos
crispos et rigidos, atque sursum erectos, et ut ita dicam,
rebursos ad modum pini ramorum, qui ssepe tendunt
sursum". Hence the name of " Crispinus, quasi crispus
pinus", and such we may suppose to have been the
character of the "chevelure" of Godfrid s immediate
descendants. The county of Eu was taken from Gisle-
bert by his kinsman Duke Richard II, and given to
Gislebert's uncle, William. Brionne he retained, and
Sap, said to be so called from a "sapin", or fir tree,
planted in front of the church there. He was one of
the young William's governors, but was assassinated in
1035. His sons were Richard and Baldwin, who, with
his brother "Ricardus filius Comitis Gisleberti", wit-
nessed the conveyance charter to Bury Abbey in 1081.
{N. Mon,y iii, 141.) Baldwin was Seigneur de Maule,
and called also"de Sap", or"le Viscomte",or"d'Exeter".
From him the Earls of Devon inherited Okehampton.
His second son Robert had Brionne.
Richard Fitz-Gislebert was also called de Bienfeite,
not, as often said, from Benefield in Northamptonshire, a
manor held, as Baker has shown, by Richard Engaine,
but from a Norman benefice; and de Clare, and de
Tunbridge, from his two principal English fiefe. On his
THE CO-HEIBS OF THE LORDSHIP. 79
father 8 murder he and his brother fled to Flanders,
and returned thence to Normandy, when Matilda mar-
ried Duke William, who gave him Bienfaite and Orbec.
He also held Brionne. He accompanied William to
England, was present at Hastings, and was richly re-
compensed in English lands. His possessions lay in
the counties of Beds, Cambridge, Devon, Essex, Kent,
Middlesex, Suffolk, Surrey, and Wilts. In the Survey
he is styled indiscriminately "Ricardus filius Gisleberti",
**Ricardus filius Comitis Gisleberti", "Ricardus de Ton-
bridge", and "Ricardus de Clara". His Kentish land
seems to have been mainly confined to the Leuca or
Lowy of Tonbridge, but it is remarkable that neither
Tonbridge nor the also important Barony of Hastings
are named in Dovnesday, Dugdale says he obtained
Tonbridge by exchange for Brionne with Archbishop
Stigand, but this is exceedingly improbable. That the
Leuca was in some way connected with Canterbury is
certain, from the claim set up for it by Becket, on the
ground that church lands were inalienable. The con-
troversy, however, seems rather to have related to the
castle than to the lands, which the de Clares seem always
to have accepted as held by grand sergeanty of the See.
Tonbridge and Clare contained ancient English for-
tresses of the first class.
Fitz-Gilbert's restless spirit was. not content with
176 manors in England : he burned for further acquisi-
tions, and invaded South Wales, where he conquered
Cardigan, but met with his death, being slain at Uan-
thony by Yorworth, brother of Howel of Caerleon,
about 1091. He was buried at St. Neots, and it is
recorded of him, "Qui in re militari tempore Conques-
toris omnes sui temporis magnates prsecipit" (Cott. MS.j
ViteU., F4, f7).
Earl Richard married Rohaise, a daughter, and even-
tually one of the two co-heirs of Walter Giffard, Earl of
Buckingham, by Ermengarde Flaitel. This lady appears
in Domesday, where mention is made of the "Terra
Rothais uxoris Ricardi filii Gisleberti", in St. Neots,
80 THE LAND OP MORGAN:
and she afterwards, in 1113, gave the Manor of St
Neots to the Abbey there, of which she was reputed
the second foundress. She and her husband trans-
planted a colony of French monks from Bee, exchan^ng
them for the rebellious Englishmen, whom they im-
prisoned in Normandy. Her charter {New Monasticon,
iii, 472) mentions her husband, sons, and daughters.
These were: — 1, Gislebert. 2, Robert of Dunmow,
who married Maud de St. Liz, and died 31st Henry L
He was ancestor of the family of Fitz- Walter. 3,
Roger de Bienfaite, Lord of Orbec and du Hommet,
who supported Duke Robert in 1080, but was after-
wards attached to Rufus and Henry, whose life he
saved at the battle of Brenneville, near Andelys, 1119.
He died childless. 4, Walter of Nether Gwent, the
founder of Tintem Abbey in 1131. He also died child-
less. Li their mother s charter their order is Rocjer,
Walter, and Robert. 5, Richard, Abbot of Ely, died
1107. There were also two daughters, who married
Raoul de TiUieres, and Baudry le Teuton of Bal-
genzio.
Rohaise married, secondly, Eudo Dapifer, the re-
5uted builder of Colchester Castle, and founder of St.
ohn's Abbey there, where she is buried.
Gislebert, mostly styled "de Tonbridge", but
"Comes de Clara" in his son's charter to Bury Abbey.
He also held his father s conquest in Cardigan, and had
Aberystwith. His English predecessor JElfric, son of
Withgar, had founded a chapel dedicated to St. John
Baptist, with seven secular canons, in the Castle of
Clare, whom this Earl replaced by monks from Bee.
He married Alix, daughter of Rainald, Comte de Cler-
mont in Beauvoisis, a benefactor to Thomey Abbey.
They had : — 1, Richard. 2, Gilbert, called Strongbow,
who reconquered Cardigan, and inherited Chepstow
and broad lands in Monmouthshire from his uncles
Roger and Walter. He was created Earl of Pembroke
in 1138. He died 1148, and was buried at Tintem.
By Elizabeth, sister of Waleran, Comte de Meulan,
THE CO-HEIBS OP THE LORDSHIP. 81
who, says Anselm, had been mistress to Henry I, he
had Richard Strongbow, the celebrated invader of
Ireland, and ancestor, in the female line, of the
Mareschals, Earls of Pembroke. 3, Walter de Sap.
4, Herv^. 5, Baldwin, who adhered to Stephen's cause,
and with his brother Richard witnessed the Con-
queror's charter to Bury Abbey (?), and gave to the
monks of Bee, Palletune juxta Sap {N. Mon.y vi, — ).
6, Louise, married Raoul, Seigneur de Coldon, living
1113.
Richard Fitz-Gilbert, Earl of dare, created Earl of
Hertford. Clare seems to have been one of these per-
sonal earldoms like Warrene, Ferrars, and Gimxd,
which did not represent a county, and was not even
annexed to land, for although Clare was a manor and
afterwards an honour, it does not seem ever to have
been regarded as a territorial earldom. In the return
in the Black Book of the Exchequer, the Earl of Clare
prefixes his return " Carta de Honore Clar ^ without
mention of himself. When it became the custom to
adopt a surname, Gislebert or Richard Fitz-Gislebert,
Comes, became gradually known by that of the chief
seat of his power, and it is probable that his correct
designation would have been, not ** Comes de Clara",
but ''Gislebert de Clara, Comes".
The title of Hertford was altogether different. This
was a regular earldom, representing a county, and
endowed ^ith the third j^nny from the i Jues of
the county. Why that title was selected is un-
known, for Hertford town and castle did not belong
to the family, nor were they specially interested in the
shire. Indeed, they seem to have held at that time
but one manor in it, that of St. Wandon; nor were
they even sheriffs, for that office was held by the De
Magnavilles. The third penny, however, had nothing
to do with land. It was a grant by patent from
the Crown, and not entered upon by seizin. It
was the official fee of the English earls before the
Conquest. The date of the creation of the earldom of
G
82 THE LAND OF MORGAN:
Hertford is uncertain, but the reservation of the third
penny m the fee-farm rents paid by the sheriff of the
county shows it to have been either late in the reign of
Henry I, or very early in that of Stephen. As to the
limitation, the patent for the earldom is not extant,
but possibly it would be held now that, like that of
Oxford, it was confined to the heirs male of the body,
because, on the death of Gilbert de Clare in 1314, his
sisters did not take it. Gloucester, however — almost a
contemporary title— descended, as has been seen, on
three occasions to heirs female, and by the courtesy of
England, was assumed by their husbands, Earls Al-
marie, De Magnaville, and De Clare. Bang John, who
assumed the title with the junior co-heiress, is said to
have been created Earl of Gloucester, but that this was
unnecessary is clear, for D'Evreux and De Clare, whose
mothers were the other sisters, successively bore, and
the latter transmitted, the title. Nevertheless, on the
death of Gilbert de Clare, Gloucester, like Hertford,
was held to be extinct. The Despensers, husband and
son of the elder co-heir, did not claim it, and Audley,
the husband of the next co-heir, obtained it only by a
new creation, as did a more remote Despenser. It
seems, therefore, that the practice had changed, and
that earldoms which had formerly passed with heirs
female did so no longer. It must be remembered, with
respect to the earldom of Hertford, that there had been
no early opportunity of proving its limitation, as the
male line had never failed.
Earl Bichard seems to have paid much attention to
his South Wales possessions, and he, like his grandsire,
met with his death from the natives, it is said from
Morgan ap Owen, in the disturbances that broke out
after the death of Henry I, in 1135. His death is sup-
posed to have occurred in 1139; so that his enjoyment
of the title of Hertford must have been brief. He was
buried at St. Neot's. He married Christiana, sister of
Banulph, Earl of Chester, whose name, unknown to
Dugdale, occurs in her husband's charter to Bury
THE CO-HEIRS OF THE LORDSHIP. 83
Abbey. They had — 1, Gilbert ; 2, Roger, successively
Eaxls ; 3, Walter ; 4, Alice, who married Cadwaladr,
second son of GriflGith ap Conan, Prince of North Wales,
one of those ill-assorted matches by which the marcher
lords sought to consolidate their incohesive power. It
must be this Alice of whom Fitz-Stephen says, writing
of Earl Roger, "Qui et pulcherrimam totius regni
sororem habebat, quam rex aliquando concupierat."
Earl Richard, in 1134, removed the monks of Bee
from his castle of Clare to the adjacent hill of Stoke.
It appears from an Inspeximus (Pat., 1 He7i. IV, P.S.
m. 25) of the confirmation charter of Henry II, that
Earl Richard, son of E^^rl Gilbert, gave for his services,
to Walter Bloet, the vill of Raglan ^.nd its appurten-
ances, to him and his heirs, to be held by the service of
one knight's fee.
Gilbert, 4th Earl of Clare and 2nd of Hertford. In
1146 he was a hostage at Stephen's court for his uncle,
the Earl of Chester, to whom, however, he fled. He
died childless, in 1152, nearly two years before Stephen,
and was succeeded by his brother,
Roger, 5th Earl of Clare and 3rd of Hertford. The
title of Clare seems gradually to have been dropped, as
the family name came into use, and, finally, the Earls
are invariably described as of Hertford, and, after the
acquisition of the Gloucester lands, as of Gloucester and
Hertford, the former title dating firom Henry I, the
latter from Stephen.
He witnessed a Bury charter, printed in the Coll.
Topog. et Gen. (i, 589), and there dated 1154, no doubt
in error for 1134. Earl Roger married Maud, daughter
and heiress of James de Hilary, and by her had Richard,
his successor, and Isabel, who married William Mares-
chal^ Earl of Pembroke, and thus strengthened the tie
of blood between two powerftd families, whose territorial
interests were already also closely connected. Earl
Roger seems to have had a son, James, who suffered
from some congenital disease, expected to be fiital. The
Earl offered 40 marcs to whoever should cure him, but
G 2
84 THE LANB OF MORGAN:
would not allow an operation. When he was two years
old, his mother took him to Becket's shrine, and im-
plored the aid of the martyr; who cured him in three
days. This was succeedea by another complaint, of
which he was supposed to die, and was laid out. His
mother, however, undeterred by the rebukes of the
Countess of Warwick, again implored the aid of the
martyr, and again with success. {Bened. Mirac.y St.
Thomse, p. 255.) Earl Roger married a second wife,
whose name is not recorded. He died 1173.
In Earl Roger's time, Becket claimed the Estate and
Lewy or Honour of Tunbndge, " pridem a Cantuariensi
aUenatum ecclesia"; a claim which gave great offence
to both king and baronage, and which was resisted, as
regarded the castle, by the Earl. The holding of the
Lewy seems to have been admitted, but did not satisfy
the Archbishop, who, indeed, also claimed Rochester
Castle. The question was not finally settled till 1264,
when a survey of the Lewy was executed, and the terms
of the homage agreed to between Archbishop Boniface
and Earl Richard. The Earls held as butlers and
sewers, and as stewards, and in the one capacity had the
manors of Bradstreet, Vielston, Horsmandene, Melton,
and Fetter, and in the other, Tunbridge and Handlo.
The fees of office allowed by the Archbishops were
splendid. The homage seems to have been regularly
paid, and often in person, at the enthronization of each
Archbishop, and as such is specially noted at those of
Archbishops Kilwardby, Peckham and Winchester. It
was carried on by the De Clare heiresses, and Hugh
d'Audley paid homage to Archbishop Stratford, in 1333,
and the Earl of Stafford to Sudbury, in 1375. The
last act of homage seems to have been paid to Arch-
bishop Warham, when he entertained Henry VIII and
Charles V, at Canterbury, in 1520. On that occasion
Stafford, Duke of Buckingham, one of the De Clare
heirs, discharged the duties of sewer in person.
Richard de Clare, 6th Earl of Clare and 4th of
Hertford, witnessed, as Richard Fitz-Gislebert — ^used
THE CO-HEIRS OF THE LORDSHIP. 85
apparently, as a family name, — Henry II's confirmation
of the Earldom of 0:dbrd to Aubrey de Vere. He also,
as Richard Earl of Clare, witnessed letters by Richard I
20th March 1190, and 17th April 1194, and another
document, 7th June 1199. 1st John he married
Amice, daughter and co-heir of William, Earl of
Gloucester, whose inheritance neither he nor his wife
lived to possess. To her, as to her sister Mabel,
Henry II gave £100 wedding portion. The marriage
took place before the 1st of John, in which year she
pleaded that by a precept of the Pope she had been
separated from her husband Richard, Earl of Clare, on
the ground of consanguinity, and she claimed Sudbury,
which had been here at her marriage (^66. Plac.^
p. 25). In the 4th of John she repeated the claim,
and 7th and 8th of John claimed the advowson of St.
Gregories, Sudbury, which the Prioress of Eton said
had been granted to Eton by Earl William, Amice's
father {lb., pp. 51, 92). 15th John, Amice, Countess of
Clare, again claimed Sudbury, where she founded a hos-
pital. No doubt the marriage diflSculty had been got
over by a dispensation from Rome. Earl Richard's
seal is extant, and bears the three chevrons, afterwards
so widely known in South Wales, and adopted by the
Lords of Avan, the Earl's principal Welsh Barons. In
his time King Richard divided the Giffiird heritage,
giving to Earl Richard the caput and estates in Eng-
mnd, and to William Mareschal those in Normandy.
It is to be remarked that neither heir made any daiin
to the earldom of Buckingham.
Earl Richard seems to have died in 1217, when,
28th November, Walter Fitz-Henry was to have seizin
of his lands in Kent, " salvo rationabili testamento
ejusdem Comitis" . . " teste ipso Comite"; probably
the young Earl. Similar instructions were sent into
other counties. The Earl was buried at Clare. Coimtess
Amice seems to have died before 1226, the date of the
death of her nephew Aymaric d'Evreux. Their chil-
dren were : — 1, Grilbert ; 2, Richard, killed in London,
86 THE LAND OF MOROAN:
24 th May 1221, and who probably is the Roger de
Clare, Earl Gilbert's brother, who was allowed £12
on the 11th February 1226, for his expenses in the
King's service with the Earl of Cornwall in Poitou ; 3,
Rose, married Roger de Mowbray. The Chronicles
state that the daughter of the Earl of Clare in 1217
married Rhys Bahan (Vachan). She may have been a
natural daughter.
Gilbert de Clare, 5th Earl of Gloucester and 5th
of Hertford, is stated in the Annals of Margam to have
taken up the earldom, and to have confirmed the abbey
charters in 1227, a statement corroborated by Gilbert's
witnessing, as Earl of Gloucester, in 1128, the declara-
tion that the signature of Henry III to public docu-
ments should not be valid until he came of age. Also,
25th January 1218, Hugh de Vivonne was ordered to
give up the forest of Keynsham to the Earl of Glou-
cester, and, probably in consideration for his " regni
novitas", the Barons of the Exchequer were "ponere
in respectu" the Earl's scutage then due, until after
Easter.
With his paternal possessions and those of his
mother Amice, Earl GUbert inherited those of his
grandmother Maud de St. Hilary, and a moiety of the
Honour of Gifiard. The inheritance, as shown by his
scutages, 7th Henry, extended into nineteen counties.
As early as 12th John he fortified Builth Castle, and
took an active part against the King. He was one of
the twenty-five barons excommunicated by Pope Inno-
cent in 1215, but at tliis time he was a party to the
negotiations for peace, and 9th November had a safe
conduct from the King, which was repeated 27th
March 1216, after the fall of Colchester. He sided
with the barons at Lincoln 20th May 1217, and was
taken prisoner by his kinsman the Earl Mareschal, who
afterwards married him to his daughter and eventual
co-heir Isabel, a lady whose personal attractions pro-
bably made the young captive a willing suitor. The
Annals of Tewkesbury give 1214 as the date of the
THE CO-HEIRS OF THE LORDSHIP. 87
marriage, but this is almost certainly an error. In
1216 (?) he was assessed for a relief at £100 for each
of his Honours of Gloucester and Clare, and at £50 for
his half Honour probably of Giifexd, the reliefs being
levied on each Honour as on a Barony, without reference
to its actual value, since Clare contained 140 fees and
Gloucester over 327. He was also assessed upon his
lordship of Glamorgan, which then contained 27^- fees,
of which William de Kardiff held one ; John le Sor, 1 4 ;
Thomas de la Mare, 10 ; and Thomas Blund half a fee.
Probably, however, some of these holdings were in Eng-
land, for most of the Glamorgan barons held also of the
Honoiu- of Gloucester.
In 1218, died Clement, Abbot of Neath, to whom
succeeded Gervais ; and 12th November, died Henry,
Bishop of Llandaff, who was succeeded, October 1219,
by William, Prior of Goldcliff. The Earl much desired
to recover the famUy possession of Bristol Castle, and
Hugh de Vivonne was directed to restore to him the
berton of Bristol, the wood of Furcas, and the chase of
Keynsham. This however, though the King's officer,
he refused to do until he was provided with the means
of maintaining the castle, for which the council had pro-
mised him £100 in rent and 100 marcs in silver,
nothing of which he had as yet received. The order
was repeated over and over again, "multitoties", in
the course of 1219-20, but without effect. The Earls
of Gloucester never recovered Bristol Castle.
25th November 1218. Earl William de Magnaville
and Earl Gilbert were allowed to settle, by a concord,
a question relating to lands which they held together
in wardship, and which evidently arose out of the
affairs of Magnaville's brother Geoffirey. 6th Henry
III, 1221-2, Gilbert, Earl of Gloucester, is ordered not
to go to Wales to take the castle of Dinas Powis, as
the King had sent Robert de Vallibus to receive and
deliver it to the Earl. This was on the death of
Somery, Baron of Dudley, who was Lord of Dinas
Powis, and was evidently an attempt by the King to
88 THE LAND OF MORGAN:
obtain "primer seisin" in Glamorgan. In the next
year, 14th March 1223, the Earl Mareschal's baili£b
had a safe conduct from Henry de Chetham to go to
Dinas Powis. The Earl paid scutage about this time
for a Welsh expedition, and in 1224 the Welsh invaded
Glamorgan, killing certain farm servants and a shep-
herd's boy. Morgan ap Owen burned a house, belong-
ing to Neath Abbey, with above 400 sheep, and kill^
several farm servants, and dangerously wounded a
monk and some lay brethren. In 1223-4, 8th Henry
III, the Earl had a safe conduct to attend the King.
15th July 1224, he was to have four dolia of the
King's best wine, at cost price ; an order repeated the
same day, in the Close Rolls ; and 23rd September, he
was to have five dolia more from the wine retained at
Bristol.
1st January 1225, the Earl is to have from the Sheriff
of Gloucester £20, as his ancestors had, "nomine comi-
tatus", evidently a part of the third penny, as the Sheriff
of Herts received a similar precept.
13th February, he is to have from the Constable of
Kenilworth one hundred "bresnas" [wether sheep ?]
for his vi varies at Tewkesbury, "et de Shepton
instaurand". A messenger despatched to him by the
King, cost 12d. 28th August, the Bailiffs of Caer-
marthen are to allow the Earl to hold the lands, late
of Thomas de Londres, of w^hich he has the wardship,
with his daughter. This was probably as chief Lord
of Ogmore. Eva de Tracy had her dower out of the De
Londres lands, in Wilts. Wardships and their sale
were a great source of the royal power and income,
and Earl Gilbert, 3rd October, has that of the heirs of
Walter de Tailly, with the maritagiiun ; and Waleran
Teutonicus, and Sybil his wife, are to give up the
daughter.
In 1226 the Welsh burned St. Nicholas, Newcastle,
and Laleston, and killed certain men. 29th October,
the Earl paid 2,000 marcs for licence to marry his
daughter Amice, then six years old, to Baldwm de
THE CO-HEIRS OF THE LORDSHIP. 89
Redvers, and £200 in land was allowed out of the
estates of William, Earl of Devon, Baldwin's grand-
father, presumably for her sustenance, until she came
of affe. In this year, 2nd November, the Earl's
daughter Isabel was bom. A joint messenger, sent by
the King to the Earl and the Earl of Chester, cost 1 5a.
In this year the Earl joined the Earl of Cornwall against
the King.
In 1227, 16th February, William, Earl of Devon, was
dead, and the Earl had licence to hold his lands. In
this year the Welsh burned the Margam grange of
Pennuth, with many animals, and killed many men ;
also the grange of Rossaulin, with many sheep, and
drove away eleven cows, and killed a mrm servant.
Also they cleared the grange of Theodore of animals,
and burned several horses and great flocks of sheep,
the property of Margam. 4th May, Richard, the Earls
brother, was killed in London. His violent death led to
reprisals upon several of the King s servants. On the
18th, the EarFs son, William, was bom. Kenfig was
burned by lightning, and a horse killed. In this year
also the Earl captured Morgan Gam of Avan, and sent
him, fettered by the feet, into England for security.
This was mild treatment compared with what Morgan
ap Cadwaladr met with, in the same year, from nis
nephew, Howel ap Meredith, who put out his eyes, and
otherwise mutilated him. Notwithstanding the line
taken by the Earl, he seems to have kept on some sort
of terms with the Court, for, 4th September, he is one
of the Lords accredited to the princes of the Empire,
at Antwerp. Howel ap Meredith, in 1229, bumea St.
Nicholas and St. Hilary. In that year Morgan Gam
was set free, giving hostages for his conduct, which,
however, did not prevent him from burning Neath in
1231. In this year the Earl is said to have discovered
mines of silver, lead, and iron, in Wales. The two
former have never proved profitable ; the latter were
well known to, and, to some extent, worked by, the
Romans. 1 5th Henry III, the Abbot of Margam paid
1005. for having his charter confirmed.
90 THE LAND OF MORGAN:
In 1230 Henry made a disastrous expedition into
Brittany, and of the magnates who attended him,
many, says Wikes, died before his return, and some
after it. Among the latter was Earl Gilbert, who died
at Penros in Brittany, 25th October 1230. His fiineral
was conducted with great state. The corpse was landed
at Plymouth and brought across Devon and Somerset
to Cranbourn, and thence to Tewkesbury, large doles
being given to the poor on the road as it passed, and
silken cloths, " panni cerici", to the religious houses. The
procession reached Tewkesbury on the Saturday before
St. Martin's Day, and on Sunday the corpse was laid,
temporarily, in its sepulchre before the high altar.
The final burial was witnessed by the Abbots of
Tewkesbury, Tintem, Flaxley, Keynsham, and Ture-
ford (?) and an immense assemblage of persons of both
sexes, lay and clerical. The Earl seems to have left
two wills, one dated Suwick-super-Mare, 30th April,
and the other in Brittany, 23rd October ; both in the
year of his death. To Tewkesbxiry he bequeathed
a silver-gilt cross ; and, during the minority of his son,
the wood of Muth, by Severn side, which was con-
firmed by Henry III in 1232, and reverted to the
earldom in 1243. The monks laid a stone over his
grave.
In the Monasticon {N. itf., vi, 453) is a confirmation
by Earl Gilbert to Keynsham of a burgage in CardiflF,
** which was Goye's", and another which had belonged
to John Fitz-Baldwin, and of the whole park, fishing,
and fishery of Rumeya (Rhynmy), and both the vivaries
of Raz (Roath), with the mill and great vivary imder
Kibwr, and all the land of Raz, and all the forest of
Kibwr, to be held as under Earl William, the grantor's
grandsire.
The children of Gilbert and Isabel were : — 1,
Richard; 2, William, bom 18th May 1228, knighted
in London at Christmas, 1250 ; 3, Gilbert, bom 12th
September 1229, a Clerk in Orders ; 4, Amice, married
Baldwin de Redvers ; 5, Agnes ; 6, Isabel, bom 2nd
THE CO-HEIRS OF THE LORDSHIP. 91
November 1226, maxried, May 1240, Robert de Bruce
of AnnandaJe, who died 1295.
Countess Isabel married, secondly, 30th March 1231,
Richard, Earl of Cornwall, much against the will of the
King, his brother. She was, says Wikes, a woman of
marvellous beauty. She was known as Isabel, Countess
of Gloucester and Hertford, Cornwall and Poitou, and
she died in childbirth at Berkhampstead, 17th January
1239 or 1240, and her mortal spoils were divided
between three communities ; her bowels went to Mis-
senden ; her heart, in a gilded urn, to Tewkesbury ;
" Pars melior toto fuit pro corpore missa"
was the Tewkesbury view of the partition. The body
went to Beaulieu. She founded a chantry for Earl
Gilbert and herself at Market Street, and Earl Richard
founded one for her at Wallingford. Her will disposed
of a curious collection of relics. Her epitaph at Tewkes-
bury, where she herself had always wished to be buried,
was as follows : —
Postrema voto legavit cor Comitissa :
Pars melior toto fuit hue pro corpore missa.
Heec se divisit, Dominum recolendo Priorem
Hue cor quod misit, verum testatur amorem — ^
Hiis simul Eeelesiae sanctee suffragia prosint,
Ut simul in requie coelesti cum Domino sint.
The ancestors of Earl Gilbert had, for eight genera-
tions, been very considerable persons, both in Nor-
mandy and England ; and their next of kin, of the
line of Strongbow, now represented through a female
by the Earls Mareschal, were scarcely their inferiors
in power. Their other cousins, who continued in the
male line as Barons Fitz- Walter, also held large es-
tates, and had at that time reached the climax of
their power in the person of Robert Fitz- Walter,
styled by King John's barons " Marshal of the army
of God and the holy Church." The De Clares
were also allied by marriage to the Earls of
Chester and other leading nobles. Besides all these
92 THE LAND OF MORGAN.
sources of power, Earl Gilbert had received a great
accession in the large inheritance derived from his
mother, making him, by the bend sinister, which was
then scarcely regarded as a discredit, of near kin to
the sovereign, and endowing him not only with the
valuable Honour of Gloucester, but with the Lordship
of Glamorgan; the privileges of which were of a regal
character, and the position of which, securing to him
an ahnost impregnable retreat, gave him great weight
in the perpetual struggles between the Baronage and
the Crown. From this time the house of Clare became
the acknowledged head of the Baronage. Great per-
sonal qualities, such as those possessed by the elder
WiQiam Mareschal or by Simon de Montfort, brought
them at times to the front ; but for steady hereditary
influence, supported, on the whole, by moderation of
conduct, and always by great personal valour in the
field, no family at all approached to that of the Earls
of Gloucester and Hertford.
THE
EARLS OF GLOUCESTER AND HERTFORD.
Richard de Clare, 6 th Earl of Gloucester and 6th
of Hertford, was bom 4th August 1222, and was there-
fore a little over eight years old at his father's death,
2 5 th October 1230. His wardship was granted to Hubert
de Burgh, then Justiciary, who had married the young
Earl's great-aunt, then, however, some years deceased.
In addition to the wardship, De Burgh, 26th Novem-
ber 1230, had a grant of the homage and service of
John de Braose for his Honour of Gower, described as
held of the Honour of Caermarthen and Cardigan;
which tenure however was never admitted by the
Lords of Gower (P. Roll, 15th Henry III, m. 7). Wil-
liam de Goldcliff, Bishop of Llandaff, died before the
Earl, 12th January 1229, when the custody of the
bishopric was given to Maurice, archdeacon, and Ivor,
a canon of Llandaff, and 23rd February, seisin of the
lands was given to the Earl, the Earl Mareschal, and
John de Braose, under whom the bishops held manors
in different parts of the diocese. Elias, Treasurer of
Hereford, was confirmed, 30th August 1230, in the
vacant See.
At Michaelmas, Abbot Peter of Tewkesbury took
seizin of their moiety of the Church of Llandir, pro-
bably Llantwit-major, which William, parson there,
formerly held. After much dispute between the Abbot
and the Welsh parishioners, some of whom wished
that William's brother should succeed, the Abbot gave
way, but took a charge of eleven marcs yearly, the
Abbey retaining a chapel attached to the church, to
indicate possession. It was provided that if the farm
94 THE LAND OP MORGAN:
rent was not paid to the day, the tenant should lose
his tenement tor ever.
In 1231, 2nd June, Ralph Mailoc, a local celebrity
in Glamorgan, died. A little after this, in 1266, the
Abbot of Neath acknowledges from Sir William May-
loc, the land of Bluntesmore in the fee of Ogmore,
to be let in farm to Sir William on the same terms
that he held it from Peter Blundus. Thomas, Dean of
Hereford, Peter, Abbot of Tewkesbury, Maurice, Arch-
deacon of Llandaff, Master B., Rector of Thombury,
and others, met at Striguil to arrange respecting the
Church of Llanblethian which Mailoc had held of
Tewkesbury, and which by ihe Court of Rome and the
confirmation of the Bishop nad been granted to be
held impropriate. It had been given away by the
Bishop, although shortly before he had already granted
it to a chaplain, who, however, renounced, and accepted
a vicarage from the Abbot.
About Michaelmas, the monks sent Brother Eustace
to receive seizin of Llanblethian Church, which Mailoc
had held. He found the church locked and the key
carried off to the mountains ; so he took seizin in the
porch, and protested against this invasion of the pri-
vileges of the Abbey. The Welsh replied to this by
taking him prisoner on the highway, and keeping him
three days in the mountains. In rejoinder, the Bishop
excommunicated the wrong-doers generally, and laid
the matter before Hubert de Burgh, the custos. The
Abbot, also, in presence of his monks, excommunicated
a certain J. Grant, probably of Sigginston, who had
laid hands on Eustace. No doubt the resistance to the
Abbot's claim was encouraged by the concurrent inva-
sion by Llewelyn, who attacked Brecknock, descended
upon Caerleon, and thence retired across the hills to
Neath, where he laid siege to the castle, which was
surrendered about 29th June. Aided by Morgan Gam,
of Avan, he burned the town, levelled the castle, and
extorted 60 marcs from Margam. All this seems to
have been provoked by the violation of an existing
THE EARLS OF GLOUCESTER AND HERTFORD. 95
truce ; for 20th February 1232, the King writes to
assure Llewelyn that he has, by his brother Earl
Richard, ordered that the infraction of the truce by
Richard Siward be made good.
De Burgh fell in July 1232, and was displaced as
custos 1 5th August ; and 1 0th September Peter de
Rivaux has a patent of custody of the castles of Cardifi
and Newport, and of those generally of Glamorgan,
Cardigan, and Caermarthen. 17th October Henry de
Turberville is custos of the lordship of Glamorgan,
and 19th December Ra. de Hurle is to receive the
issues of the lands, etc., of Glamorgan and Wentlloog,
and the custody of Cardiff, Newport, and Newcastle.
Peter remained in power till 1235, giving great dis-
satisfaction. Just before De Burgh retired, 1 3th April
1232, the King allowed the young Earl's claim "de
coUatione baculi," as to Tewkesbury; and De Biu-gh, in
consequence, gave the monks leave to elect an Abbot,
who was confirmed by the King. This was the Abbot
who leased the " Gurges" or pool of Cardiff for five
years to Henry the Chaplain. Fishing seems then as
now to have been a sport allowed to the clergy. The
same claim was allowed for Keynsham. It seems co have
been usual to allow to the representatives of the foimder
the privilege of collating to an abbey, but a license for
its exercise was necessary. Thus, 16th April 1200,
John granted to Wm. Earl Mareschal the privilege of
bestowing the pastoral staff of Nutley, in Bucks, an
abbey founded by Walter Giffard, but within the
Earl's fee.
In 1232 Llewelyn again invaded Glamorgan, and
attacked Kenfig. The cattle had been removed, and
to clear the way for the defence, the people burned a
part of the town within, that is to say close to, the
gates. The Welsh, on their part, led by Morgan
Gam, burned what was outside the walls, and attacked
the castle keep, then only defended by a hedge and
a ditch. They were then driven off, and fled to the
hills. It was observed that on this occasion, they
spared the lands of the Church.
96 THE LAND OF MORGAN:.
Events were now ripe for the breaking out of the
war between the King and the Earl of Pembroke.
Earl Richard Mareschal, a scholar and a soldier, a
moderate and an honest man, "mums inter dominum
regem et magnates", had just succeeded his brother
William ; and, forbearing as he was, found himself
driven to oppose in arms the Kmg's violence and hn-
prudence. The dissatisfaction was very general, and
Droke out in Monmouth and Glamorgan in a civil war,
which, continued by De Montford and the Earl of
Gloucester, led to the battles of Lewes and Evesham,
and the siege and ban of Kenilworth. The services
of De Burgh were forgotten, and Henry was inflamed
with jealousy against that great statesman, who, always
loyal to the Crown, and succeeding Pandulph as mi-
nister, had composed the Irish war, quelled the dis-
content in Gascony, kept Llewelyn and the Welsh
within moderate bounds, razed Bedford Castle, exiled
De Breautd, and procured the Bull declaring Henry
of full age, upon which the royal castles had been
surrendered to him by the Lords who had held them
during the minority. De Burgh was ill exchanged for
Peter des Roches, an ecclesiastic of violent and dan-
gerous counsels, a foreigner, and intensely unpopular,
.n 1232 the Abbot of Tewkesbury had a royal writ to
receive his accustomed payment from the Honour of
Cardiff; and another writ, 24th May 1233, for Peter de
Rivaux, was addressed to Ranulph de Hurle, bailiff of
Glamorgan. Both, therefore, were still in office.
Among the disaffected in Glamorgan were Philip
Basset, whom the King had deprived of a manor given
him by King John ; and Richard Siward, a bold and
distinguished soldier, and one of the Earl of Glouces-
ter's most turbulent barons. Siward, who owned the
castle of Talavan, had married Basset's sister, Philippa,
widow of the Earl of Warwick, according to some ac-
counts without the King s license. The Earl, Henry
de Newburgh, also Lord of Gower, had died in 1229,
and Philippa then paid 100 marcs not to be distrained
THE EARLS OF GLOUCESTER A^'D HERTFORD. 97
to marry, and if she did marry, to have leave to marry
any faithful subject. She did marry, before Ist Marcn
1231, Richard Si ward, and that this was not then dis-
approved by the King appears from a writ to the
SWiff respecting certain payments due at the Exche-
quer. Siward's real offence seems to have been his
attachment to the Earl Mareschal, and his opposition
to Bishop des Roches.
Henry summoned the Barons to a meeting at Oxford
24th June 1233, which the Earl Mareschal and his
friends decided to decline to obey, as they did a further
summons for the 11th July. They further informed
the King that unless he dismissed his foreign advisers
they would renounce their allegiance. Henry had laid
hands on and had destroyed the castles of some of the
Earl Mareschals followers and had given their lands to
his alien relations. On the 1st July, the barons met
the King in London, but as the Earl Mareschal, warned
by his sister, feared treachery, he turned back at
Woodstock and rode to Wales. Nothing was decided
at the meeting. Henry then summoned his military
tenants to Gloucester for the 15th August. As Earl
Richard was again absent, he and his adherents were
proscribed as traitors, the EarVs lands were seized and
laid waste, especially, 2nd November, his house and
gardens in Worcestershire, and a day was named for
his trial. Henry, evidently looked for support among
the mixed English and Welsh in the rear of the Earl
Mareschal s head-quarters, for 6th August is issued a
writ to the bailiffs of Bristol stating that, *' Although
the King has directed them not to let any victuals be
taken from their town, yet they are to allow the men
of Cardiff, Swansea, and Carmarthen to do so, they
giving security not to take them elsewhere." The
King's proscription caused the Earl Mareschal to close
an alliance with Llewellyn, offensive and defensive,
each party swearing not to make peace without the
consent of the other. The Earl of Cornwall took part
with the insurgents. Henty having received an acces-
H
98 THE LAND OF MORGAN:
sion of force at Gloucester, crossed the Severn, and
marched on Hereford. His object seems to have been
to attack from the west the Earl Mareschal's chief
castle of Chepstow, and his plan to descend the valley
of the Usk, taking advantage of the support of John of
Monmouth, to whom belonged that town and castle,
and of Morgan of Caerleon, who held the lowlands of
Gwent, and thus to interpose between the Earl, who
lay westwards near Cardiff, and his sister Margaret de
Braose and Walter de Clifford, who held Abergavenny
and Builth, and the country and strong places of
Irchenfield, west of Hereford. In executing this plan
he descended the right bank of the Usk, and at Usk
laid siege to the castle, which was found to be so strong
that the King offered terms. What actually took
place is doubtful ; the general, though not very pro-
bable, account is that the King asked for the surrender
of the castle to save the royal credit, and pledged him-
self to restore it uninjured in fifteen days ; to which
the Earl a^eed, and gave up the place, which, how-
ever, the Kmg retained, breaking faith. Henry entered
Usk about the 1st September, and this success, how-
ever obtained, was the first important feature in the
ca«ipaign. In the castle he placed Henry de Turber-
ville, an eminent captain, who had been seneschal
of Gascony, and who was ordered to give up the stores
therein contained, an order certainly given, and which
seems scarcely consistent with this alleged breach of
faith. Moreover, the surrender of Usk was followed,
8th September, by the establishment of a truce, settled
at Abergavenny, the terms of which were, however,
construed very differently by the Kingf and by the
Earl. 12th September, Henry was at Hereford. wW
he directed the Vicecomes of Cardiff to restore all the
booty taken on the Earl Mareschal's lands, and called
on tne Earl and Morgan of Caerleon to do the same, a
summons which does not seem to have been obeyed.
The King retired to England, promising concessions,
and summoned a meeting for the 2nd October. Here
THE EARLS OF GLOUCESTER AND HERTFORD. 99
Earl Richaxd's friends demanded his trial by his peers,
a right denied by Bishop Peter, who thus placed him-
self in opposition to the whole baronage.
Meantime, the Earl was under arras, and by the aid
of Philip Basset and Siward, De Burgh was rescued, it
would seem against his will, from the Devizes, and
brought in safety by way of Aust to Chepstow. The
Oseney Chronicle says Siward put arms into his hands
and brought him away "nobili vehiculo". Wykes
gives a more circumstantial detail, and says he escaped
from the castle by night, being let down from the
window-grate by napkins and towels, when he took
sanctuary in a church on the outer edge of the castle
ditch, whence he was rescued by Siward and Bassett.
20th September, the King wrote to Richard Mareschal
no longer to harbour Siward and his fellows, but Siward
was far too useful to be disavowed.
Henry bid high for the support of the young Earl of
Gloucester's tenants, writing from Ledbury, 2nd De-
cember, to Reymund de Sully, a principal Glamorgan
Lord, as the Close Roll, 15th December 1233, states :
"Rex significat Rey : de Sully quod bene placet regi
quod ipse et alii probi homines de partibus suis veniat
ad fidem et servitium regis dum tunc securitatem faciat
de bono et fideli servitio, etc."
2nd December, Henry laid hands on Siward's lands
at Chedworth and Braues. Also, 3rd November, the
lands at South Moulton and Marshfield, of Gilbert deTur-
berville of Coyty, had been seized, and given to Herbert
Fitz-Matthew ; those of Roger BerkeroUes in Somerset
were given to Ralph de Hurle, who died before 22nd
Henry III, and was succeeded as Bailiff of Glamorgan
by Toran de Hurle. The lands of John le Sor at
Alwrington went, 7th November, to William Bloet ; of
William de Somery in Somerset to William de Boils ;
those of Simon and Richard de Pincerna in Devon to
Simon de Sleland ; those of Gilbert de Umfreville at
Court-Labeford to Roger la Suche ; those of David
Basset in Wemford to Philip Choatte. Those of Wil-
H 2
100 THE LAND OF MORGAN:
liam de Barry in Devon, of Thomas de Sanford in
Berks, of John de St. John, William and John de Regny,
Peter le Butiler, Thomas de Hawey, and WiUiam le
Fleming, were also taken ; and even Keymund de Sully
did not escape, his lands at Alsiston being given to
de BoUs. All this shows the close connection in pro-
perty between the holders of fees in Glamorgan, and of
those in the counties of Somerset and Devon.
Cardiff Castle seems to have been held for the King,
as Warene Basset, one of the Earls partisans, was
killed in an assault upon it, 15th October 1233, and
was buried at Llandaff, 21st October. The Earl was
then at Cardiff, having burned Monmouth. 17th
November, he defeated the King at Grosmont, where
Hugh de Sanford was kUled, and forced the barons
and knights of Glamorgan, and the burgesses of
Cardiff, to give hostages for their good behaviour.
Henry again offered terms, which the Earl, then at
Margam, refused, and his adherents kept up a harrass-
ing war from Newport and Cardiff against the shipping
of Bristol. Towards Christmas, Siward harried the
lands of the Earl of Cornwall, an offence never for-
given. Nevertheless, 7th January 1234, the Countess
of Warwick was allowed to go to the Marches of Wales,
to her husband, R. Siward.
The Earl Mareschal's position, west of Chepstow, was
not without its dangers. The actual Lord of Glamorgan
was a minor, and in the King's hands, and the war was
by no means popular with the people, who had every-
thing to lose, and nothing to gain by it. The knights
and barons who, with their tenants, formed the mili-
tary strength of the lordship could not afford to give a
steady support to the Earl, as almost all held fees of
considerable value in Devon, Somerset, or Gloucester,
all in the King's power. That many of them were
disposed to listen to the King is made probable by his
letter above quoted, and all the English settlers in
Wales must have been alarmed at the Earl Mareschals
intimacy with the Welsh ; and, indeed, it appears from
THE EARLS OF GLOUCESTER AND HERTFORD. 101
one of Henry's letters to Llewelyn, 22nd August 1234,
that there was a report that the Earl had gone so far
as to grant to Morgan Gam and other Welshmen lands
which belonged to the Earl of Gloucester.
Towards tne end of 1233, Bishop Peter seems to have
created a diversion in Ireland, where the Earl Mareschal
had a great interest, acquired by his ancestor Strongbow,
and whither he went, in consequence, leaving the con-
duct of the Welsh war to De Burgh, Siward, and Philip
Bajsset. In Ireland the Earl was mortally wounded, and
died a prisoner at Kildare, 15th April 1234. Meantime,
and probably before the news reached England, the
EarFs partisans were active. Siward scoured Berk-
shire, and under cover of Windsor Forest made the
country unsafe, and threatened the Exchequer mes-
sengers who carried money, 29th April. A little later,
2nd May, the King informs the Sheriff of Gloucester
that in the way from Wallingford to Reading, Siward
had seized the baggage of Stephen de Segrave, De
Burgh's enemy and successor. The Sheriffs, however,
were foiled, and Siward reached Wales in safety. Thos.
Siward, his nephew, was taken at Hereford, as was St.
Philibert, another nephew, 10th May.
The Earl Mareschal's death left the party without a
leader, and the war ceased, although the position of the
insurgents enabled them to secure excellent terms,
which included Llewelyn, De Burgh, Siward, and their
followers. Bishop des Roches was dismissed from power.
17th May 1234, the men of Glamorgan were referred
to Henry de Turberville for the terms on which they
might be admitted to the King's peace; and 26th May,
the King, by documents entered on the Close Rolls
formally laid aside his indignation against Gilbert
Mareschal, Hubert de Burgh, Richard Siward, Gilbert
and Philip Basset, William Crass, H. de Barry, William
of Christchurch, and Richard de St. John, and by an
entry on the Patent Roll, 25th May, they were par-
doned. Thos. Siward was released, and on the 18th
May and 3rd June, Richard Siward was actually placed
102 THE LAND OF MORGAN:
in charffe of Glamorgan, to which, 17th July, Swansea
was added ; and that this carried the lordship of Grower
with it, appears from a precept on the Close Roll in-
forming Si ward that because the King understands
that the " maritagium" of Agnes, daughter and heir
of William Mara, pertains to Margaret de Braose as
part of her dower, the £100 fine which Robert de
Penris made for her with Peter de Rivaux is to be
paid over to Margaret. Rivaux had evidently usurped
the *' maritagium' from Margaret, and Siward as custos
is to redress the wrong.
With the rest, the King extended his favour to the
Barons of the Honour of Gloucester, Roger BerkeroUes,
Roger de Hide, Gilbert de Turberville, Richard Pin-
cerna, WiUiam Flandrensis, Wydo Wak, and Hoel son
of Archid, the two bailiflfe of Swansea, Reymund de
Sully, John de St. John, and Gilbert de Umfreville.
1 7th July, Richard Lelande was ordered to inspect the
lands held by H. de Burgh as guardian of the Earl of
Clare, and to report how they had been held by Peter
de Rivaux and Richard Passelewe. This seems to have
been preparatory to the handing them over to a new
guardian. Siward's appointment was in fact tempo-
rary, and 23rd January 1235, he had a safe conduct to
surrender the lordship to Gilbert, Earl of Pembroke,
who was admitted 28th February, and having been
allowed the title and estates of his late brother,
Richard Mareschal, was, 11th June, girded with the
sword of the earldom. For the wardship of his ne-
phew, and the lordship of Glamorgan, during the re-
mainder of the minority, he fined 500 marcs. This
acquisition placed the whole seaboard from Chepstow
to Pembroke and Aberystwith, Gower alone excepted,
in the hands of Earl Gilbert. Among those now re-
stored were John de St. Quintin, who was to have his
castle of Llanblethian and other lands in Glamorgan,
Peter le Botiller, Thomas de Hawey, Thomas de Saund-
ford, John de Reyny, Robert Fitz-Payn, Richard le
Bu tiller, Jordan de Aunteston, Maurice de Cantilupe,
THE EARLS OF GLOUCESTER AND HERTFORD. 103
William de Barry, and William de Reyny. Also, as
part of the general amnesty, the men of Bristol were
to let those of Swansea have the wine that had been
seized ; and the Abbot of Margam's ship was to be given
up to John, the cellarer of that house. Neither were
the burgesses of Bristol to vex those of Swansea by
requiring of them customs' dues contrary to King
John's cnarter and its confirmations. 9th June 1235,
the Abbot of Neath had a license to send ships to
England to trade. The amnesty extended to Ireland,
and 7th November 1235, Milo de Rochford, taken in
the war with Kichard Earl Mareschal in Ireland, was
to be released.
Soon after, 12th March 1236, Ralph of Newcastle,
having scruples of conscience about the source whence
he received his church, renounced it before the chapter
of Llandaff, and again accepted it as a firee gift from
the Abbot of Tewkesbury. 22nd April, the same Abbot
and convent gave to Elias, Bishop of Llandaff, the
church of Lanedeme, retaining the tithes of Lambor-
dan for the use of the priors of Cardiff, to whose sus-
tenance they belonged. About the same time the Bishop
and chapter confirmed to the same Abbot all the eccle-
siastical benefices he held in the diocese. 4th July,
Richaxd Siwaxd seems again to have given offence, for
he was taken at Gloucester, though soon afterwards
set free.
According to Matthew Paris, one of Henry's griev-
ances against De Burgh was that he had married his
daughter Margaret to Earl Richard, the King's ward,
and a minor, without the leave of the King, who seems
to have intended to marry him to his own niece, a Pro-
venjal. Hubert denied this, and said he had no know-
ledge of the matter. A curious account of the whole
affair is recorded in the Close Roll of the 22nd Henry
III, and extracted by Sir Duffiis Hardy, whence it
appears that, the day after Michaelmas 1238, the King
had Hubert before him at Eccles, and called on him to
resign all claim to the marriage of Richard de Clare,
104 THE LAND OF MORGAN:
that being one of the conditions of his pardon. Hubert
took time to answer, and, finally, met the King at Ken-
nington, where he stated that after the reconciliation
at Gloucester, Henry led him to the altar and asked
him to swear never a^fain to mention the subject of
the marriage, which hlTd. and took no firthe'r stops
in the matter. On this, however, some of his friends
said things had gone so far that the parties ought to
be affianced, and the Countess said her daughter was
committed, and that a marriage had actusLily taken
place at St. Edmund's, while De Burgh was besieged
at Merton. The matter was never quite cleared up,
but Hubert does not appear to have been to blame,
whatever may have been the case with his countess.
He nevertheless had to make his peace by promising a
sum of money to the King.
Margaret seems to have died soon afterwards, in
November 1237. The matter is obscure, and De Burgh's
statement is supported by the fact that the King sold
the Earl's " maritagium", 26th October 1237, to John
de Lacy, Earl of Lincoln, for 3000 marks, and the re-
mission of a debt of 2000 more, but this was subject to
a power of cancelling the agreement, if by transferring
the "maritagium" there should be any chance of bring-
ing the Comte de la Marche to the Kmg's party. This
was not acted upon. The bride was the Earl of Lin-
coln's eldest daughter, Maud de Lacy, and the mar-
riage took place 2nd February 1238, when the Earl
was about sixteen years old, and seems, from an entry
on the Patent Rolls, to have had opinions of his own,
not at that time specially favoiu'able to the royal cause.
26th August 1237, died John de Goldcliff, Abbot of
Margam, and was succeeded by John la Ware. 8th
March 1238, was a suit between Richard Fitz-Richard
and Thomas de Marini, and the Abbot of Neath, for
common of pasture in Horblauton. 30th August,
Ralph de Somery, the former of the chapel of Cogan,
died, and Wm. le Fleming of Glamorgan, led by
evil counsels, declared himself attorney for the Lord
THE EARLS OF GLOUCESTER AND HERTFORD. 105
Bichard de Cogan, presented the son of Wm. de
Keymin (Reigny) to the chapel, and summoned by
writ of last presentation Robert, Abbot of Tewkesbury,
before the comitatus at Cardiff. After much dispute,
William was adjudged not to be the attorney.
The year opened with the secret marriage, 7th
Januan^ 1238, of Simon de Montfort with the King's
sister Eleanor, the widow of William Earl Mareschal.
This, which soon was known, gave great offence, Simon
being then considered in England only as an obnoxious
foreigner, while Eleanor had taken vows of chastity.
Henry's own conduct, and his readmission of foreigners
to power, promoted the general disaffection, and the
King's brother, Richard Earl of Cornwall, and Richard
Earl Mareschal, the leaders of the opposition, were
expelled from court. In November the Bishop dedicated
altars at Llandaff to the Saints James and Nicholas, and
endowed these altars with certain spiritual advantages.
On St. Oswald's day, probably 5th August 1240,
being a day over his eighteenth birthday, the young
Earl was admitted to be of age for certain purposes,
and he redeemed his Glamorgan lands and repaid to
his guardian the 500 marcs, the price of his wardship.
Dugdale, however, places this transaction in the 19th
Henry III, 1234-5. In May 1240, the Earl's daughter
Isabel was bom, and 13th May died Elias Bishop of
Llandaff, and Waleran Teutonicus was put in to admi-
nister the temporalities of the see. He also collated to
two stalls and the archdeaconry. The chapter then
elected Maurice, also archdeacon, to the see, but he was
set aside by the King. Next they elected William of
Christchurch, who held the seat, but without installa-
tion, till 1244, when he resigned, no doubt because
disapproved by the King. Finally, another coiigS
(Tehre was issued, and, 30th July 1246, William de
Burgh, a king's chaplain, became Bishop. 23rd May,
the Earl of Cornwall and Simon de Montfort left Eng-
land for Palestine. They were escorted to Marseilles
by the French king. During their absence Gilbert
106 THE LAND OF MORGAN:
Earl Mareschal died from the effects of an accident.
Henry notified his death officially, 29th June 1241, to
John de Monmouth, whom he orders to take posses-
sion of the Earl's castles of Strigoyl, Usk, and KareUon;
and should their keepers make resistance the Eling is
to be informed at once. The Earl was succeeded by
Walter the third brother. Henry at first reftised him
livery of the lands, but at last gave way, and on the
Sunday before All Saints he was recognized as Earl
Mareschal and of Pembroke. The King, however,
resumed the custody of the castles of Card2f (Caermar-
then?) and Cardigan, which Hubert de Burgh and
Earl Richard had held. The Welsh had been trouble-
some, but by August 1241 they were quieted, and
28th August 1242, Henry remitted his displeasure
against the Abbot of Margam, who had harboured
William de Marisco. In this year died Morgan Gam
of Avan, and was buried at Margam. In this year
also, 26th Henry III, the Sheriff of Norfolk is ordered
to assign a dower to Alice, who had been wife of Roger de
Clare, out of the lands which he had held of the heir
of Earl Gilbert, now in the King's custody ; Alice paid
200 marcs to have the custody of Roger's lands in Mid-
dleton and the marriage of the heir. (Abb. Rot. Or.,
26th Henry III.^ In 1241, Fitz-Hamon's body was
translated into the choir at Tewkesbury, and placed
on the left of the high altar. 7th Aumist 1242, Gilbert
de Sully, vicar of K., died, and 4th September the
Abbot of Tewkesbury put in Walter Alured.
25th July 1242, a dispute arose between Howel ap
Meredith, Rhys ap Griflith, and Gilbert de Turberville,
touching an infraction of the truce in Miscin and
Senghenydd. Robert, Abbot of Tewkesbury, William
de Cardiff, James de Clare, and others the Earl's friends
were sent down to make inquiries. They summoned a
" comitatus" at Cardiff, 28th July, took hostages fix)m
the Welshmen, and lodged them in Cardiff Castle, and
so restored quiet. The Abbot took the opportxmity to
visit Llanblethian to accept the transfer of the church,
THE EARLS OF GLOUCESTER AND HERTFORD. 107
in pursuance of the decree of the prior of Winchcomhe,
Papal subdelegate. This related to the incumbency
and farm of the benefice of which Roger Mailoc, pro-
bably a nephew of Ealph, had been deprived for
arrears of rent. The see being then vacant, the arch-
deacon, as ordinary, presented Thomas de Pennarth.
The Abbot refused to allow this ; upon which Thomas
resigned, and accepted the benefice at the hands of the
Abbot, with the obventions and profits of the church,
excepting the tithe sheaves. On this Roger sued the
Abbot before the comitatus. Roger had an uncle Rhys,
and was otherwise well supported, so the Abbot offered
him a pension of five marcs, which at the Earl's re-
quest was raised to six, but still was refused as insuf-
ficient. The Abbot, as a safeguard, took letters of
protection from the Earl, addressed to the vicecomeg.
The Earls returned from the Holy Land early in
1242, but the Earl of Gloucester was probably too
young to take part in the fierce discussion that then
arose in Parliament, as to assisting the King to recover
his foreign possessions. No doubt his sympathies were
with his stepfather, the Earl of Cornwall, but nothing
is heard of him before the 4th August 1243, when he
was of full age. A message was sent to Henry, then
on the continent, pressing him to give seizin of the
estates by letter. This he declined to do, and the
Earl actually had seizin at Winchester 29th August,
and, finally, 23rd September, the King accepted his
homage. {Plac. Cor on. ^ 27 th Hen. III.) With his
other lands he received those which his mother, the
Countess of Cornwall, had held in dower. In this
transaction the convent of Tewkesbuiy became his
" fidei jussores" in 300 marcs to the Earl of Cornwall,
and in return took a bond of indemnity firom the
young Earl. A little earlier, the 25th of March, the
Abbot of Tewkesbury gave to Rely Morgan a yearly
pension of two marcs until he should provide him with
a better benefice, and Rely gave up his pension firom
Llandough, into which he had been inducted by Arch-
deacon Maurice, his imcle.
108 THE LAND OF MORGAN:
2nd September 1243, the Earrs eldest son, Gilbert,
was bom at Christchxu'ch in Hampshire. It was in
this year that Hawise de Londres, heiress of the great
Lordships of Kidwelly and Ogmore, married Patric de
Chaworth, and laid the foundation of a valuable part
of the affcer Duchy of Lancaster. He fell in battle
against the Welsh, at Caermarthen, 7th September
1258. Also in this year J , Vicar of Dinas Powis,
won his cause against Tewkesbury, and 1 5 marcs costs,
and obtained the small tithes. Howel ap Meredith
was again in rebellion, and Kenfig was again burned.
On the death, in 1240, of Bishop Elias, the custos
claimed for the Earl the right, as chief lord, to take
possession of such lands as were held of him by the
Bishop. Also, on the death of Archdeacon Maurice, 14th
December 1242, the Custos claimed to appoint and put
in Ralph of Newcastle, some Canons dissenting, some
appro vmg. Ralph held office until the King s proctor
objected and nominated, and as the Earl had not as
yet had seizin of his lands, it was thought better to
submit. 29th March 1244, Thomas, the King's Arch-
deacon, had a protection, and in July a royal licence
allowed the Chapter to elect a Bishop. Meantime,
Ralph, when Archdeacon, had appointed a Vicar to
the chapel of St. John at CardrflF, against which Prior
Ralph de Derby had appealed. The transactions con-
nected with the recent appointment to the see of
Llandaff led to a dispute between the King and the
Earl ; and it appears from the Placita CoroncBy that
the Earl gave up his claim. R. de Clare came before
the King and acknowledged that the " Baculum pas-
torale" and patronage of the bishopric belonged of
right to the King, but a day was named for him to
show what it was he claimed. What he did claim
was the custody of the lands held of him, and the
coUation to the prebends and the archdeaconry.
The new Bishop, probably soon after taking his seat,
appeared before the King, and admitted, very untruly,
that he held nothing from any other in his bishopric
THE EARLS OF GLOUCESTER AND HERTFORD. 109
save from the King. In 1245, Roger de Somery (of
Dinas Powis) has a protection in Wales from the King.
On Whit Sunday, 1244 (?), the Earl seems to have
been knighted by the King ; and in March 1245, upon
the aid for marrying the King's eldest daughter, he
was assessed at £261 10^. upon 261^ fees, besides 12^
fees in Kent, and £43 for 43 fees, his moiety of the
Honour of Giffard. In 1245, the Earl was among
those who made a bold attempt before the Council of
Lyons to moderate Papal tyranny in England. In
this year Henry summoned certain Welsh lords to do
homage to him at Westminster, 30th April, and among
them the son of Morgan Gram and Howel ap Meredith.
The latter had been disseized of his lands by the Earl,
5th February 1245, the Lord Herbert Fitz-Mathew
met his death in a certain combe near Avan Castle,
crushed by a mass of rock, which broke his neck. A
writ of **diem clausit" was issued 7th February, but
M. Paris lays the scene in North Wales. Probably it
took place in the gorge of the Avan, a mile or so above
the castle, which stood on the right bank of the river,
close to the church of Aberavan. 1245-6, the bailiffs
of Bristol were ordered to seize all the wool purchased
by the Ghent merchants from the Abbot of Margam,
and to hold it till further orders.
About this time the great House of Mareschal came
to an end. Earl Walter died at Goderich Castle, 24th
November 1245, and his writ of "diem clausit" was
issued 3rd December ; and 5th December his brother
and successor Anselm, the youngest and the last, also
died, and childless. He was buried at Tewkesbury.
This death broke up the estate, and left the De Clares
without a rival in South Wales. About the same time
the Earl proposed to meet Guy de Lusignan, one of the
new batch of the King's foreign relations, at a tourna-
ment at Dunstable. The King, however, seems to
have feared for his half-brother, and forbade the meet-
ing, as he did a later one proposed at Northampton.
The Earl granted Petersfield, Mapledurham, and some
110 THE LAND OF MORGAN:
other manors to his brother William, and it would
seem introduced the Augustine Friars into England.
The Welsh also occupied much of his attention. In
1246, he allowed the Tewkesbury Monks a free water-
flow, " liberam aqueductam", across his lands. 17th
July 1247, Stephen Bawcen, an active soldier con-
nected with Glamorgan, had an allowance of £25 yearly
to sustain him in the King's service.
In 1248, more of the King's half-brothers had ar-
rived, and in the midst of the rising discontent the
Earl chose to take the part of the foreigners, at a
tournament at Brackley, where he aided William de
Valence to overthrow William de Odingselles, a Knight
of Warwickshire. At Newbury he repeated this con-
duct, and thereby much offended the fearonage. 21st
July, the Earl had a son bom, who was named Bevis.
In this year he sued the Abbot of Tewkesbury for the
advowsons of three churches. The Bishop of Llandaff
absolved the Prior of Cardiff from a certain sentence
by which he was bound for the Vicarage of Cardiff
Tne Vicar there had all the money coming into the
Chapel of St. John, but had to pay out of it 20s. a year
to the Prior for the liquor of a Priest at the Prior's
table. At Llantwit, the Vicarage had all the " aJtala-
gium", or altar dues, with the great and small tithes,
except the tithe sheaf of hay, and the tithes of the
Chapel of Lyswomey. Also the Lord William de
Cardiff impleaded the Abbot of Tewkesbury for the
land of Lapull, and, in 1250, quit-claimed all his right
therein to the Earl and the Abbot. Richard, Prior of
Cardiff, died, and Alan de Comubia succeeded, who
also died soon after, when Philip le Leche became
Prior. Philip was probably a member of a family at
one time holding land in Glamorgan, which probably
gave name to the manor and fortified house of
Leche Castle in Wenvoe. He died 15th December
1261. The Abbot seems to have indulged in a cross
action, for he impleaded De Cardiff concerning a
chantry chapel at Walton-Cardiff and a right of way
THE EARLS OF GLOUCESTER AND HERTFORD. Ill
across his meadow. In 33rd Henry III, Henry de
Umfreville accounted for £45 for 9 fees held of the
Honour of Gloucester, and Richard de Kerdiff was
quitted for 365. 8d.
In 1249, the Earl, with the Earl of Cornwall, went
beyond sea, and visited the Pope at Lyons and St.
Edmund's of Pontigny. Their absence was brief, but
included the Eajster Parliament. At this time, 33rd
Henry III, the Abbot of Margam accounted for five
marcs in the Pipe Roll for having an assize, and 12th
June 1249, the chapter of LlandaflF, under licence,
elected John la War, Abbot of Margam, to the see
of LlandaflF. Nicholas, however, places this election
26th July 1253, in which year he fixes the death
of Bishop de Burgh.
In 1250 the Earl officiated as hereditary seneschal
and butler at the enthronisation of Boniface of Savoy
as Archbishop, according to his tenure of Tonbridge,
and in this year also he was invested with the military
belt. He, again, had a dispute with Tewkesbury, on
this occasion concerning rights of "fossa et furca", pit
and gallows, claimed by the Abbot, who was allowed
these powers in Wimbome and Cranbome, with a
gallows at Cranbome, where he seems very conveniently
to have found a subject for his newly admitted justice.
This year the Earl visited Compostella, returning 1 5th
July, and bestowed knighthood upon William de Wilton
and Peter le Botiler at Harley. In 1250, 29th June,
Abbot John resimed Margam, and was succeeded, 22nd
September, by Thomas de Perth waite. In 1251 the
Cranborne dispute was revived, the Earl denying the
right claimed for the priory as well as the manor of
Beveridge. In the claim, power of life and death seem
oddly mixed up with common of pasture. It was said that
the Abbot haa usurped his power during the minority.
The Earl asked an aid from his tenants to marry his
daughter, but it appeared that no such aid had before
been asked for, nor was he prepared to name the bride-
groom. It appeared also that he had had a survey
112 THE LAND OF MORGAN:
made of his villenages, and had raised the dues. Roger
Luvel, the Tewkesbury proctor at Rome, was appointed
to act also for the Earl. In 1251-2 the Pipe Roll
shows a grant of £40 from the King to Stephen Baw-
cen. 34th Henry III the King issued a mandate, in
the Close Rolls, to the Bailiffs of Kerdiff to permit one
whom they had arrested for theft "in the King's
Court" to go forth without stopping any of the things
stolen.
In 1252, the Earl held his Easter at Tewkesbury,
and confirmed to the Chapter of Llandaff half the tithe
of the Chapel of Lanternen (Uantamam) 17th April.
The King wished to marry the Earl's son Gilbert, a
youth of great promise, to Alice, daughter of Guy
Comte d'AngoulSsme, his half-brother, offering with
her a portion of 5,000 marcs. The Earl at first ac-
cepted, and gave a bond for 10,000 marcs in case
he broke off the match. He then changed his mind,
and sent the Abbot of Tewkesbury and the Prior of
Stokes to the King. Meantime he and his son went
abroad, it being intended that the youth should win
distinction in arms. It was about this time that the
Earl interfered to save the credit of his brother
William, who had lost horse and arms in a joust. The
Earl took his place, recovered the spoils, and brought
his brother home with honour towaras mid-Lent. He
seems also to have visited Gascony, where Simon de
Montfort's conduct was the subject of an inquiry. It
is said to have been during this visit to the continent
that the young Gilbert and William de Valence pro-
voked contempt by their effeminacy, and got worsted
at a tournament, a great contrast with the Earl's
action on behalf of his brother. At Christmas,
1252, a daughter was born to the Earl at Llantrissant,
probably within the castle. In this year also he caused
Milo, his chamberlain, to be imprisoned at Usk.
In 1253 the Earl, who was very expert in the use of
arms, took part in a tournament abroad. About the
11th July ne returned to find that Henry, after a
THE EARLS OF GLOUCESTER AND HERTFORD. 113
stormy discussion, had confirmed the public charters
with unusual solemnity, under promise of an aid. To
this aid the Earl strongly objected, and, as was the
custom with the nobles of that day, he spoke his mind
to the King very freely, and retired from the presence
in great anger. He tnen paid a short visit to Ireland.
In this year, the young Gilbert, born 2nd September
1243, then therefore about ten years old, was con-
tracted, while abroad, to Alice of AngoulSsme, the
King's niece. Anselm (Hist Geneal., etc., iii, 78) de-
scribes her as Alasi or Alise de Lezignan, daughter of
Hugh le Brun, Comte de la Marche et d'Angoul^sme, by
Isabel, widow of King John of England, and daughter
and heir of Aymar, Comte d'Angoul^sme. The actual
marriage seems to have taken place in 1257. Anselm
says she was divorced in 1258, but this, it will be seen,
is an error. Also in 1253 Robert Musgrose held the
Honour of Gloucester, probablv as Sheriff or receiver.
After renewed disputes with the barons concerning
foreign service, the King, 7th September 1254, took
the Earl with him to Bordeaux, where he was present
when Henry conferred Gascony upon Prince Edward,
and at the Prince's marriage with Eleanor of Castile.
Thence the Earl visited Paris, where were the Kings
of France, England, and Navarre. He returned with
the King and Queen, by New- Year's Day 1255, to
England, where public affairs had become critical.
Henry was hopelessly indebted ; no money was to be
had from his Parliament : even his brother and his son
were obliged to protest against his proceedings, and de
Montfort, now in England, was in litigation with the
Crown about his wife s jointure.
25th May 1255, a proposed tournament at Blythe
was forbidden. 10th August, the Earl, fortified with
credentials, went to Scotland with John Mansel, the
celebrated pluralist, to relieve and, if possible, rescue
Henry's sister, the Scottish Queen, then a prisoner in
Edinburgh Castle. This he managed successfully, by
a mixture of force and address, to the satisfaction of
114 THE LAND OF MORGAN:
both her husband and brother. It seems to have been
in November of this year that Robert, Abbot of
Tewkesbury, died, and the Earl confirmed the choice of
Thomas as the new Abbot. The Earl had a dispute
with the monks, whom he compelled to follow him to
Fairfbrd for a settlement of their claims upon the tithe
of Rendcombe. In this or the preceding year, the Earl
was paying to the King 640 marcs, being two years'
amount of a charge of £80 per annum on the Earl Mare-
schal's lands in Ireland for the dower of Eleanor the
King s sister, and de Montfort's wife. Her share was
one-fifth of the income, which therefore must have been
£400 per annum. Here the marc is taken at 5^. in-
stead of 6s. 8d. as usual. It was also probably about
this time that was drawn up the agreement mentioned
by Nash (Wore, ii, 135) between Earl Richard and
the Bishop of Worcester concerning Malvern Chase, in
which the Abbot of Tewkesbury and Lord William de
la Mare acted for the Earl, and among the witnesses
to which appear Philip Basset and Stephen Bawcen.
It seems that John, Earl of Moreton, in 1196, while
Lord of Glamorgan, granted to the Bishop of Worcester
licence to assart land in Malvern Forest, and Coun-
tess Isabel confirmed the grant. The dispute, however,
was by no means settled, and reappears in the reign of
Edward I.
12th June 1256, letters of credence were given to the
Earl and Robert Walerand, with their suite, addressed
to the Princes of Germany. They seem by the Patent
Rolls to have left England 22nd June. Their mission
was to watch at Frankfort the election of the King of
the Romans, in the interest of the Earl of Cornwall,
and to adminster bribes to and receive the fealty of
the electors, preparatory to the crowning of Richard in
the following December. Among the EarFs attendants
were John and Robert TurbervUle and Adam Waleys,
all connected with Glamorgan. 29th June 1256, John
de la Ware, Bishop of Llandaff, died ; and on 30th
July William de Radnor was elected Bishop. The
THE EARLS OF GLOUCESTER AND HERTFORD. 115
29th June was a remarkable day in Bishop de la Ware's
life. On that day he resigned Margam, on that day
was elected Bishop, and on that day ne died. In the
same year the Earl founded the house of the Black
Friars, outside the west gate of CardiflP. 7th November,
Richard Siward of Talavan was dead, and his twice
widowed wife, Ela, Countess of Warwick, had married
Philip Basset. In this year Prince Edward received
from John de Monmouth the Castle and Honour of
Monmouth in fee. Henry also invested him with regal
powers in Ireland, and the Earl of Gloucester did him
homage for his land there.
In 1257, Henry seems also to have transferred the
conduct of Welsh affairs to the Prince, who laid on a
tax which excited Llewelyn ap David to take up arms.
Griflfith ap Rhys had died 11th June 1256. The Earl,
whom M. Paris calls a dear friend to the King, was in
command of the royal forces in Glamorgan and Pem-
broke, and generally in South Wales. It was in this
somewhat unsuccessfiil campaign that Stephen Bawcen
was slain. 24th July, Roger de Somery, summoned by
the King to Chester, was afterwards directed to pro-
ceed with all his forces to protect Glamorgan, where
he held lands. The Close Roll, 42nd Henry III, men-
tions the claim of Alex, de St. Severino for the price of
45 dolia of wine, which the thieves of Glamorgan, West
Wales, and Gower, had taken and conveyed to Devon-
shire, to the damage of Earl Richard, whose merchant
he was. The Sheriffs of Devon and Somerset are to
seize the goods, unless the Earl or the Sheriff of
Glamorgan admits them to have been come by law-
23rd July, either in this or the following year, the
Earl was taken ill at Sonning, near Readmg, and
William Scotney, his seneschal and chief adviser, was
charged with administering poison to him and his
brother William, at a breakfast given by Prince
Edward at Winchester. WiUiam died 23rd July at
Retheresford, and was buried at Dareford (probably
I 2
116 THE LAND OF MOBOAN:
Dertford) Abbey, privately, instead of at Tewkesbury
as he had wished, lest the news should reach and prove
fatal to his brother. The Earl recovered, but lost his
hair and his complexion ; his teeth and nails threatened
to fall off, and he was much disfigured. Scotney was
dragged asunder by horses at Winchester, or, by some
accounts, hanged, 26th M^ 1259, and his quarters
suspended from a gallows. The Earl, however, managed
to be present at Tewkesbury, 20th April 1258, when
he obtained a procession, and gave the kiss of peace
to all present. In this year, 6th September, the
Welsh attacked Neath with 800 mail-clad horsemen,
and 7,000 footmen. They failed to take the castle,
but burned the town up to the gates, "et sic ad dse-
mones redierunt".
During these years the Earl seems to have been
acting, though perhaps not very cordially, with the
Kings party, but Henry's conduct had gradually
alienated from him all men, even those of moderate
opinions. In 1258, matters drew to a head, but the
Earl was still with the King, who, 22nd January,
having heard that Llewelyn proposed to marry his
sister Margaret, directed the Earl to take her in charge
and guard her safely. 8th March, he was at Court and
witnessed a royal charter relating to St. Alban's. The
opening Parliament of the year met in London, 9th
April, and sat till the 5th May. Howel ap Meredith
and the Welsh leaders had made an alliance with
Scotland. The discussions were unsatisfactory, and
the assembly was adjourned to the 11th June at
Oxford. In August, the Earl was directed by the
King to inquire as to the large sums of money said to
have been taken beyond sea by his half-brothers.
The Parliament thus adjourned was the "Mad Parlia-
ment". The Bai'ons who had attended in London
armed, came to Oxford under summons for a Welsh
campaign, in full array for war. As in the time of
John, a committee was appointed, and in the list the
Earl of Gloucester appears with de Montfort on the
THE EARLS OP GLOUCESTER AND HERTFORD. 117
Barons' side, and in the subsequent very complex
arrangements he took an active part, and was one of
those by whom, 18th October 1258, the King's adhe-
sion to the Acts of the Council was accepted, and who
shared in the provisional government of the following
year, and until the outbreak of the civil war. He also
signed the letter to the Pope against the admission of
the Poitevins. The Earl had charge this year of the
manors of Aymer, Bishop of Winchester, then banished,
and it was not until the 7th or 8th of Edward I that
Earl Gilbert, his son, was called upon by a writ of
"praecipe" to surrender them. In 1258 the Abbot and
Convent of Tewkesbury paid to Master Henry de
Stratford 10 marcs upon a suit between him and Roger
Boyfield, one of their monks, on an agreement concern-
ing grain, entered into at Cardiff when Roger was Prior
there.
In 1259 Parliament met early in the year, and the
jealousy between the personal influence of de Montfort,
and the hereditary influence of Earl Richard, led to a
personal altercation between them. Earl Simon was
impatient of the Earl of Gloucester's moderate and
somewhat temporising policy, which was the more
irritating that he was far too powerful to be set aide.
"For you, my Lord Earl of Gloucester," said he, "the
higher your position above us all, the more are you
bound to carry these statutes into effect." Indeed,
Gloucester's whole conduct up to that time shows that
he was not inclined to press too strongly on the King,
with whom he kept up some sort of personal terms.
1 0th May he was named to arrange for the marriage of
Henry's daughter Beatrice with John, eldest son of the
Duke of Britany; and 18th May the King had lent
him certain artificers. 25th May, in this year or 1260,
died James de Clare, probably a near kinsman. After
the personal altercation with de Montfort, the Earl
seems to have gone abroad, as special Ambassador to
the King of France. Earl Simon, however, is joined
with him in the patent, and a reconciliation was
118 THE LAND OF MOROAN:
patched up between them by the Earl of Hereford and
others, no doubt in consequence of the King's procla-
mation of the 28th of March. Gloucester sent ELerwin,
his seneschal, through his domains, to see that the
statutes were obeyed, and it probably arose out of this
that, 20th July, John de Cokefield was assigned to
hear the "Querela transgressionis et injuriee" by Earl
Richard and his bailiffs in Gloucester, Suffolk, Essex,
Cambridge, and Herts. In this and the preceding years
the Patent Eolls show that the Earl had a licence to
crenellate and fortify the Isle of Portland, and the
towns and ports of Weymouth and Wyke. The cre-
nellation probably related to "Bow and Arrow Castle",
a curious fortress of Norman date, still standing on the
east cliff of Portland. He had also a licence to build
castles at Walden in Essex, and at Southwood in
Suffolk.
The summer of this year seems to have been occu-
pied in a trial of strength between the two parties in
the ruling council ; de Montfort, and with him Prince
Edward, seeing the necessity for speedy action, and
Gloucester being indisposed to move. In October, a
remonstrance by the military tenants of the knightly
class throughout England affirmed that the King had
done his part, and it was for the council no longer
to neglect to do theirs. The results were the Pro-
visions of Westminster, drawn up in this month. The
part taken by the Earl of Gloucester is indicated by
the inclusion of his name among the twelve Barons
chosen to reform the State, as well as in the later
council of fifteen. He was not one of the twelve
parliamentary commissioners, but appears among the
twenty-four of "the aid". 7th November, by an agree-
ment with the Abbot of St. Edmund's, he concluded a
law plea which had lasted nine years and five days,
and in the same month he either preceded or accom-
panied the King to France, to take part in the formal
resignation of Normandy, and to settle some other
differences between the Crowns ; and during the short
THE EARLS OF GLOUCESTER AND HERTFORD. 119
remainder of his life his influence was, on the whole,
exerted in the King's favour. He led the moderate
party.
In 1260 the state of affairs compelled Henry's return
to England, and Earl Richard accompanied him. 30th
April he met the Barons at St. Paul's, and was re-
conciled to Prince Edward, who had urged on the
obnoxious reforms. At the meeting, Gloucester and de
Montfort again came to words, and besides their public
difference, de Montfort refused to give up his wife's
lands in Normandy, and so endangered the recent
understanding with France. The Earl, however, to
some extent, still acted with de Montfort, and by so
doing probably hampered his proceedings far more than
had he openly taken the King's part. 30th May, the
Welsh attacked Builth Castle, while Roger Mortimer,
its keeper, was attending the King in London. He
was oflGicially acquitted of all blame. The castle, though
small, was strong, as its earthworks still show. In the
summer Gloucester had a violent quarrel with Prince
Edward, which caused great general anxiety , but, 22nd
June, harmony was re-established by the mediation of
Henry and his brother, the King of the Romans. An
agreement then drawn up is referred to in the Calendar
of the Patent Rolls for the year, but the document
itself is not given. In this year Ralph Basset, pre-
viously mentioned, died. About the same time, wnile
the Earl was at Tewkesbury, a certain Jew fell into a
Jakes and refused to be taken out because the day was
the Sabbath. On this the Earl, with a curious miscon-
ception of his Christian duties, reftised to have him
taken out on the following, being the Christian Sabbath,
and left him to perish. The story was made the sub-
ject of a quatrain : —
** ' Tende man us, Salomon, ut te de stercore tollam.*
* Sabbata nostra colo, de stercore surgere nolo.
£n ruit altra dies, nunc me de stercore toUes.'
' Sabbata nostra colo, de stercore tollere nolo.' "
In this year he attended with the King, under a safe-
120 THE LAND OF MORGAN :
conduct, the funeral of the French king's eldest son.
In a letter from the Earl to the King, 1 5th June, pro-
bably 1261, he states that his health prevents his
attendance on the King in London. He acknowledges
a letter from the King about Prince Edward's afl^drs,
about which the Earl has ordered J. Breton to meet
him at Tewkesbury. 15th December, Philip de Leche,
Prior of Cardiff, died, and 27th June following was suc-
ceeded by William of Deerhurst.
In 1262, 7th May, it appears from the rolls of Parlia-
ment that the Earl granted to Chancellor Walter de
Merton the manors of Farley and Chessendon in aid of
his new foundation, and by another document he in-
formed Roger de Horn, his seneschal at Tonbridge,
that he confirmed gifts to the same Walter by Roger
at Maiden, and by Philip Basset and Ela, Countess of
Warwick, his wife; 8th July, the Earl recommends to
the Chancellor's favour Geoffrey de AspaU, his clerk,
and John, the brother of the latter.
In June the Earl was taken ill at the table of Peter
of Savoy, the Queen's uncle, and was thought to have
been poisoned. He died 15th (or 22nd) July 1262,
"ante statutum", at Eschemerfield in Kent, and was
buried 28th July in the choir at Tewkesbury, on the
right of his father, in a tomb which his widow encrusted
with gold and precious stones, and which bore this
somewhat superlative epitaph : —
" Hie pudor Hippoliti, Paridis gena, sensus Ulissis,
iEneffi pietas, Hectoris ira jacet."
The Bishops of Llandaff and Worcester, eight to
twelve Abbots, and many Barons, Knights, and other
considerable persons attended at the burying. His
actual sword and spurs were suspended over his tomb,
and to all praying for his soul's weal Archbishop Boni-
face gave forty days' indulgence, and the Bishops of
Chester, Llandaff, and Worcester twenty days' each, to
which Worcester and Llandaff added ten more to
all repeating ten Paternosters and three Ave Marys
THE EARLS OF GLOUCESTER AND HERTFORD. 121
within the year. In the Annals of Tewkesbury he is
recorded as " Vir nobilis et omni laude dignus.*'
Ist Edward I. In the Memoranda Roll Master John
de Sethwille and John de Bruis (Braose) are named as
executors of the Earl's will, but those given in the
Eolls of Parliament are Hugh Bigod and others. The
debts were considerable, both to the King and to pri-
vate persons. One debt to the merchants was 480
marcs; and another to Hugh de Gundeville, 300 marcs.
7th Edward I, Sethwille received £80. 12th Edward I,
the account was still unsettled, both with the Ex-
chequer and the general debtors and creditors.
£127 8s. id. was allowed for the farm of the Barton
of Bristol for eight to ten years. This possession,
therefore, severed from the castle, was still a part of
the estate.
47th Henry III, Countess Maud had an assignation
of dower which included Bedwin and Winchcombe,
and the castles and manors of Usk, Trillech, and Clare.
52nd Henry III, she purchased the manor of Long
Stratton in Norfolk. Their children were — 1, Gilbert;
2, Thomas, a man of some mark in his day. He was
governor of St. BriaveFs Castle in April, 49th
Henry III, and custos of the royal forest in Essex, and
for his conduct at Lewes made governor of Colchester
Castle. 51st Henry III, he went with Prince Edward
to Palestine, and brought home four Saracen prisoners.
55th Henry III, or 1st Edward I, he was governor of
London, and soon afterwards went to Ireland with a
grant of Thomond and a roving commission to conquer
all he could. Soon after his landing he was himself
conquered by the charms of Julian, third daughter of
Maurice, son of Maurice Fitz-Gerald, by Emmeline,
daughter and heir of Sir Stephen Longesp^e, a natural
son of Henry II and Rosamond Clifford. With her
he had Youghal, where the provost and borough
adopted his arms, the one sealmg with de Clare im-
paling Fitz-Gerald with a label, both dimidiated; the
other with de Clare and Fitz-Gerald, each with a label
122 THE LAND OF MORQAN :
and eax^h upon a heater-shaped shield. He built Bun-
ratty Castle. For the rest, his career was unfortunate ;
he was thrice defeated, and, finally, killed by the Irish in
1285. His wife was alive in 1321. They left issue John,
Gilbert, Richard, and Thomas. Richaxd, the third son
was probably the Richard de Clare who was summoned
to Parliament 26th October 1309. He left issue
Thomas de Clare, who died childless, 14th Edward II,
1320-21, leaving his father's sisters his heirs. He was
probably the male heir of the House of Clare, though
lie does not seem to have claimed the Honours. Pro-
bably the settlement made by the penultimate Earl
on his • marriage with Princess Joan precluded him
from the estate. He is not mentioned by Dugdale.
3. Bevis, Benedict, or Bogo, born llth or 21st July
1248, was a canon of York. 4. Isabel, born May
1240, said by Anselm to have been a nun at Barking,
but who married at Lyons, 13th June 1257, the Mar-
quis di Ponte Ferrato, and was escorted thither by a
Tewkesbury monk. 5. Margaret, bom at Llantrissant,
Christmas 1250. She married Edmund, a younger
son of Richard Earl of Cornwall, but his eldest by
Saunchia of Provence. He was regent during Edward's
absence in Palestine. She was divorced, childless, 22nd
Edward I, and compelled by the Bishop of Winchester
" vitam vivere cselibem." 6. Roesia, born 1 7th October
1252, married Roger Mowbray. 54th Henry III,
Roger Estraneus and Matilda his wife, and Matilda
de Mowbray, are bound to Matilda Countess of Glou-
cester in a fine if Roger, son and heir of Roger de Mow-
bray, does not many Roesia, daughter of the Countess.
The witnesses are Gilbert de (^lare Earl of Gloucester
and Hertford, Thomas de Clare, Henry de Sully, Pau-
linus de Kerdiff, Thomas de Bellocampo, Walter de
la , Hy. de UmftavUe, knights, John, Abbot of
Tuitem. Tne marriage took place in 1270. 7. Eglan-
tine, bom 1257, died an infant, fifteen weeks old, and
was buried at Tewkesbury. Another Bogo, well
known in the reign of Edward I, seems to have been
a cousin.
THE EARLS OF GLOUCESTER AND HERTFORD. 123
On the Earl's death, Nicholas Berkeley, and after-
ward Petronel de la Mare, took charge of the Honour.
The jurors on his inquisition were directed to make
return " de maneriis quae idem comes nomine custodise
et firmae tenuit die obitus suae." In Glamorgan he so
held only Marcross, 46th Henry III.
Earl Richard died at a very critical period in his
own career and in the history of his country. His
rank and alliances, his immense property, and his
power in the Welsh Marches made him a most impor-
tant person, second only to King Henry and his
brother the King of the Romans. The moderation
of his character in a reign continually verging upon
civil war placed him in opposition, sometimes to one
party, sometimes to the other, and probably neither
Henry nor Prince Edward, nor Simon de Montfort
thought him to be relied upon. He died just when
it would have been absolutely necessary to take a
decided part, and had he lived, that part would pro-
bably have been with the King. He was personally
brave, and experienced in the use of arms and in
warfare.
The lordship of Glamorgan fell into the King's
hands, the young Earl being a minor. Humphrey de
Bohun at once took charge, and reported to the King,
who acknowledged his letter, and committed to him,
18th July, the castles of Usk, Tregrue (?), Newburg,
Kaerdiff', Lantrissan, Langenyth, Neth, and all other
fortalices and their appurtenances in Wales. Philip
Basset the Justiciar is to move John de Breos
to deliver up Lantrissant Castle to de Bohun. 1st
February 1263, 100 marcs are allowed to store the
castles ; Walter de SuUy, sheriff, is, we are told,
" bonus homo et potens in provincia". De Bohun
reported to the Chancellor that all was then quiet,
and that he had equipped the castles. 4th August
1263, the King directed Roger de Clifford to assist
Humphrey. Inquiry is to be made into the late Earl's
tenure of the manor of Buckingham, which William
124 THE LAND OP MORGAN:
de Breos alleged that his brother John had leased
fraudulently. Bohun is to employ Robert de Meisy,
Trahilo ap Hoel, and Ralph de Auste to make an
extent or survey of the lordship, and Walter and
Henry de Sully are to have quittance concerning a
summons in Devon ; and whereas John de Sully had
been enfeoffed by the Earl of a carucate of land in
and one in Orchiston, he is to receive them from
the escheator, 7th December. The extent was also
directed of the lands in Gloucester, Essex, and Suffolk.
The King announced the Earl's death to Philip Basset
the justiciary and to Walter de Merton the Chancellor,
and approved their doings at Amiens.
It appeared that William le Sor held of the "Honour
of Tewkesbury" 13 fees. Also, 18th February, Griffin
de Bedwas, who was detained in the King's prison at
Cardiff, was to be delivered by the Sheriff to M. Bezile,
constable of Gloucester Castle.
De Bohun did not long act as custos. On account of
debility he is to deUver up his charge to Walter de
Sully; 1 February 1266, he was superseded in the
command of the army in Wales by John de Grey,
and Henry wrote to Llewelyn to inform him of the ap-
pointment. 15th February 1263, the King informed
the barons, knights, and loyal men of Glamorgan that
Walter de Sully had charge of the lands and castles
of the late Earl of Gloucester, which had been held
by Humphrey de Bohun ; and, 1 5th June, a royal letter
to Sully informs him that he was to be in charge for
three weeks or a month, in fact until the Earl had
seizin. It appeared that William de Powyk had been
constituted to take depositions in a dispute between
the prior of Ewenny and the Abbot of Margam, con-
cerning tenements in Llanmeuthin. Also the Sheriff
of Cardiff was directed to act as to certain crops be-
longing to the Abbot of St. Peter s, Gloucester, at
Tregof and Lancarvan, seized on account of a vacancy
in that office. The Archbishop of Canterbury had
placed his seneschal in charge of Tonbridge Castle,
THE EARLS OF GLOUCESTER AND HERTFORD. 125
whence he is ordered to transmit six Welsh prisoners
to the constable of Rochester Castle. They were
Thurk (?), Howel ap Meulyn, Meuth ap Leulyn, Tudor
Howel, Howel ap Ivor (?) and Meureth.
Gilbert de Clare, surnamed " the Red", "quia rufus
erat et pulcher aspectu", 7th Earl of Gloucester and
7th of Hertford, and 9th Earl of Clare, succeeded in
July 1262, 46th Henry III, being then nineteen years
of age, not as yet girded with the sword of knighthood,
and married to Alice de la Marche or d'Angoulesme,
by whom he had one child, Isabel, bom 10th March
1262.
27th June, the Abbot of Tewkesbury appointed
William de Deerhurst Prior of Cardifi'. The minority
was a short one, for, 3rd August, the young Earl did
homage, and had livery of the castles of Cardiff, New-
burgh (Newport), and Llantrissant, and of the Welsh
lordship, of which Hereford was to give seizin ; which
cost the Earl £1000. The Hundreds of Wathelston
and Littelfeld, held by the Earl, under the See of
Canterbury, but appendant to Tonbridge, were restored
to him, on his coming of age, by the Archbishop. At
the same time he entered upon his lands in England
and Ireland, and also succeeded to the wardship of
the lands of Peter of Savoy, and of Pembroke Castle,
and of the lands of William de Valence in Pembroke :
wardships, unlike other personal property, being herita-
ble. Just before this, 8th February 1263, the Bishop
of Llandaff was informed that when he came to Lon-
don he might lodge in the close of the King's Hermi-
tage at Charing Cross, without impediment from the
royal officers.
The young Earl, it is recorded by Wykes, was im-
Eetuous and much influenced by his mother, who led
im to join the opposition party. " Blanditiis allectum,
qui prius Regi devotus extiterat, resilire coegit, et de
fideli reddidit infidelem." He was, however, probably
influenced also by the example of his father, who,
though a moderate, was never a blind, supporter of the
126 THE LAND OF MORGAN:
King. It is moreover said that the Earl had a special
grievance against Prince Edward, whose attentions to
his wife were unpleasant to him. From whatever
cause, he at once, as early as February 1263, threw
himself into the party of de Montfort, at that time
engaged in giving eflfect to the provisions of Oxford,
by which aliens were excluded from the government
of the royal castles, and the central administration of
justice, and an equitable collection of the revenue were
Srovided for. In March he refused to include Prince
Idward in his oath of allegiance, and, with de Mont-
fort, took up arms. The King fled to the Tower, and
the Prince took post at Windsor, and towards the
close of the year it was decided, against the Earls
wish, to refer the matters in dispute to the French
King. Henry seized the EarFs castles of Kingston and
Tonbridge, but allowed the Countess, who was in the
latter, to go free.
The French award was unfavourable to the barons,
who, at the Oxford Parliament in March 1264, refused
to accept it. 12th May, Henry addressed a defiance
to de Montfort and the Earl of Gloucester, as chiefs
of the Barons' party, and in the military summonses
to Worcester their adherents were omitted. On the
14th, the rival forces met at Lewes, and the appeal
to arms, long threatened, actually occurred. The Earl
accepted knighthood on the battle field from de Mont-
fort, and, young and unskilled as he was, was never-
theless recognized as, equally with de Montfort, a
leader of the party, and to him was allotted the com-
mand of the second line. In the battle he distin-
guished himself by personal valour, and seems to have
received the Kings sword. He used his power to
take a grant, 20th June, of the confiscated estates of
Earl Warenne, excepting Rygate and Lewes Castles ;
and one of the articles of the " Mise of Lewes" pro-
vides especially for his indemnity and that of de Mont-
fort. The Earl, Earl Simon, and the Bishop of Chi-
chester were the three electors who were to nominate
THE EARLS OF GLOUCESTER AND HERTFORD. 127
the new council of nine persons of those who were
"most faithfiil, prudent, and most studious for the
public weal", and who were to be the real governors
of the kingdom. Gloucester was also one of the five
Earls summoned to the " Great Parliament" at West-
minster, 20th January 1265.
Victory speedily generated discontent between the
victors, and especially between the two Earls. Glou-
cester seems to have claimed from Earl Simon the
custody of his own prisoners, and especially of the Earl of
Cornwall, and to have been refused. He also demanded
unsuccessfully the Castle of Bristol, to which he had
hereditaryclaims, and which was occupied by Earl Simon ;
and further, a tournament at which he proposed to
take part against de Montfort's sons, was forbidden
by their father. These causes,or some of them,may have
precipitated the rupture, but it was improbable that
the two Earls could long have continued in accord.
De Montfort was a foreigner by birth and education, a
much older man than Gloucester, and as far above
him in personal weight as he was below him in here-
ditary position and territorial wealth. Each naturally
looked upon the other with a jealous eye. Earl Gilbert,
though without experience, stood at the head of the
English baronage, and it was evident that however
much circumstances might force him to oppose Henry,
he did not wish permanently to overthrow the royal
power. A few years later Wikes describes him as
" Summas et singularis inter regni Magnates nobili-
tatis, et prseeminentiae, et incomparabilis post Regem
potentise". De Montfort, whose views were broader
and probably far more patriotic than those of the Earl,
nevertheless desired personal aggrandisement. From
the King he had long sought an augmentation of his
wife's jointure, which included a third of the Mareschal
estates, and he wished to obtain from the Prince the
Earldom of Chester in exchange for that of Leicester,
Chester being not only a richer, but, from its position
on the Marches, a far more powerful earldom; and to
128 THE LAND OF MORGAN:
bring about this change he took advantage of his pos-
session of the Prince 8 person. He was also bent upon
strengthening his own power in the west, at the ex-
pense of that of Gloucester, holding Bristol, and giving
encouragement to the South Welsh Princes, hereditary
foes to the Lords of Glamorgan. Moreover, his son,
the younger Simon, was pretender to the hand of
Isabel, heiress of the great Earldom of Devon, and
holding in dower a third of that of Albemarle. After
Lewes, he had actually pursued her with an armed force,
and forced her to take refuge under the covert protec-
tion of the Earl of Gloucester, her kmsman. These
sources of distrust led Gloucester at once to take up
the interests of the King, who would thus become
indebted to him for his kingdom.
His change of action was rapid and complete. In
April 1265, he opened a communication, through his
brother Thomas, with Roger Mortimer, and came to a
personal altercation with de Montfort, casting up
against him his foreign birth, "manifesto ridiculum est
quod hie alienigena totius regni dominium sibi praesumit
subjugare". De Montfort, with the King and Prince
in his train, went to Hereford, while de Clare, in con-
junction with John Giffard, a great soldier and a man
of much personal influence in South Wales, collected a
considerable force in the Forest of Dene. In May, an
arbitration was agreed to, probably to gain time, for in
that month, by Thomas de Clare's agency, the Prince
effected his escape from the meads of Hereford, and
rode to Wigmore, and thence to Ludlow, where he was
joined by Gloucester, on the condition that he should
swear to observe "the ancient and approved laws of
the realm". De Montfort's rejoinder was the destruc-
tion of the Castle of Monmouth, whence he marched
upon Newport, holding both banks of the Usk. He
was followed by Prince Edward from the East, on
which he broke down Newport Bridge, and retired
upon Glamorgan, which he laid waste in combination
with Llewelyn. Meantime de Clare regained Bristol,
THE EARLS OF GLOUCESTER AND HERTFORD. 129
and the Prince fell back upon the Severn at Gloucester.
While there, he learned that the younger de Montfort
was on his way from Pevensey towards Kenilworth.
With a decision that indicated the future leader, the
Prince by a rapid march intercepted de Montfort near
Kenilworth, routed him, 16th July, and thence turning
back upon Worcester, held that city and broke down
the bridge, 1st August, and on the 4th, encountered
and overthrew Earl Simon at Evesham.
In the battle, de Clare, as at Lewes, led the second
line, but now on the King s behalf. His reward was a
pardon, 49th Hen. Ill, for his brother Thomas, himself,
and his adherents, and the custos-ship of Abergavenny
during the nonage of Maud, the child wife of the Earl
of Hereford. He again did homage for his lands ; and
the King remitted £900 of fine as yet unpaid upon
his livery, on the ground of his expenses in the royal
cause.
De Montfort's death left Gloucester without a rival,
and much tempted him to take the lead on the popular
side. He does not seem to have aided at the siege of
Kenilworth ; and though one of those elected to sit as
an arbitrator upon the terms of the Ban, in October
1266, he disapproved of, and opposed them. Early in
that year William de Braose, Canon of Llandaff, was
elected Bishop ; and Griffith ap Rhys, taken prisoner,
was committed to Cardiff Castle, and thence, in 1267,
sent to Kilkenny for greater security. Towards the
close of 1266 Gloucester, himself discontented, seems
to have met the "disinherited" party in the Isle of
Ely, and thence, 8th April 1267, to have led them to
London, where they occupied the city, and summoned
the Legate to surrender the Tower. They met publicly
at St. Paul's, but, meantime, Henry had advanced from
Windsor, and encamped at Stratford, whence, 5th May,
he also entered London. On this, Gloucester, through
his brother Thomas, again made terms, and in June
he and his followers were admitted to the benefits of
the Ban, and a safe-conduct issued in favour of Gilbert
130 THE LAND OF MORGAN:
de Clare, his household, and all who call themselves
**exheredatos". This was to enable them to meet Henry
at Stratford.
The Parliament at Marlborough, in November, con-
ceded almost all the points in dispute; and although
the Earl remained at variance with Mortimer and the
royal party, and declined an invitation to the King's
•eat banquet, he gave no further trouble, and the
ing waived the conditions proposed by the Legate,
that the Earl should give either his daughter or his
Castle of Tonbridge, for three years, as a hostage for
his conduct. Finally, at Midsummer 1268, the Earl
assumed the cross, with Prince Edward, at Northampton,
though this promise was not fulfilled by himself. His
brother Thomas, however, accompanied the Prince.
The Earls amity was no doubt largely influenced by
the King s action in South Wales. As early as 26th
April 1266, the King had questioned the correctness of
the Earl's scutages, and had directed William de
Powyk and the Abbot of Tintern to make a new
survey; and 30th April, Humphrey, Earl of Hereford,
was ordered to take charge, but the issues were to be
paid over to Matilda, Countess of Gloucester, and Gilbert
de Clare ; and the Countess was to surrender Usk Castle.
5th May, Earl Humphrey was informed that the King
will accommodate his niece, the wife of Gilbert de
Clare, with the use of Usk Castle, which had belonged
to Richard de Cardiff ; Lawrence de Hameldon appears
as Earl Gilbert's clerk. 1st August, the Earl had a
grant of the manor of Lydgate, and the seneschalship
of Bury Abbey, taken from Henry de Hastings, the
King's enemy. 20th August, he was also to have the
lands of all the rebel Welsh that he could conquer.
In 1267, Henry laboured hard to give peace to South
Wales ; 14th March, Roger de Somery and Hugh de
Turberville, Glamorgan Barons, were commissioned to
inquire into the causes of quarrel between Lleweljoi ap
Griffith and the Earl of Gloucester. Llewelyn's com-
plaint was that the Earl refused to restore the lands of
THE EARLS OF GLOUCESTER AND HERTFORD. 131
his subjects, according to the terms agreed upon. The
result was a compromise, agreed to at Michaelmas
1268. The violence complained of had chiefly lain in
the districts of Senghenydd, Glyn-Rhondda, and Miscin,
tracts of country too strong and too near Cardiff to be
left in native hands. The compromise lasted but a
short time, and the final result was the building of the
great Castle of Caerphilly. The Earl was still bent
upon the recovery of Bristol; and, 31st October 1268,
he addressed the King, stating that he proposed,
with Prince Edward's consent, to have his right to
the castle and borough tried in course of law, and
should he recover it, he promises to give due ex-
change. The suit seems to have been deferred till
1276, when, in the presence of the Archbishop of
Canterbury and others, the castle and borough were
adjudged to the King.
A year later, 15th October 1269, the Earl had a safe-
conduct to come to meet the King, Prince Edward, and
Llewelyn, of which he does not seem to have availed
himself ; nor did he attend the Parliament then held.
He found it very inconvenient to accompany the Prince
to the Holy Land, and he probably feared compulsion.
The reason he assigned, whether true or false, was cer-
tainly sufficient. "At Comes causatus est terris suis,
quae Wallise continguntur, et quae tunc temporis a
Wallensibus fortiter fiierunt impugnatse, depopulatis
provinciis, et castris solo terrarum complanatis, peri-
culum imminere, si, vacuatis regni limitibus, ipsas . . .
expositas relinqueret indefensas." The King of the
Romans seems to have mediated, and at Pentecost
1270, Henry allowed the repayment of the Earl's
expenses at Evesham, and again gave him livery of his
lands and castles. In return, he undertook to follow
the Prince, who had left England in July, unless pre-
vented by illness, war, or other sufficient causes. This
he did not do, but as he gave no other cause of offence,
he and Henry lived on good terms for the rest of the
reign.
K 2
132 THE LAND OF MORGAN:
The King of the Romans died 2nd April 1272, and
that year, about six weeks before Henry's death, Earl
Gilbert married his sister Margaret to Edmund,
Richard's eldest surviving son, on which occasion, on
St. Edmund's Day, 20th November, Edmund was
knighted and recognised as Earl of Cornwall ; and on
St. Nicholas' Day following, 6th December, he gave a
wedding feast of great splendour at Wallingford. Upon
Henry's death Earl Gilbert was one of those whose
names, 23rd November 1272, are appended to the
letter informing Prince Edward of that event, and the
proclamation of the new King was signed by the Arch-
bishop of York, Earl Gilbert, and Edmund (Earl of
Cornwall). He was also present at the proclamation at
the New Temple, and on the new King's arrival in
England he entertained him with great magnificence at
Tonbridge Castle.
The state of Glamorgan during the reign of Henry
III was such as to cause great anxiety to its lord, its
ecclesiastical magnates, its barons and knights, and its
inhabitants generally, whether Welsh or English. The
land was wasted, the houses burned, the cattle driven
off, the borough towns and religious houses sorely
bested. The clergy were in arrears with their tithes,
the bishops and monastic bodies with their dues, and
the landlords of all ranks with their rents and the pro-
duce of their demesnes. Treaties and truces between
the English and the Welsh were of no avail. Each
party broke them at pleasure. The King's writ did not
run in the Marches, and would have been but little re-
spected even if it had had legal sanction ; and the chief
lords, though strong enough to be a thorn in the King's
side, were often unable to preserve peace. It is true that
the lower or seaboard division of the lordship, including
the vale of Glamorgan, was studded with castles.
Cardiff, Neath, and Swansea, and perhaps the Tower
of Lwchwr, were strong enough to defend the lower
parts of the Taff, the Nedd, the Tawe, and the Lwchwr
rivers, but the other castles and strong houses, Kenfig,
THE EARLS OF GLOUCESTER AND HERTFOliD. 133
Llantrissant, Ogmore, Coyty, Dunraven, Talavan, Llan-
blethian, Bonvilleston, Fonmon, Penmark, Sully, Bariy,
Wenvoe, Flimston, and Dinas Powis, and a score of
others, were intended to guard private domains, and
did not command the main passes of the district.
Cardiff and Neath were regularly walled, and Kenfig
fenced in, probably with a palisade. Cowbridge also
was walled. The south gate and wall still remam, and
a charter of the 3rd Henry VII refers to a turret or
tower and to the north wall, as then standing. These
defences, however, were for the security of the town
only. What was wanted was some central stronghold
of the first class, large enough to contain a numerous
garrison, strong enough to resist a siege, and so placed
as to stand in the way of any advance of the Welsh in
force into England, and, should they so advance, to cut
off their retreat. Earl Gilbert determined to supply
this want in a manner worthy of his rank and wealth
as chief of the Marcher Lords, and suitable to the im-
portance*of the territory which it was his duty to pro-
tect. The place fixed upon for his fortress was the
centre of a vast and, in part, marshy basin upon the
Welsh bank of the Rhymny, and therefore between
the lordships of Gwent and Morgannwg, within the
hill district, and not above six miles from Cardiff. This
lay in the route by which the Welsh invaders usually
advanced upon and retired from Gwent, and to close it
would close the whole line of the Rhymny, from the
Brecon mountains to the sea, Cardiff blocking the sea-
ward plain, and Brecknock and Builth, the valley of
the Usk, north of the mountains. The proposed castle
was wholly new. A knoll of ground rismg out of the
morass was scarped and revetted and crowned with a
double belt of walls and towers, while, as at Kenil worth
and Leeds, an insignificant brook was barred by a
strong and weU-defended dam, and the depression about
the castle converted into a deep and broad lake. Such
was the origin and such the general disposition of the
Castle of Caerphilly, the most complete example in
134 THE LAND OF MORGAN:
Britain of the concentric style of fortress, and in area
and accommodation second only to Windsor. Unfor-
tunately for its historic celebrity, the precautions which
led to its construction were, within a very few years,
rendered useless by the complete conquest of the Prin-
cipality, though in that respect it only shared the
fate of Conway, Caernarvon, Beaumaris, Harlech, and
Bere.
Earl Gilbert certainly did not take up the defence of
his territory by halves. Besides Caerphilly, the small
but strong fortress of Castell Coch was constructed to
guard the lowest pass of the Taff ; and upon the high
ground near one head of the same river, near the old
Roman way from Newport to Brecon, was constructed,
a few years later, Morlais, a castle small in area but
strong, and guarded by a ditch quarried with immense
labour out of the limestone rock. The chain was com-
pleted by the construction of a circular tower, now de-
stroyed, at Whitchurch, in the plain between Castell
Coch and Cardiff. The age of Castell Coch can be de-
termined only by reference to its architectiu^ pecu-
liarities, which, however, are sufficiently marked.
Enough remained of Whitchurch a score of years ago
to declare its date ; but it is also mentioned in the
reign of Edward II, when Llewelyn ap Griffith, repre-
sentative of the celebrated Ivor Bach, and ancestor of
the Lewises of the Van and Llanishen, indigenous in
those parts, claimed and was allowed the **forcelettum''
which stood upon his ground. Morlais, the site of
which had been wrested from the same Llewelyn, was
the subject of quarrel between the Lords of Brecknock
and Glamorgan in the reign of Edward I, the full par-
ticulars of which are recorded upon the Rolls of Parlia-
ment. Caerphilly was certainly built in the closing
years of the reign of Henry III, though largely altered
and improved half a century later. Much of it bears
evidence of having been built in haste, though the
interior and more ornate parts are in good taste and of
excellent workmanship. In a military point of view it
is a very remarkable work.
THE EARLS OF GLOUCESTER AND HERTFORD. 185
Caerphilly had been commenced, and was defensible
as early afi 1270, for it wa^ then attacked by Llewelyn,
and in it were the King's Commissioners, the Bishops
of Lichfield and Worcester. A truce was agreed
to, the Castle to be held by the Bishops till the
quindene (15th day after) of Midsummer, and there
was to be a final settlement of the matter at the
Fords of Montgomery, at the quindene of the fol-
lowing Easter. The King no doubt saw the im-
portance of the castle to the realm at large, for, in
Council, 2nd February 1271, in London, de Clare had
leave to enditch it.
Llewelyn's attack is the subject of a letter from the
Archbishop of York in London, dated 3rd November
1271, to Mag' R. de Nedham, his proctor at Rome. It
appeared that Prince Edward, on leaving England, had
constituted the Archbishop, the King of the Romans,
Philip Basset, R. de Mortimer, and R. Bumel, his
deputies, and their attention was engaged upon affairs
in South Wales. "Llewelyn," the Primate says, "had
come down upon Caerphilly, and laid siege to it with a
considerable force. The Earl of Gloucester is calling
for aid which ought not to be withheld. But the King
is ill, and the scarcity of the past year has left them
without funds." He relates this that the Cardinals may
be content with less valuable presents than might have
been expected. The favour of the new Pope was, how-
ever, to be obtained by a handsome sum.
Beneath the strong rule of Edward I, the part played
by the Earl of Gloucester became politically insignifi-
cant, and on the subjugation of Wales in 1282, one
source both of his power and of his weakness was ex-
tinguished. Henceforward, the most important events
in his life were connected with his own estates. In
1276, Earl Gilbert joined in the decree declaring
Llewelyn guilty of contumacy ; and, at the close of the
year, he was summoned to the Welsh expedition. In
this year also, Morgan of Avan, the son of Morgan
Gram, and the principal Welshman holding of the lS,rl,
136 THE LAND OF MORGAN:
married the daughter and heiress of Walter de Sully, a
knight of Norman descent, and united his estate to
Avan. He died 6th August 1288.
Soon afterwards, the dispute respecting Malvern
Chase, settled about 1255, was reopened, the Earl
claiming right of chase on Malvern Hill, in Col wall
and Estun, against the Bishop of Worcester, who
gained the cause, which, however, reappeared a few
years later. The Bishop of Hereford, who had also
certain claims, came to an agreement with the EarL
In 1276, the Earl made a final effort to recover the
Castle and Borough of Bristol, as the heir of William,
Earl of Gloucester. The cause seems to have been
fairly tried by the magnates of the realm, and judg-
ment went against him, on the ground that the Crown
had held them during the last four reigns. Also, in
1276, the Earls Bailiff of Caerleon, and his Sheriff of
Glamorgan, are ordered by the King not to allow the
tenants to supply provisions to the Welsh rebels.
In December 1277, the Earl was impleaded by cer-
tain merchants for debts incurred in aid of the Welsh
war, in consideration of which a delay was allowed
him. About the same time arose a dispute with the
Bishop of Winchester about the Church of Portland,
and John Pickard and Maurice de Lambeth represented
the Earl. In March 1278, he seems to have escorted
Alexander, King of Scots, to London, under a safe-
conduct from Edward, and at Michaelmas he was pre-
sent at the homage rendered by the Scottish King.
10th January 1279, Bishop Braose of Llandaff was
summoned before the Exchequer for sums due on the
wardship of a certain youth which he had obtained in
satisfaction for 100 marcs paid by him on behalf of
Ralph Cross, the youth's father; a kind of security
then common. About this time Matilda, Countess of
Gloucester, and Earl Gilbert, her son, were called to
deliver to Roger Mortimer and Matilda his wife, cer-
tain lands and rents in Usk, which had been assigned
to the latter lady. They were cousins. Gilbert, 5th
THE EAKLS OF GLOUCESTER AND HERTFORD. 137
Earl of Gloucester, married Isabel Mareschal, and Eva,
her sister and co-heir, married Wm. de Braose. Isabels
son married Matilda de Lacy, and Usk was settled on
her son Gilbert, 7th Earl. Eva de Braose also had a
daughter, Matilda, who married Roger Mortimer. The
dispute was arranged by the transfer of Aure Manor to
Mortimer. 9th June 1279, Earl Gilbert did homage to
Archbishop Peckham, for Tonbridge. This took place
at Lymynge in the presence of Sir John, son of Arnulph
de Bosco, Kichard de Teyden, Master Thos. de Pulesdon,
and Richard de Londres, of the Earl's household. It
appears from an entry in the Pipe Roll of 9th Edward I,
that when the Earl undertook to accompany Prince
Edward to Palestine he received 1,000 marcs, which
sum he was then repaying. In 1280, the Earl founded
the Grey Friary in Crockherbton, of which Ja fragment,
though of later date, still remains.
About this time, also, the Earl's marcher rights were
questioned by one of the de Braose family who had
been stopped with violence by Robert de Veal, the
EarFs BaUiff, on the public highway. He proceeded
against de Clare, who was summoned before tne King's
Court at Michaelmas 1281. The Earl challenged the
jurisdiction, and when his rights were made the subject
of a "quo warranto" he declined to reply until he nad
consulted with his brother peers and marchers. 24th
May 1282, he was summoned for the Welsh war, and
took part in Edward's great and final effort, which
ended in the death of Llewelyn.
The Earl seems to have been considerably burdened
by his father's debts, incurred, as Edward was dis-
posed, very liberally, to admit, in the royal service.
He obtained more than one respite from the Exchequer,
and 12th Edward I, that department undertook to aid
him in the recovery of monies due to his father s estate,
and he was allowed £127 18^. Ad. for the farm of the
barton of Bristol for the 8th, 9th, and 10th years of
the reign. After the North Wales campaign the King
visited South Wales, and presented Abbot Adam, at
138 THE LAND OF MORGAN:
Neath, with a very beautifiil baudekin. In 1285 the
Sheriff of Glamorgan, Robert le Neil (Veal), was again
guilty of violence, seizing for the Earl, unjustly, the
lands of New Grange and of Terry, the property of
Margam.
In 1287 one of the final struggles of the Welsh, now
without any recognised leader, took place under Rhys
ap Meredith, on which occasion the Bailiff of St.
Briavels was ordered to raise a force and place it under
the Earl of Gloucester, who was to be supported by
Mortimer and other marchers. 1 1th June, Rhys had
taken divers castles in the west, and was advancing
upon Swansea, which, 27th June, he plundered and
burnt ; and then burnt Oystermouth Castle in Gower.
The Welsh prisoners seem to have been fairly treated.
Griffith ap Meredith was committed to Richard Tybetot
at Nottingham Castle, where he stayed six years and
thirty- two weeks. There appears a charge of 16^. per
annum for robes for him, and £25 25.'"pro vadiis".
Rees ap Maelgon and Conan ap Meredith were first,
1286, sent to Bridgenorth, and thence, 1289, moved to
Bamburgh. Rees had a grant of 10 marcs per annum
rent, in Dalton juxta Drayenton, in 1307.
When we read that one cause of the EarVs personal
dislike to Prince Edward was his jealousy of his atten-
tion to his wife, it seems strange to find a marriage
proposed between the Earl and the daughter of the
Prince, become King ; such, however, was the fact.
There is much doubt as to why or when he was
divorced from Alice of Angoulesme ; one accoimt stating
positively that the divorce was pronounced at Norwich
18th July 1271, while other and more probable ac-
counts place it as 1282, and P&re Anselm fixes it in
1283, and says the cause was '*parcequ^lle ^toit devenue
hypocondre". What is recorded of Edward's intimacy
with the lady, even if exaggerated, is scarcely consis-
tent with a great affection between the husband and
wife ; and no doubt the desire for male heirs had great
weight. But there does not appear to have been any
THE EARLS OF GLOUCESTER AND HERTFORD. 139
scandal in the rupture. Alice was the appellant in the
petition for divorce; and the Earl, 25th May 1282,
settled upon her, as the Lady Alicia de Marchia, cer-
tain lands as a provision for her sustenance ; their
daughter Isabel was also provided for. The pro-
ceedings, however, seem, according to a deed in
Rymer,not to have been completed untU 16th May 1285.
The object for which the divorce was brought about
could have been no secret, for in May 1283, is dated
the " Prselocutio" between the King and the Earl,
touching a contract of marriage between the latter and
the King's daughter. The King and his council are
satisfied that the Earl will obtain from the Church the
dissolution of his marriage with Alice, who was his
wife, and are aware that he has purchased a dispensa-
tion to marry the King's daughter, his kinswoman.
The Earl is to surrender all his lands in England, Ire-
land, and Wales, so that he and his wife may be
enfeoffed therein to them and the heirs of their
bodies. If there be no such heirs, the lands go to
the Countess for life, with the remainder to the Earl's
right heirs, excepting "deus mile marchees de terre", to
be selected to the satisfaction of the King and Queen,
and which the Countess is to have in fee as her in-
heritance, together with any land that the Earl may
purchase after marriage. This seems a perfectly rea-
sonable settlement, having regard to the rank of the
lady ; and the King's oath to observe it was given by
Otto de Grandison, as proxy, the Earl's in person.
Princess Joan was bom at Acre in 1272, Edward's
second daughter, and was then therefore, in 1283, but
eleven years old. The consummation of the marriage
was on this account postponed, and took place at West-
minster, 2nd May 1290, she being then eighteen years
old. Edward gave her no portion. The dispensation
referred to in 1283, and given by Rymer, seems not to
have been signed till 16th November 1289; and it
covered not only the relationship between Earl Gilbert
and Joan, but that between Joan and Alice, the former
140 THE LAND OF MORGAN:
wife. The King married his two daughters on suc-
cessive days. On the second of July 1290, Beatrice
married the son and heir of the Duke of Brabant, and
their feast was held at Westminster. Next day, "in
crastino vero ipsius Dominicse Comes Gloucestriae,
abducta uxore sua, quam nuper ante desponsaverat, loco
nuptiarum celeberrimum fecit convivium apud Clerken-
well celebritati superioris convivii non dissimile nee
minus sumptuosum." Matilda, the Earl of Gloucester's
mother, seems to have died about this time, for, 10th
March 1289, her dower lands came into his possession.
About the same time, probably between the contract
and Earl Gilbert's marriagfe, occurred the celebrated
quarrel between the Earls of Gloucester and Hereford,
which led to serious consequences to both, and enabled
Edward to carry into effect a stroke of policy very im-
portant for the welfare of his kingdom. Hereford, 26th
June 1 289, complained that Gloucester had built a castle
on his territory, and had collected an armed force and
broken the peace. It appeared upon inquiry that the
Earl of Gloucester had built Morlais Castle, as he said,
within his border ; as the Earl of Hereford alleged,
beyond it. Their dependents had met in arms with
banners displayed, and had committed, as the King
declared, a breach of his peace, or as Gloucester con-
sidered it, of their own peace as marchers. Also the
border had been harried, flocks and herds driven off,
and a church despoiled, in which Gloucester's senes-
chal had been the main offender. The King ordered
both parties to pause, and await his decision. This
command they disobeyed, and continued their local
warfare. 18tn Edward I, January 1290, the matter
came before Parliament, and the King took it up in
earnest. A commission was appointed and reported, and
both Earls were imprisoned. There exists a very curious
record of a suit in the King's Court arising out of this
dispute, in which de Bohun was querent and de Clare
defendant, in which de Bohun asserts that de Clare
had neglected to fulfil the custom of the March, or of
THE EARLS OF GLOUCESTER AND HERTFORD. 141
Wales, which had long obtained, by which, when conten-
tions arose between such magnates as held of the King
"in capite", before any suit was lodged in the Kings
Court, there should be taken "dies amoris sive Parlia-
menti", also called a "dies Marchiae", when the causes of
the quarrel were to be laid before the neighbours and
common friends, acting as judges, so that the custom of
the March thus might be cleared up.
The proceedings upon the main inquiry are recorded
at great length on the Rolls of Parliament, and were
one of the " causes c^l^bres" of the reign. Before sen-
tence was given the Earl of Gloucester had married the
King s daughter, but the Earl of Hereford was also
connected with the royal family. In truth, the occasion
was a good one to break down the power of the Marcher
Lords, and the King availed himself of it to the full.
The lands of both parties were forfeited, and, 20th
Edward I, 1291-2, Roger de BurghuU had custody of
the "royal liberty", then in the hands of the Earl of
Gloucester, in Glamorgan, and of the Earl of Hereford
in Brecknock, which liberties were taken into the King's
hands by reason of the contempt and disobedience of
the said Earls. The King thus asserted his right as
over-lord to "totum regale in terris .^iiis de Morgannon",
and "totum regale libertatis sue de Brekenok." Glou-
cester's lands were to remain in the Kings hands "tota
vita ipsius comitis", and for the other earl, "forisfacta
de ipso Comite et heredibus suis in perpetuum." Here-
ford, however, was really least in fault, and this was
admitted, " Transgressio de qua convictus est non ita
carcans, nee tantam penam requirit quantum, etc., de
qua predictus Comes Glouc. convincitur"; and so, as
Hereford had married the King's cousin, and his child-
ren were of kin to the King's children, his forfeiture
also was limited to his life. Both were imprisoned,
and Gloucester, besides paying £100 to Hereford for
his losses, was fined 10,000 marcs to the King, and
Hereford 1,000 marcs. Even the Earl's officers, who
only obeyed orders, were fined. The offence was, in
fact, treated just as though it had been committed in
142 THE LAND OF MORGAN:
any other part of the kingdom, and Edward was the
first sovereign who could have ventured so to treat it
In Gloucester's case, the reason given for the limitation
of the forfeiture to his life was that he had a son Gilbert,
born 1291 at Winchcorabe, begotten of the King's
daughter, who was jointly enfeoffed of the estates with
her husband. There is a good deal of obscurity as to
the different steps, both of the marriage and the forfeit-
ure. The Earl's deed of surrender is dated 20th April
1290, three weeks before his marriage, upon which was
a re-settlement, much less favourable to him than that
set forth in the Prcelocutio of 1283, being to the husband
and wife jointly for life, remainder to the heirs of their
bodies, remainder over to her heirs, instead of, as before,
to his heirs. The lands so re-settled lay in the counties
of Berks, Bucks, Cambridge, Derby, Devon, Dorset,
Essex, Gloucester, Hants, Herts, Hunts, Kent, Lincoln,
Norfolk, Northampton, Notts, Oxford, Somerset, Suffolk,
Surrey, Sussex, Wilts, Worcester, and in Wales, a pro-
digious estate. The Irish lands were included, but with
remainder to his heirs.
In 1290 occurred a revival of the old dispute as to
the custody of the temporalities of Llandaff, "sede
vacante." It appeared that in 1240, when Bishop Elias
died. King Henry put in Waleran Teutonicus to ad-
minister, and he collated to one prebend Master William
de Burgh, treasurer, and to another Alfred de Fescamp,
sub-treasurer of the Wardrobe, and to the archdeaconry
Thomas, the queen-mother's chaplain ; and at the term
of his custos-ship he accounted for the proceeds to the
Exchequer. At that time the Chapter elected Arch-
deacon Maurice to the See, but the election was set
aside by the King. William of Christchurch was then
chosen, and appears on the roll of bishops from 1240 to
1244, when he resigned, no doubt because disapproved
by the King; and William de Burgh, above mentioned,
and then chaplain to the King, became bishop, and so
remained till his death in 1253. The earl was at that
time under age, and though a protest was entered
against the King's interference, it was not pressed.
THE EARLS OF GLOUCESTER AND HERTFORD. 143
Bishop William de Braose died, it appears, 19th
March 1286-7, when the Archbishop of Canterbury
revoked the commission of Master Thomas de St.
Audomard as official of LlandafT, and appointed Master
Aniamo Calus (?) then a canon of St. Asaph. On the
Bishop's death, or soon afterwards, the Marcher Lords,
under whom the lands of the See were holden, took
possession of them. The Earl of Gloucester took
Llandaff and Llancader- Warden manors. Lord William
de Braose took Bishopston in Gower, and the Earls of
Hereford and Norfolk, and Edmund the King's brother,
took others. November 3rd, 1290, the King's escheator,
Malcolm de Harley, raised objection to this, and, the
See being still vacant, claimed the custody of the manors
for the Crown. De Braose and the others gave way,
but Gloucester stood up for his rights. He asserted
the whole "patria" of Glamorgan to be "dominio suo",
and all wardships, that of the See included, to belong
to him, as they had always belonged to his ancestors,
save when under age, and the lord had, on that account,
been a ward to the King. He stated that his father
Richard, had, at his death, actually been in possession
of the manors in question, the See being then vacant.
The Earl was, no doubt, in his right, but the King had
him at a disadvantage, and his object was certainly for
the good of the realm, so the Earl had to give way, and
did so in October 1290 ; but to make the cession more
palatable a special grant, 2nd November 1292 (Ryley
says October 1290), of the privileges for their joint
and several lives was made to the Earl and Countess
Joan, with remainder to the King and his heirs for ever.
This case was cited in 1293 against John de Warenne,
Earl of Surrey, who claimed the custody of the tem-
{)oralities of St. Asaph. Of de Clare and the other
ords, it was said, "Nichil clamare poterunt, propter
privilegium regium, et corone dignitatem, ad quam
specialiter pertinet Episcopatuum vacantium custodia."
Warrenne was non-suited. The whole transaction well
exemplifies the mixture of firmness and moderation with
144 THE LAND OF MORGAN:
which the great King carried out measures that affected
the unity of his kingdom.
5th July 1291, Richard de Tonsmere, chaplain, was
instituted to the Church of High An voile (Highlight),
on the presentation of David de Someri, its lord, by the
archbishop, the See being vacant. 3rd September 1294,
John Gordon was custos of the temporalities of LlandafT,
and the Abbot of Margam collector of the current
subsidy. The dispute between the King and the Earl
will account for the uncertainty as to the occupancy of
the See between 1287 and 1296, when John de Mon-
mouth was appointed, but the King had to interfere to
force the Earl to give him seizin. On another occasion,
1291-2, the Earl seems to have taken the law into his
own hands, in the case of a trespass committed by the
Earl of Norfolk upon his tenants of Usk and Trilleck.
Arbitrators were named who were to inspect the inqui-
sitions as to the possessions of William Earl Mareschal,
from whom the manors were derived. About the same
time the Malvern dispute was reopened. The Earl and
Countess threw up an earthen bank along the crest of
the ridge, to which Giifard Bishop of Worcester objected
as an encroachment. This was settled by an agree-
ment signed at Tewkesbury, October 1291, by which
the Bishop, or in his absence the Prior and Chapter of
Worcester, were to have annually from the Earl two
fat bucks and two fat does.
The King's determination to put an end to the privi-
leges of the Marcher Lords, no doubt led others to
contest them. Thus, the Prior of Goldcliff summoned
the Earl to appear at his court at Newport to answer
for trespass. The Earl neglected to appear, and stated
that the King knew how he was engaged at the date
of the first summons, and that as to the second, he
knew not whether he had received it or not ; but, when
pressed, he claimed time, on the plea that his wardrobe,
no doubt containing, or supposed to contain, records
of his chancery, was in the parts of Wales.
In 1294, notwithstanding the general subjugation of
THE EARLS OP GLOUCESTER AND HERTFORD. 145
the Principality, the local troubles were considerable,
especially in South Wales, where they were fomented
by Conan ap Meredith and Maelgon ap Rhys. In the
spring of 1295 was a general rising, when a certain
Madoc, from the recesses of Snowdon, descended upon
and burned Caernarvon, while another Madoc overran
Pembroke and Caermarthen, and Morgan of Avan
seems at one time to have gained complete mastery
in Glamorgan. De Clare, never quite equal to a great
emergency, was probably disabled by disease. In any
case, Edward would probably have himself taken the
lead ; as it was, he acted with his usual vigour. In
November 1294, he was at Aberconway, where he
seems to have stayed till 1st April 1295, when he had
140 war ships in the Menai Straits. He was next in
Anglesea and, 7th May, at Bangor. On the 11th and
12tn he was at Cymmer Abbey, by Dolgellau, and, on
the 1 4th and 1 5th, on the moated mound of Talybont,
just above Towyn. On the 17th he was at Llanpadarn
Vawr ; between the 20th and 23rd, at Aberystwith ;
and on the 29th, at Llandewi-brevi, — ^moving, there-
fore, with immense rapidity, and with a considerable
force, "amazement in his van, with flight combined",
though unaccompanied by any of the severities of war,
for the terror of his name seemed to have reduced the
rebels to order. On the 2nd and 3rd of June he was
at Cardigan ; on the 6th at Drysllwyn Castle, whence
he marched to Merthyr in Morganwg (Merthyr Tydvil),
between the 12th and 15th, and whence, no doubt, he
visited Morlais. Thence, having quieted the Princi-
pality, he returned northwards to Brecknock, 16th of
June, and was at Builth 17th, Clun 19th, Welshpool
22nd, Whitchurch 24th, and on the 1st of July he was
again at Aberconway, whence, soon after, he moved to
London. His transit across the Principality, rapid as
it was, had the best effect, "Rex", says the continuator
of Florence, "Rex penetravit totam Walliam juxta cas-
trum de Morlais. Omnes Wallenses de dominio comitis
Gloucestriae rex suscepit ad pacem suam, contra volunta-
L
146 TH£ LAND OF MOBGAN:
tern dicti Comitis. Et rex dedit eis custodem, videlicet,
Dominum Walterum Hacklut." In the Evlogium His-
toriarum the King's movement is more briefly noticed.
"Rex de Snowdoun per Walliam progrediens, occiden-
talem intravit Glanmorgan." The Eaxl must indeed have
seen that his Marcher kingdom was at an end, and
that, too, just when he had attained the highest object
of a subject's ambition — ^a marriage with a daughter
of the sovereign. At the close of this memorable year,
7th December 1295, 24th Edward I, he died, in the
Castle of Monmouth, aged fifty-two years, and having
held the earldom thirty-three yeare. On the 22nd of
the month he was laid at Tewkesbury, on the left hand
of his father. Richard de Talbot was appointed Go-
vernor of the Castle and town of Cardiff. (Abb. pi. v, 1 ,
100, 25 Ed. 1.)
By Alice de la March he had a daughter, Isabel,
bom 10th March 1261. She married Maurice Lord
Berkeley, 1304-5. She seems to have been granted
the custody of certain lands held by the King by reason
of the nonage of Gilbert, son and heir of Gilbert Earl
of Gloucester, etc. In 1314, Roger Mortimer of Wig-
more admitted a debt due to her of 300 marcs. She
also held lands contingent on her stepmother s death ;
for in 1315 Ralph de Monthermer, Countess Joans
husband, did service for certain lands which after-
wards devolved on Isabella. Also in 1327-8, being
Berkeley's widow, she petitioned, stating that her
brother. Earl Gilbert, had granted her the manors of
Shipton and Barford, for the restitution of which she
prayed. She was to show her charters. Berkeley had
been justiciary in South Wales, and custos of the castles
there. Isabel seems to have died childless, 1338.
By his second wife, Joan of Acre, the Earl had a
son, Gilbert, born 1291, and three daughters, Eleanor,
or Alianor, Elizabeth and Margaret, afterwards co-
heiresses of the estate, to the exclusion of their half-
sister Isabel, who was, no doubt, ousted by the sur-
render and settlement of the estates, and by the rule
against the inheriting by the half blood.
THE £ABLS OF QLOUCESTER AND HEBTFOKD. 147
The Earl's executors were Thomas, Abbot of Tewkes-
bury, Robert le Veal of co. Somerset, Simon de Hey-
ham, Adam de Blechingley, and William de Hamel-
don ; and to them, on the Earl's death, at Countess
Joan's request, the King pardoned 10,000 marcs due
to the Exchequer. It appears that the whole debt
was £7284 5s. 7^., against which was a set-oflF of
£2262 12^. 3d. Joan did homage on her accession,
18th January 1296. Her keeper of the wardrobe was
John de Bruges, parson of Heghtred.
Among the allowances for the year is £79 6^. for
the transport of fifty South Welsh hostages from
Bristol to Salisbury Castle. Thirteen others were sent
to Newcastle, and sixty to Bamburgh. Three prisoners
taken by Eoger de Knovil were pardoned for £40.
Joan married secretly and speedily in 1296 Ralph de
Monthermer, a simple esquire, upon whom she seems
previously to have induced the King to confer knight-
hood. The precise date of the marriage is not pre-
served ; but 16th March 1297, it was unknown, for
Edward assented to a proposal for marrying Joan to
Amadaeus, Earl of Savoy. When the marria^fe was
discovered, Edwaxd was irious. He imprison^ Mon-
thermer, and seized all his daughters lands. 15th
March 1297, Marc de Harley had her in custody, and
was to provide her with reasonable sustenance. Ed-
ward's paternal love must have been strong, for before
long, at the intercession of Bishop Bee, he gave way.
Her answer to her father's remonstrances is said to
have pleased him. ** It is not," said she, " considered
an ignominy for a powerful Earl to marry ' pauperculam
mulierem et tenuem' ; neither therefore is it repre-
hensible in a Countess 'Juvenem strenuum promo-
vere.' " Joan was allowed to reside quietly at Marl-
borough, and after a short time the marriage was
recognized; and 26th Edward I, 1297-8, Monthermer
had livery of the estates, and was summoned as Earl
of Gloucester and Hertford bv the tenure of fifty
knight's fees. He proved a gallant soldier, rose high
l2
148 THE LAND OF MORGAN:
in the King's favour, and after some delay seems to
have been allowed to administer the lordship of Gla-
morgan till the majority of the young Earl,
Meantime the King, administering as guardian, had
issued writs to Morgan the son of Meredith, and David
le Grant, to^ levy and send forward Welsh troops to
Gascony ; and another writ with Morgan couples Henry
de Penbruge. 9th May 1297, the custos was to hear the
plaints, according to the local custom, of Simon de
Kalege and Joanna his wife, and James de Bonneville
and AmabUia his wife. These probably related to
Wrenchester, the Ralegh estate in Glamorgan. 3rd
July 1297, writs were issued to postpone a payment
of 100 marcs, which the men of Tynarth (Tir-y jarll) had
been fined, with Countess Joan, to be secured in their
ancient customs, and of a similar payment of 500
marcs from the men of Miscin and Glynrothny, and
100 marcs from the commonalty of Senghennith ; and
15th July, Walter de Hacklut, Custos, was ordered
to complete the gate of the Castle of Llantrissant,
which he had begun. 18th July, at the prayer of
the Archbishop, the King restored to the Bishop of
Llandaff his lands which had been held by the Barons
of the Exchequer ; also the Countess Joan, in the ex-
ercise of her rights, sold the wardship of John le Sor
for ten years to Lovetot, who sold it to a Sienna mer-
chant for 260^ marcs. Le Sor was a Glamorgan land-
holder.
In 1301, Tonbridge Castle was restored to the Earl
and Countess, with estates in Kent, Surrey, Sussex,
and the Isle of Portland. In Marc de Harley's ac-
counts for the Honour of Tonbridge is a charge for
**vadia" for a. Welsh hostage there kept. The royal
accounts extend from 2nd May 1298, to 16th Novem-
ber 1301, when the restoration took place. In 1301,
Monthermer signed the barons' letter to Pope Boni-
face the VIII, as " R. de Monthermer Com. Glouces-
triae et Hertfordiae." The Archbishop wrote to him
about restoring the goods of Earl Gilbert to his ex-
THE EARLS OF GLOUCESTER AND HERTFORD. 149
ecutors, and cites Robert de St. Fagan, treasurer of
the church of Llandaff, to reply concerning them. This
was Robert le Veal who was Lord of St. Fagan^s. In
1304-5, a subsidy was levied upon Wales for the war.
North Wales paid £1,333 6s. 8d. ; West Wales,
£833 6s. 8d. ; Flint, £333 6^. 8d. ; Powys, £216
13s. 4d.; Builth, £50; Montgomery, £40; total,
£2,806 136\ id.
26th July 1306, Prince Edward writes to Joan from
Lambeth, thanking her for her goods and her seal,
which latter he returns by his clerk. He assures her
that the King is not so harsh to him as she has been
told. 1304-5, Earl Ralph appointed Richard de Ro-
chelle to be his sheriff for Glamorgan. In 1306,
the year of Bruce's coronation at Scone, he received
from Edward the lands of Athol, Strathbolgi, and
Strathem. He was then styled Earl of Gloucester
and Huntingdon. 26th February 1307, in the year of
Edward's death, the Earl was one of the four Lords
sworn to enforce the order for the banishment of Ga-
veston. Countess Joan died in March in that year,
when her father was engaged in his last campaign.
The news reached him at CarUsle. He issued two
mandates : one, 1st April, commending her to God, and
directing prayer to be made for her soul, and another,
9th May, announcing her death " non sine cordis ama-
ritudine", and directing Mass to be said. He himself
followed her on the 7th July. Soon afterwards, on the
coming of age of his step-son, Ralph laid aside the
title of Gloucester and Hertford, and afterwards took
rank as a Baron only. Between Joan's death and his
own, Edward, by writ of Privy Seal, 14th June, for-
mally acquitted Ralph de Monthermer, Earl of Glou-
cester, all debts which he and his late* wife Joan owed
to him, and, from Carlisle, 14th November 1307,
ordered letters of release under the great seal.
Monthermer lived on into the reign of Edward II,
and survived the young earl. He was taken at Ban-
nockbum, but released, and married to his second wife.
150 THE LAND OF MORGAN:
Isabel, sister of Aymer of Valence and widow of John
Hastings, Earl of Pembroke, also a great heiress and
allied to royalty. Both his wives were great heiresses,
but both had sons by previous husbands, so that neither
he nor his chUdren inherited from them. By Joan he
had two sons, but his eventual heiress was a daughter
who married John de Montacute, since which all suc-
ceeding Montacutes and, on questionable authority,
the Montagues, have quartered the arms of Monthermer.
Countess Joan ^ve lands at Caversham for her soul's
weal and that of Earl Gilbert, and was buried in the
church of the Augustins at Clare. Her brother, Edward
II, and many magnates, attended her funeral. Neither
Monthermer nor his countess seem to have taken much
interest in Glamorgan matters; in 1316, however, he
held the wardship of Peter le Veele, a Glamorgan land-
owner, at that time a minor.
Gilbert de Clare, 8th Earl of Gloucester, and 8th of
Hereford, and 10th Earl of Clare, was bom in 1291,
and was thus about four years old at his father s death
in 1295, and seventeen at that of his mother in 1307.
He seems to have been on good terms with his cousin,
Edward II, in their youth, for in a letter to his father
in 1305, the prince asked to be allowed to have Gilbert
de Clare and Perot de Gaveston as companions. In
1306, while under age and a ward to the King his grand-
father, the Earl appeared before the Court at Westmin-
ster, and claimed to be allowed certain tenements,
liberties, advowsons of churches, etc., which his father
had possessed in the city of London, holden by socage
tenure, and which did not pass into the King's ward-
ship, but by the custom of the city could be claimed
when the heir was of an age to manage them and
himself; until when they were to be in the charge of
his next friend. The claim was admitted and hvery
was granted, he being then eighteen years old, " et
habet sensum, racionem, et intellectum axl regendum se
et sua." This was extended, 26th November 1307, to
all his possessions throughout England held in socage
THE EARLS OP GLOUCESTER AND HERTFORD. 151
or fee farm, and indeed the entry on the Close Roll
looks as though the King admitted him at once to all
his possessions. His mother's death and the accession
of Edward nearly coincide with his assumption of his
titles' and the enjoyment of his estates.
One of Edward's first acts was to recal Gaveston, and
to give him the earldom of Cornwall, and Margaret,
one of Gloucester's sisters, for a wife. They were
betrothed 29th October 1307, and the bridegroom had
large gifts in money and jewels from the late King's
treasury. The oflfence Gaveston gave to the. nobles
speedily led to his second banishment, decreed by
letters patent, 8th of May, and which was actually
enforced 25th of March 1308. The King, however,
diverted the blow by sending him to Ireland as regent.
On this occasion Gloucester seems to have remained
neuter. In this year a writ was issued to the custos of
Dene Forest to augment the bishopric of Llandaff,
which "nimis exilis esse dinoscitur", bv the gift of the
Church of All Saints, Newland, promised by the late
King. Also inquiry is to be made as to the claim of
the neighbouring parsons to assarts in the forest. In
July 1309, Gaveston returned, and on this occasion
Earl Gilbert stood his friend and made his peace with
the barons, though for a short time only. At this time
the Abbot of Margam was about to attend a Cistercian
chapter.
At the council of Westminster in March 1310, Glou-
cester was one of the four earls appointed to keep the
peace. He also was one of the "ordainers" appomted
by the King at that council, at the close of which
Edward went to Scotland, leaving the Earl of Lincoln
as regent, who, dying in February 1311, was succeeded,
4th March, by tne Earl of Gloucester. Some of his
acts in that capacity are cited in a petition to Parlia-
ment, 8th Edward II. In August the King again met
his Parliament in London, and the ordainers gave in
their report, four articles of which provided for the
banishment of Gaveston, to which the King was forced
152 THE LAND OF MORGAN:
to yield. In February 1312, the King, violating his
assent, recalled Graveston ; on which the barons rose,
captured him at Scarborough castle — an event followed
by his illegal but well deserved death, 19th June 1311.
The Earl's position from the first had been one of
great difficulty. As nephew to, and an early fiiend of,
the King he was naturally one of his chief supporters ;
but his tendencies, like those of his father and grand-
father, were to oppose the abuse of the royal power,
and, as far as possible, to moderate its excesses. He evi-
dently, all along, disapproved of Gaveston's proceedings,
and although on one occasion he took his part, and was
reUed upon by the oflTender, he showed no disposition
to avenge his death, but joined his eflTorts to those of
the Bishops to bring about a better understanding. It
was at his request that the jewels taken with Gaveston
were given up to the King. By some accounts, when
pressed by the Earl of Leicester to interfere to save
Graveston, he declined, save only to change the manner
of his death, Edward seems to have regarded him
with distrust, and he is ordered not to attend Parlia-
ment "cum equis et armis, more debito", but to come
as in the time of the late King. His exertions certainly
contributed largely to stave off the civil war. 20tn
April 1312, he haa a safe-conduct, with his horses and
arms, to pass through London to Eltham.
23rd May 1313, Edward attended the coronation of
the King of Navarre, leaving Gloucester to open Parlia-
ment as regent. He seems, at this time, to have had
heavy unsettled accounts with the exchequer. In
1309-11, he had £1,000 for his expenses in Scotland,
and 3,500 marcs were to be paid him from the first
money received from wardships. He had also a grant
of 5,000 marcs on the same account. In 1313-14, he
went to France on a mission ; and in June 1314,
attended the King in Scotland, bringing 5,000 retainers
at his own charge, and thus supported, he appeared
with the king at Bannockburn, 24- 3 0th June 1314.
The rivalry with his Welsh neighbour, de Bohun,
THE EARLS OP GLOUCESTER AND HERTFORD. 153
displayed itself on the battle-field. De Clare claimed the
vanguard, the place of his ancestors, against de Bohun,
who claimed it as High Constable. While the chiefs
disputed, the Scots advanced, and de Clare, in his
undisciplined valour, rode hard in advance of his men
to draw the first blood. He became entangled in the
ranks, was overthrown, and fighting valiantly, was
slain. "There", says Walsingham, " charged that noble
soldier, Gilbert Earl of Clare, avenging with his own
hands upon the Scots the cruel death that awaited
him." With him fell Giles de Argentine, who had
advanced to his rescue. Gloucester is said to have
owed his death to having charged without waiting for
his surcoat of armorial bearings, so that the Scots were
ignorant of his name ; otherwise, the immense ransom
tnat would have been paid for him would have saved
his life. His body was given up without ransom and
sent to the King at Berwick. It rested finally at
Tewkesbury, on the left hand of that of his father.
Earl Gilbert was but twenty-three years old at his
death in June 1314, and had survived his father nine-
teen years. By his wife Maud, who appears to have
been a daughter of John, son of Richard de Burgh,
Earl of Ulster, he had one son, John, who died just
before his father, and was buried at Tewkesbury in the
Lady chapel. With the Earl, therefore, ended the
main line of the great house of Clare, Earls of Glou-
cester and Hereford. The Countess declared herself
not only pregnant but quick with child, a statement
which gave rise to some very curious legal proceedings
between her and the husbands of the sisters and pre-
sumptive co-heirs; nor was it until 1317 that the
dispute was settled and all hope of issue given up. The
case was raised by Hugh le Despenser, husband of the
the elder co-heir, who prayed for a division of the
estates and tendered homage. On this the Countess
pleaded pregnancy, and offered herself to a jury of
matrons under a writ "de ventre inspiciendo", for which,
however, Despenser did not move. The question of
154 THE LAND OF MORGAN:
law as to how long it would be proper to wait was one
of extreme nicety ," novum et difficile", some holding
that no child bom eleven months after the reputea
father's death could be really his. The King referred
the matter, by a writ of privy seal, to the chancellor
and two justices, who advised a reference to Parliament.
It was, however, referred to certain doctors of the
canon law, and finally came before Parliament in the
quindene of Easter, 1317, when the statement of pr^-
nancy was abandoned, and it was admitted that by the
course of nature the Countess "non posset dici a predicto
comite impregnata." The King then accepted the
homage of the husbands, all the sisters being married.
Under the Close KoU of 8th Edward II, 1314-15,
an assignation of dower was made to the Countess.
Upon the Welsh lands she had £440 Ss. l^d., and to
make up one third of the issues of Great Marlow,
Bucks, £64 125. 0^. ; total, £504 15s. 2d. She had
the castle, manor, and vill of Caerleon, the manors of
Lyswini and Llevenyth, and lands in Edlegam and
Little Tintem, besides lands in Berks, Gloucester,
Norfolk, Oxford, Suflfolk, Surrey, and Wilts.
The returns of the King's escheator show who were
reputed the heirs of the Earl, and what lands he held
" in capite." The returns, being from many coimties,
were very nmnerous, but most stated that, saving the
pregnancy of the widow, the heirs were the three
sisters, then of fuU age. Some, however, include Isabel,
the earl's half-sister, on which point it was decided,
'^et quia in aJiquibus inquisitionibus continebatur, quod
Isabella, prout soror et hseres prae&ti comitis simul cum
praedictis Alianora et Margareta, consideratum friit, etc.
at inquirendum, etc.^ and the return further
stated, ^'quod non fuit aliqua Isabella soror prsedicti
comitis que debuit succedere in aliqua parte dictsd
hereditatis, sed quod prsefata Alianora, Margareta, et
Elizabetha fuerunt sorores, ete." . . . Isabel was no
doubt doubly excluded, by the surrender of the estate
and its re-settlement, on the Earl's second marriage.
THE EARLS OF GLOUCESTER AND HERTFORD. 155
and as being related by the half blood only. The re-
turns from Oxford, Berks, and Suffolk, give Eleanor,
Margaret, and Isabel. Here, however, Isabel seems to
be put for Elizabeth.
The Earl's executors, Richard de Eodney, Ithel de
Caerwent, and Richard de Byflet, had a writ to give
seizin to the heirs 15th June 1317. They had already,
5th July 1314, got possession of the personalty. On
the Earl's death, the ^^sigillum deputatum" for the land
of Glamorgan was placed in the King's hands, who
ave it, 23rd July, 7th Edward II, to Ingelram de
Jerenger, custos of the land, who, 28th October 1314,
came to the Exchequer and gave it up to the barons.
The actual partition was a tedious business, and
** pendente Ute the estates remained in the King's
hands, and certain "custodes" managed them. John
Giffard of Brimmesfield, called "Le Rych", an active
soldier much concerned in Welsh affairs, had charge of
the castles of Glamorgan and Morgan. His father,
also, John Giffard, had held St. Briavels, 47th Henry
hi/ and Dynevor, 18th Edward I, and seems to have
held Brunlais in right of his first wife, Maud Clifford.
The younger John was custos of Drysll\yyn, 2nd Ed-
ward II, and was taken at Borough Bridge, and ex-
ecuted 1322. Various details of administration were
settled by the King. 7th August 1314, he granted to
Geoffrey de Aylsham, the late Earl's confessor, the
issues of the vacant See of Durham. 14th September
1314, Bartholomew de Badlesmere was in charge of
Glamorgan, and all the officers of the lordship were to
have the same fees as in the time of the Earl. Also he
is to store the castles. The fees, it appears, were : — ^To
the Sheriff 100 marcs yearly, two robes, and £6 for an
additional horse; to the comptroller, £6 13s. 4d., and
40s. for robes; to the constable of Cardiff Castle,
£4 6s. 8d, and £12 for robes; to the constable of
Uantrissant Castle, £13 6s. 8d.; of Caerphilly, £40,
and for robes, £5. The constable of the Tower of
London is to receive and hold Morgan de Avene, who
156 THE LAND OF MOBQAN:
will be delivered to him by William de Braose. Mor-
gan was still in the Tower 13th July 1316, when there
was some mention of his bails. 14th March 1315,
Badlesmere was to appoint Llewelyn ap Griffith (an-
cestor of Lewis of Van and Green Meadow), to a baillie-
wick, such as he held in the time of the late Earl, if he
be fit for it. 1 5th March, the Welsh of Morganwg have
petitioned the King that the hostages in custody with
badlesmere should be allowed such sustenance £rom
the lands as they were accustomed to have from Earl
Gilbert and his ancestors. The King asks how this
was; and if the petition be well founded the practice
is to be continued. At the same time, 14th March,
Llewelyn ap Griffith states that the "Forcelettum de
Blank Monster", our tower of Whitchurch, is "in nullo
(novo) edificatum", and that there is a mill there with
profits attached to it. The King directs that Llewelyn
IS to have the "forcelettum", but that Badlesmere is to
do with the mill as seems best. The "forcelettum"
seems eventually to have reverted to the chief lord,
but the land near it still is held by Llewelyn's de-
scendant, Mr. Lewis. Llewelyn further pleads a pro-
mise from Earl Gilbert of 10 marcs rent, of which
he has received two by gift in Egloswladus (Capel
Gwladys). He also complains of having been unjustly
harassed. In 1317, 15th May, Edward orders this to
be set right, and the 8 marcs to be paid out of the
issues of Glamorgan. John, Bishop of Llandaff, also
{)uts in a claim for the tithe of grants of the "new
and" in all the extra-parochial parts of Dene Forest,
granted by the late King on accoimt of the poverty of
the See ; and, because there is a question about the
boundaries, Ralph de Monthermer, as custos of the
Forest, is to see to the matter. In this 8th Edward II,
eleven men of Tiriarth were remitted 50 marcs of their
fine for rebellion, and those of Neath 200 marcs. They
seem to have paid 50 marcs, 3rd Edward II, out of a
fine of 200 marcs, and the men of Neath 200 marcs
out of 500 marcs, through Badlesmere. To William de
THE EARLS OP GLOUCESTER AND HERTFORD. 157
Berkerolles is remitted 10 maxcs, to John le Noreis
£10, and to Robert de Greyndon £10. Also to Leysan
de Avene was allowed 40 marcs if he could show that,
as he said, he had expended so much of his own money
when directed to defend Kenfig; also a similar pay-
ment of 50 marcs to Payn de Turberville. The Abbot
of Caerleon stated that Earl Gilbert had taken great
part of his land under an exchange, but had not
fulfilled the agreement. He had £10 on this accoimt
from the issues of Glamorgan. The Bishop was John
of Monmouth, a member apparently of the baronial
house of that name and place. He was an active person
in Welsh affairs, and ever on the side of order. In
1310 he was one of the fifteen Lords Ordainers ; and,
in 1311-14, he and his chapter advanced 100 marcs to
the King ; and, in 1320, he was the agent for enforcing
a loan from the knights Hospitallers in his diocese. In
the following year he appears as pronouncing eccle-
siastical censures against those who spoke evil of the
King. In 1322 he was called upon to give an opinion
upon the exile of the Despensers, having been absent
from the council in which the judgment was declared
illegal. Soon afterwards he employs the spuitual arm
and offered up prayers for the Klag's suLss, which,
however, he enforced by the temporal arm, by furnish-
ing men-at-arms. He is, however, getting old, and on
this plea excuses himself fi'om attending the Parliament
at York ; and in 1323 he died.
A mild and just policy marks all the King's deci-
sions in these local matters. The men of Senghenydd
complained that the housebote and heybote they had
under the Earl were taken away by Badlesmere, who
had sold the "bosc". In this, also, they were to have
satisfaction. 1st December 1315, Turberville is to be
custos of Glamorgan, with charge of the castles, and to
take fealty from all who held of the lordship, whether
in Glamorgan or Pembroke. Robert de Greyndon,
however, was made sheriff in the lands held by Gilbert
de Clare of the King *'in capite". He held office from the
158 THE L^ND OF MOBGAN:
death of Earl Gilbert to the Assumption of the Virgin,
10th Edward II, and had £10 for his expenses against
the Welsh. The remissions had reference to the past
rebellion, but there was still much local discontent,
which in this year broke out in East Glamorgan under
the leadership of Llewelyn Bren, a landowner on the
left bank of the Taff, within the hill country. 9th
February 1316, the sherifis of Gloucester and Somerset,
and John de Wysham, constable of St. Briavels, were
to provide men and victuals for a force to put down the
rismg, and Stephen le Blund is to provide the money.
1 3th February, Humphrey de Bohun was to take the
command. Peace was at once restored. 23rd March,
Bohun was ordered to send Llewelyn Bren, his wife,
and sons, Griffith and G^van, to the Tower, where they
still remained, 17th June 1317. Also, 26th March,
Wm. de Montacute, Hy. de Pembrugge, and Robert de
Grendon were to sit and take fines in Glamorgan for
the breach of the laws. Bail was taken for Llewelina,
wife of Llewelyn, for David, Meuric and Ruyn ap
Llewelyn, Howel ap Ivor, Ywaun ap Ivor, Llewelyn ap
Madoc, Madoc Vachan, Grono ap Res, and Res Miskyn,
all, probably, relations or neighbours of Llewelyn Bren.
John Gifl^ is to pay GreySdon's fees as sheiff. For
services during the rising, the King gave to Rimus Bol
of Sheghere, the land of Sheghere which Rimus
Vaughan had held under the Earl. To Wm. Fleming
was committed the custody of Llantrissant Castle, ana
the Forest of Miskyn as bailiff. Afterwards he fell
under the King's displeasure, and was executed at
Cardiff for treason. Also, Maurice de Berkeley was to
be a justice of South Wales, with the custody of all the
King's castles not given to others.
The King's lenient conduct was not appreciated ; and
ascribed, not unjustly, to his weakness. 20th Sep-
tember 1316, he informs the Bishop of Uandaff that he
hears that many outlaws and other malefactors frequent
the Church of Llandaff, and are there received and kept,
going to and fro at their pleasure, and committing rob-
THE EARLS OF GLOUCESTER AND HERTFORD. 159
beries, etc., in those parts. The bishop is called upon
to apply a remedy.
5th November. Letters patent inform the men of
Glamorgan that John Walwayn and John Giffard were
assigned to receive arrears of fines in those parts for
the redemption of life and limb, upon their goods and
chattels, under the awards of Wm. de Montacute and
his fellows in the year preceding. Of the same date
was a writ for the delivery of all the Welsh concerned
in Llewelyn Bren's rising who had paid the fines
awarded by Montacute, but the effect of the disturbance
was long relt, and, as late as 1224-5, the Prior of Gold-
cliff was in arrear with his tithe on account of Llewelyn
Bren's excesses. The Close Roll of 5th February 1316
states that Ealph de Monthermer and Joan, his wife,
the King's sister, by charter, at the request of Edward
I, granted to Morgan ap Meredith all his land of
Edlegam for life, for £15 yearly, and he was to pay for
the remaining lands above that value ; but Morgan now
states that when Earl Gilbert took seizin he removed
him from EdWam, and in its place gave him Cogan-
more hamlet for life, worth not above £10, as the
recent inquisition shows, on which Morgan prays that
in consideration for his services, past and future, he
may be allowed lOO^. in land. To this the King con-
sented, and ordered Turberville to see to it.
The three sisters, in behalf of whom "divisus est
comitatus nobilissimus in tres baronias", were all mai*-
ried, and their husbands continued to press for the
division of the spoil. They were: — 1, Alianor, aged
twenty- two in 1314; mamed in 1312 Hugh le De-
spenser, and on his death, William Lord Zouch of
Mortimer. 2, Margaret, aged twenty-one in 1314 ;
married, first, Piers Gaveston, and afterwards Hugh
D'Audley, the younger. 3, Elizabeth, married, first,
John, son and heir of John de Burgh, Earl of Ulster;
next, Theobald Verdon, and, finally, Roger d'Amory.
As, in the partition, the lordship of Glamorgan, the
Castles of Cardiff and Caerphilly, and the patronage
160 THE LAND OF MORGAN:
of Tewkesbury, fell to the elder sister, her descendants
by Despenser were regarded as continuing the line of
de Clare, so far as regarded Glamorgan, and their
history alone belongs to the history of that county.
Gaveston, the husband of Margaret de Clare, was a
Gascon knight, brought up with young Edward, until
the King, seeing his excessive and mischievous in-
fluence over the Prince, removed him, February 1307,
just before his death, and banished him from England.
Edward, become King, at once recalled him, and, 29th
October 1307, betrothed him to Margaret de Clare, to
whom, immediately afterwards, he was married, at
Berkhamstead, an appanage of the Earldom of Corn-
wall just granted, 6th August, to Graveston. The new
Earl's follies and arrogance, and his alternate prosperity
and adversity, belong to the history of the reign. He
was beheaded 19th June 1312, and the long list of his
possessions occupies five pages in the Fcedera, Edward
buried him with great ceremony at Langley, and him-
self placed two palls of cloth of gold upon his tomb.
By Margaret he left a daughter, Joan, whom he had
Eroposed to betroth to Thomas, son and heir of John,
lOrd Wake. Wake, however, married elsewhere with-
out the King's licence, for which he was fined heavily.
Joan was then betrothed by the King to John, son of
Thomas de Multon, Lord of Egremont, both then very
young. Edward promised her £1,000 portion, and she
was to have a jointure of 400 marcs per anntun. The
£1,000 was paid as a fine by Wake to Multon, 11th
Edward II. Joan probably died early, for she is not
again mentioned, and Multon married another lady,
14th Edward II.
Hugh de Audley, whom Margaret next married, was
son of Hugh, a cadet of the Barons Audley, of Heleigh
Castle. She was then styled widow of Piers Gaveston,
and having become a coheiress, she had by partition,
11th Edward II, the castle and tower of Newport, the
manors of Stowe, Rempney, Dyneley, and Maghay,
the hamlet of Frenebothe (Ebbw), and the commote
THE EARLS OF GLOUCESTER AND HERTFORD. 161
of Wentloog. Thombury also came to her, and Ton-
bridge Castle, and much English property. Thus the
Monmouthshire portion of the lordship was cut off
from the Glamorgan part. 15th Edward II, Audley
was in arms for Thomas of Lancaster, and was taken
at Boroughbridge, but pardoned owing to his wife's
interest.
20th Edward II. Maria, widow of William de
Brewose held in dower one-third of the manor of Buck-
ingham and of the hamlet of Burton (?), parcel of it, of
the heritage of John de Brewose, all which, together
with two parts of the said manor and hamlet are held
of Hugh de Audley and Margaret his wife, of the heri-
tage, etc., and John is of fiill age. This was no doubt
a part of the old Gifiard estate, inherited by the de
Clares.
7th Edward III. Audley was fighting against Wil-
liam la Zouch of Mortimer. He served in Scotland, and,
23rd April 1337, was created Earl of Gloucester by
patent to him and his heirs. He was allowed a grant
out of the issues of the earldom instead of the usual
third penny. As Earl of Gloucester he was much em-
ployed by Edward III in war, and held a command at
Vironfosse. 14th Edward III, he was in the sea fight
at Sluys. 16th Edward III, he went into Brittany
with a retinue of 100 men-at-arms, a banneret, 20
knights, 78 esquires, and 100 mounted archers; a
{)rincely retinue. 17th Edward III, he was in Scot-
and.
Audley died 1347, leaving by Margaret one daughter,
Margaret, aged thirty years. She married Ralph,
Lord Stafford, and carried to that family Thombury
and large estates in Monmouthshire and elsewhere,
which descended to the Dukes of Buckingham of the
name of Stafford.
Notwithstanding the terms of the patent, the earl-
dom was dropped on Audley's death, nor was it again
revived in his descendants.
Elizabeth de Clare, the third sister, was much the
M
162 THE LAND OF MORGAN:
greatest lady of the three. To her was adjudged the
Honour of Ulare, with lands in Dorset and Monmouth.
She married, 1, John de Burgh, Earl of Ulster, who
died 1313; and by him was mother of John de Burgh,
bom at Cardiff, on the morrow after Easterly 1313,
and baptised, 14 days later, by the Bishop of Uandaff, in
the presence of the King. He died young. The
Countess also had William, Earl of Ulster, whose
daughter and heu-, Elizabeth, living 1355, married
Lionel, 3rd son of Edward III, in whose person were
revived his wife's honours, he being created Earl of
Ulster and Duke of Clare or Clarence. Their daughter
Philippa married Edmund, Earl of March, and through
her the House of York derived its claim to the
throne.
Elizabeth married secondly, at Bristol, 3rd February
1315, Theobald de Verdon, otherwise Butler, as ma
second wife. The marriage seems to have been clan-
destine, and the lady by no means coy. De Verdon
was charged before Parliament with having on the
Wednesday after the 2nd February 1315, 18th Ed-
ward II, forcibly abducted Elizabeth, widow of John
de Burgh, and the King's niece, from the castle of
Bristol, where she was lodged in ward to the King,
having been summoned thither from Ireland. His de-
fence was that he never entered the castle, but that
Elizabeth came forth a league from it to meet him,
when they were married. He gave bail to meet the
charge. De Verdon was of Newbold- Verdon and a
baron, and had probably made the lady's acquaintance
in Ireland, where he was justiciary. He did not long
survive, dying 27th July 1316. He was buried at
Crokesden, co. Stafford, leaving Elizabeth pregnant
with a daughter, Isabel, born on St. Benedict's day fol-
lowing her father's death, and co-heir with her two
half-sisters of the Verdon estates. She married
Henry, Lord Ferrers of Grobv, who did homage for her
lands 5th Edward III, and died 15th September, 17th
Edward III, by whom she had William, Lord Ferrers.
. »
THE EARLS OF GLOUCESTER AND HERTFORD. 163
It appears that in her grants, Elizabeth the elder did
not use the name of Verdon, but styled herself Eliza-
beth de Burgh, Lady of Clare.
On the death of Theobald de Verdon, Elizabeth
married a third husband. Sir Roger d'Amory, baron of
Amory in Ireland, to whom about that time, 10th
Edward II, Edward granted Sandal in Yorkshire, «.nd
manors in Oxford and Surrey, and soon afterwards,
in 1319, Nicholas de Verdon prayed to be admitted
to the lands of his late brother Theobald, In d' Amory
Elizabeth gained a husband who was able to protect
her through most of the troubles of the latter part
of the reign of Edward II. He had summons to
Parliament in the 11th, 12th, 13th, and 14th, of Ed-
ward II.
14th and 15th Edward II, he was Governor of the
castles of Ewias-Lacy, Gloucester, and Bristol, and
warden of Dene Forest. He also had Knaresborough
Castle. He was, on the whole, opposed to the Earl
of Lancaster, and acted with Badlesmere and Pem-
broke, binding himself in 1317 by a bond for £10,000
to do his best to lead the King to be governed by
those Lords. In 1320, however, he joined the general
body of the discontented, probably from dislike to the
Despensers, and 8th December, 15th Edward II, 1321,
a writ was issued for his arrest, which preceded his
death but a few months, he dying at Tut bury 1322,
when his body was given up to his widow, who buried
him at Ware Priory.
Edward at first seized his lands for rebellion, but
speedily relented, and the Close Roll, 2nd November
1322, directs that Elizabeth de Burgo is to have her
lands in divers counties. Soon afterwards, however,
7th January 1323, it is declared that, whereas Eliza-
beth de Burgo, the widow of Roger d' Amory, knight,
the King's niece, has receded from his presence without
licence, her lands are to be seized.
By Roger d' Amory Elizabeth had one daughter,
Isabel, who married John, Lord Bardolf, aged 17,
164 THE LAND OF MORGAN!
3rd Edward III, who made proof of age and had livery
of his lands, 9th Edward III. The marriage took
place, 10th Edward III. Bardolf was an active soldier
and saw much service. He died 3rd August 1371.
Besides two daughters, Isabel and Agnes, mentioned
in their grandmother's will, they had William, &ther
of Thomas, Lord Bardolf, who was returned, 1 H. IV, as
cousin and heir of Sir Roger d'Amory. He also
inherited lands from Elizabeth de Clare.
Elizabeth de Clare was the foundress of Clare Hall,
Cambridge. She died 4th November 1360, leaving a
will, dated 25th September 1355, of great length, and
disposing of large personal property. It has been
printed oy Nichols in his Royal Wills. She therein
styles herself, as before, Elizabeth de Burgh, Dame of
Clare, and directs her body to be buried with the Nuns
Minorites in Aldgate. She founded Masses for the
weal of de Burgh, Verdon, and d'Amory, "Mes seig-
neurs" ; and left legacies, among a host of persons, to
Nichol. d'Amory her executor, and to John de Clare.
" A ma sale apelle" Clare Hall she left £40 and some
plate, the endowment being already completed. To
the two Orders of Brothers at Cardiff she left £6, and
she mentions her heritage in Clare, Dorset, and Mon-
mouth. Her seals are well known to those curious in
such matters, and have often been engraved. One,
given in Montague's Guide to the Study of Heraldry y
as a central roundel charged on an escutcheon with 3
cinquefoils for Bardolph, and round it, 8 roundels
charged, 1 and 5 with a plain cross for de Burgh ; 2
and 6, a castle for Castile ; 3, barry undy a bendlet
for d'Amory ; 8, a lion rampart for Leon ; and 7, three
chevrons for Clare. Another seal has in the centre
d'Amory, and on roundels placed about it, England,
Clare, de Burgh, with a file of 3 points, and a fret
for Verdon, while four intervening roundels carry
Castile and Leon for her grandmother Eleanor of
Castile.
And thus came to an end the great house of de
Clare, and was closed the second great chapter in the
THE EARLS OF GLOUCESTER AND HERTFORD. 165
History of the Land of Morgan; the first being its
condition under its native nuers, brought to an end
by the conquest by Fitz-Hamon. Descending from
Alianor de Olare, the elder co-heir, the Despensers con-
tinued the female line in Glamorgan through various
vicissitudes, transmitting it finally to the Beauchamps,
whence it merged in the Nevilles, whose heiress mar-
rying Richard Plantagenet gave occasion to his becom-
ing Duke of Gloucester ; on whose death as Richard III
at Bosworth, the lordship escheated to the Crown,
and the independent Marchership came practically to
an end.
During a part of the reign of John, and the whole
of those most eventfiil periods in Welsh history, the
reigns of Henry III and Edward I, and for much of
that of Edward II, the de Clares were Lords of Gla-
morgan, and upon Glamorgan they mainly relied for
their immense political power. Their wealth, indeed,
they drew from their English estates, and especially
fi'om those comprising the Honours of Clare and of
Gloucester; but it was the possession of the land of
Morgan that enabled them to take a position often
opposed to and always independent of their sovereign.
The position, no doubt, had its sources of weakness as
well as of strength ; the sons of Morgan, brave in arms
and unbridled m their zeal for hberty, were always
ready to take advantage of a change of masters, of a
minority, or of any weakness of purpose in the reign-
ing Earl ; but at other times, when the Lord was firm
and moderately just, they were not indocile subjects,
and followed him and served him faithftilly in war. In
another respect the history of Glamorgan, under the
house of Clare, bears upon a very interesting section
of the history of England. Under the early Norman
sovereigns, the Lords of the Welsh Marches acquired
powers utterly inconsistent with the good government
of the whole kingdom ; powers such as the great feu-
datories on the continent so long exercised to the
serious detriment of the kingdoms of France and Ger-
many. The Earls of Gloucester and Hereford, the
166 THE LAND OF MORGAN.
Lords de Braose, of Mortimer, Warren, and the Earls
of Chester, under a weak and imprudent Prince, such
as Henry III, threw the whole kingdom into disorder,
and gave a refiige to those harons whose estates lay
more at the mercy of the Crown. These powers the
great Edward set himself to work to resume. His
conquests were not merely nor mainly over the Welsh ;
hut in reducing the Welsh to submission, he destroyed
the main source of the power of the marcher Lords;
and long befwe the close of his reign, he had so con-
solidated the PrincipaUty with England, that even
the weakness and folly of his son were unable altogether
to break it up.
Losiyov !
WQlTfWG AKD CO., LIUXTKD, SAMOIKIA 8TKKBT» UITCOLir'S-IFir-nBLSII.
• • I